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VOL. V. 













A. D. PAGE. 

1095—1009. The first Crusade - 13 

Peter tho Ueriiiit 13 

1095. Uibaii 1 1, in tliu Council of Placentia 15 

Council of Clermont 17 

Justice of the C rasades 20 

Spiritual i\IoCivo3 and Indulgences 22 

Temporal and Carnal Motives 24 

Influence of Example 26 

1096. De[)artiiro of the hrst Crusadei*s 27 

Their Desiruction in irungary and Asia 29 

The Chiefs of the first Crusade «. 30 

I. Godfrey of Bouillon 31 

II. Hugh of Verniandois, Robert of Normandy, Robert of Flanders, 
Steplien of Chartres, &c * 33 

III. Raymond of Toulouse 34 

IV. Bohemond and Tancred 35 

Chivalry 35 

1096—1097. March of the Princes to Constantinople 38 

Policy of the Emperor Alexius Coinneuus 41 

He obtains the Homage of the Crusaders 43 

Insolence of the Franks 45 

1097. Their Review and Numbers 45 

Siege of Nice , 47 

Battle of Dorylajura 50 

March through the Losser Asia 51 

1097—1151. Baldwin founds the Principality of Edessa 52 

1097,1098. Siege of Antioch 52 

1098. Victory of the Crusaders .55 

Their Famine and Distress at Antioch 55 

Legend of I he Holy Lance 57 

Celestial Warriors 59 

The State o' the Turks and Caliphs of Egvpt 60 

1098, 1099. Delay of the Franks 1 61 

1099. Their March to Jerusalem 62 

Siege and Conquest of Jerusalem 62 

1099,1100. Election and Reign of Godfrey of Bouillon 66 

1099. Battle of Ascalon 66 

1099— 1 1S7. The Kingdom of Jerusalem 67 

1099— 1.3G9. Assize of Jerusalem 70 

Court of Peers 71 

Law of Judicial Combats 72 

Court of Burgesses 73 

Syrians 74 

Villains and Slaves 74 




A. D. PAGE. 

1097—1118. Success of Alexius 75 

Expedicioiis by Laud 77 

1101. The tirst (Jrusade 7T 

1147. The second, of Conrad HI. and Louis VII 7T 

1189. The third, of Frederic I 77 

Their Numbers 78 

Passage through the Greek Empire 79 

Turkish Warfare ... 82 

Obstinacy of the Enthusiasm of the Crusades 84 

1091—1153. Character and Mission of St. Bernard 86 

Progress of the Mahometans 87 

The Atabeks of Syria 87 

1127—1145. Zenghi 88 

1145—1174. NoureddLu 88 

1163—1169. Conquest of Egypt by the Turks 89 

1171. End of the Fatimite Caliphs 91 

1171—1198. Reign and Character of Saladiu 92 

1187. His Conquest of the Kingdom 95 

And City of Jerusalem 97 

1188. The third Crusade, by Sea 99 

1189—1191. Siege of Acre 100 

1191,^1192. Richard of England in Palestine 102 

1192. His Treaty and Departure 104 

1193. Death of Saladin 106 

1198-1210. Innocent III 106 

1203. The fourth Crusade 1D7 

1218. The hfLh Crusade 107 

1228. The Emperor Frederic II. in Palestine 108 

1243. Invasion of the Carizmians , 110 

1248—1254. St. Louis and the sixth Crusade 110 

1249. He takes Damietta 112 

1250. His Captivity in Egj'pt. • 112 

1270. His Death before Tunis, in the seventh Crusade 113 

1250—1517, The Mamalukes of Egypt 114 

1268. Loss of Antioch 115 

1291. The Loss of Acre and the Holy Land 116 




Schism of the Greeks 118 

Their Aversion to the Latins 118 

Procession of the Holy Ghost 119 

Variety of Ecclesiastical Discipline 119 

857 — 886. Ambitious Quarrels of Photius, Patriarch of Constantinople, with 

the Popes 120 

1054. The Popes excommunicate the Patriarch of Constantinople and the 

Greeks 122 

A. D. PAGE. 

1100—1200. Enmity of the Greeks and Latins 122 

Tlie Latins at (Jonslantinople 123 

1183, Their Massacre 124 

1185— 111)5. Keign and ("haracter of Isaac Angelua 125 

1186. Revolt of tbe Bulgarians 126 

11!)5— 12<t;{. Usurpation and Cliaracter of Alexius Angelus 127 

lliiS. The fourth (Jrusade 128 

Embraced by the Barons of France 1:30 

607— 12<)(». Slate of the Venetians 131 

1201. Alliance of the Fren<]i and Venetians 132 

1202. Assembly and Departure of the Crusade from Venice 136 

Siege of Zara 136 

Alliance of the Crusaders with the Greeli Prince, the young Alexius.. 1.37 

1203. Aoyage from Zara to Constantinople 139 

Fruitless Negotiation of the Emperor 142 

Passage of the Bosphorus 143 

First Siege and Conquest of Constant inople by the Latins 144 

Restoration of the Emperor Isaac Angelus, and bis Sou Alexius 147 

Quarrel of the (Ireeks and Latins 149 

1204. The War renewed ^ 151 

Alexius and his Father deposed by Mourzoufle 152 

Second Siege 152 

Pillage of Constantinople 155 

Division of the Spoil 156 

Misery of the (ireeks 1.57 

Sacrilege and Mo(tkery 158 

Destruction of the Statues 159 



1204. Election of the Emperor Baldwin I ; 163 

Division of the Greek Empire 165 

Revolt of the Greeks 168 

1204 — 1222. Theodore Lascaris, Emperor of Nice 169 

The Dukes and Emperors of Trebizond 170 

The Despots of Epirus 171 

1205. The Bulgarian War 172 

Defeat and Captivity of Baldwin 173 

Retreat of the Latins 174 

Death of the Emperor 175 

1206—1216. Reign and Character of Henry 176 

1217. Peter of Courtenav, ICniperor of Constantinople 179 

1217—1219. His Captivity and Death 180 

1221—1228. Robert, Emperor of Constantinople 180 

1228—12.37. Baldwin II. and John of Brienne, Emperors of Constantinople. 182 

1237—1201. Baldwin II 183 

The Holy Crown of Thorns 186 

1237—1201. Progress of the Greeks 187 

1259. Michael Palaeologus, the Greek Emperor 188 

J261. Constantinople recovered by the Greeks Is9 

General Consequences of the Crusades lyi 


1020. Origin of the Family of Courtenay 195 

1101—1152. I. The Counts of Edessa 195 

IF The Courtenavs of France 196 

1150. Their Alliance with the Roval Family 197 

III. The Courtenavs of England 199 

The Earls of Devonslure 200 




A. D. PAGE. 

Restoration of the Greek Empire 203 

1204—1222. Theodore Lascaris 203 

1222—1255. John Ducas Vataces 203 

1255—1259. Theodore Lascaris II 205 

1259. Minority of John I>a8rai 1.^ 206 

Family and Character of Michael Palteologus 207 

His Elevation to the Throne 208 

1260. Michael Palfeologus Emperor 211 

1261. Recovery of Constantinople 211 

Return of the Greek Emperor 212 

PalfBologUo blinds and banishes the young Empeior 214 

1262 — 1268. Is excoiumiinicated bv tlie Patriarch Arsenius 214 

1266—1312. Schism of the Arspuitos 215 

1259—1282. Reign of Michael PalaH)lo2us 216 

1273—1332. Reign of Andronicus the P:ider 216 

1274—1277. His Union with the Latin Church 217 

1277—1282. His Persecution of the Greeks 218 

1283. The Union dissolved 220 

1266. Charles of Anjou subdues Naples and Sicily 221 

1270. Tbreatens the Greek Empire 222 

1280. Pal?eologus instigates the Revolt of Sicily 224 

1282. Tlie Sicilian Vespers 225 

Defeat of Charles 225 

1303— 1.j07. The Service and "War of the Catalans in the Greek Empire 225 

1204—14.59. Revolutions of Athens 230 

Present State of Athens 232 



1282—1320. Superstition of Andronicus and the Time.'? 234 

1320. First Disputes between the elder and younger Andronicus 236 

1321—1328. Tbree ( "ivil Wars between the two Emperors 238 

1325. Coronation of the younger Andronicus 238 

1328. The elder Andronicus abdicates the Government 240 

1332. His Death 240 

1328 — 1341. Reign of Andronicus the Younger 241 

His two Wives 241 

1341—1391. Reign of John Palreologus 242 

Forttme of John Cantacuzene 242 

He is left Regent of the Empire 243 

1341. His Regency is attacked 243 

By Apocaucus, the Empress Anne of Savoy, anci the Patriarch 244 

Cantacuzene assinnes the Purple 245 

1341—1347. The Civil War 246 

Victory of Cantacxizer.e 247 

1347. He re-enters Constantinople 248 

1347 — 1355. Re^gn of John Cantacuzene 249 

1353. John Palicologus takes up Arms against him 250 

1355. Abdication of Cantacuzene 251 

J341— 1351. DigputQ concerning tb.e Light of Mount Thabor 252 


A. D. PACK. 

1U61— 1347. Estahlisliment of the Genoese at Pera or Galata 253 

1'lieir Trade and Insolence 255 

l.'?48. Their War with the Emperor Cantacuzene 256 

1;M9. Destruction of hiH Fleet 257 

1352. Victory of the Genoese over the Venetians and Greeks 258 

Their Treaty with the Empire 259 



120G— 1227. Zingis Khan, first Emperor of the Moguls and Tartars 2f>0 

His Laws 2f)2 

1210— 1214.— His Invasion of China 2G5 

1218—1224. Of Carisme, Transoxiana, and Persia 2(;6 

1227. His Death 2(;8 

1227— 12''5. Conqnests of the Moguls iinder the Successors of Zingis 2(;8 

1231. Of tlie Northern Empire of China 2f;8 

1270. Of the Southern 270 

1258. Of Persia, and the Empire of the Caliphs 270 

1242—1272. Of Anatolia 272 

i235— 1245. Of Kipzak, Russia, Poland, Hungai-y, &c 272 

1242. Of Siberia 275 

1227—1250. The Successors of Zingis 275 

1250— 13H8. Adopt the Manners of China 27(5 

1259—1300. Division of the Mogul Empire 277 

1240—1304. Escape of Constantinople and the Greek Empire from the Mo- 
guls 278 

1.304. Decline ot the Mogul Khans of Persia 279 

1240. Origin of the Ottomans 279 

1200-1326. Keign of Othman 280 

1320- 1.3fio. Keign of Orchan 181 

1320—13.30. Hi-^ Conquest of Bithynia 283 

1300. Division of Anatolia among the Turkish Emirs 283 

1312. Loss of the Asiatic Provinces 283 

1310-1523. The K:nights of Kliodes 284 

1311—1.347. First Passage of the Turks iiilo Europe 284 

13-)fi. Marrianv of Orchan with a Greek Princess 285 

1353. Estahlislitneut of the Ottomans in Euiope 286 

Death of Orchan and his Son Solimnn 288 

13G0— 1380. The Reign and European Conquests of Amurath 1 288 

The Janizaries 280 

1389—14(13. The Reign of Bajazet T. lldevim 200 

His Conquests from the Euphrates to the Danube 290 

1.306. Rattle of Nicopolis 201 

l;{06— 1.308. Crusade and Captivity of the French Princes 202 

1355—1.301. The Emperor fJohn Palseologus...^ 205 

Discord of the Greeks 25 5 

1.301—142.5. The Emperor Manuel 206 

1395—1402. Distress of Constantinople 296 



Histories of Timour, or Tamerlane 299 

1361—1370. His first Adventures 301 


A. D. PAGE. 

1370. He ascends the Throne of Zagatai 303 

1370—1400, His Conquests 3(t3 

1380—1393. I. Of Persia 303 

1370—1383. ir. Of Turkestan 305 

1390— 13!)6. Of Kipzak, Russia, &c 305 

1398— 139!>. III. Of Hiii'lostan S07 

1400. His War against Sultan Bajazet 309 

Tiniour invades Syria 311 

Sacks Aleppo 312 

1401. Damascus 313 

And Bagdad 314 

1402. Invades Anatolia 314 

Battle of Angora 315 

Defeat and Captivity of Bajazet 316 

The Story of his Iron Cage disproved by the Persian Historian of 

Tiniour 317 

Attested,. 1. by the French 319 

, 2. by the Italians 319 

,3. bv the Arabs 319 

, 4. by the Greeks 320 

,5. by the Turks 320 

Probable Conclusion 320 

1403. Death of Bajazet 321 

Term of the Conquests of Timour.. 321 

1404,1405. Triumph of Timour at Samarcand 323 

1405. His Death on the Road to China 325 

Character and Merits of Timour 325 

1403—1421. Civil Wars of the Sons of Bajazet 328 

1 . Mustapha 328 

2 Isa 329 

1403-1410. 3. Soliinan. . V V... V. V V.V. v.. V.' .'.*.*.'.*.'.'.'...".*.'.'.'.'.."."."..'.*.*. I ^ 329 

1410. 4. Mousa 329 

1413—1421. 5. Mahomet 1 330 

1421—1451. Keign of Amurath 11 330 

1421. Reunion of the Ottoman Empire 331 

1402-1425. State of (he Greek Empire 331 

1422. Siege of Constantinople bv Amurath II 333 

1425—1448. The Emperor John Palaologus II 334 

Hereditary .Succession and Merit of the Ottomans 334 

Education and Discipline of the Turks 335 

Invention and Use of Gunpowder 337 



1339. Embassy of the younger Andronicus to Pope Benedict XII 339 

The Arguments for a Crusade and Union 340 

1348. Negotiation of Cantacuzene with Clement VI 342 

1355. Treaty of John Palteologus I. with Innocent VI 343 

13()9. Visit of John Pala'ologus to Urban V. at Rome 345 

1370. His Return to Constantinople 346 

Visit of the Emperor Manuel 346 

1400. To the Court of France 347 

Of England 348 

1402. H is Return to Greece - 348 

Greek Knowledge and Descriptions 349 

Of Germany 349 

Of France 350 

Of England 3.50 

1402—1417. Indifference of Manuel towards the Latins 352 

1417_ 1425. His Negotiations 352 

His private Motives 352 


A. D. • PAGE. 

His Dcflth ....•• ..••«.. •>... 354 

1425—1437. Zeal of John Pal.'KOlogus II 354 

Corruption of the Latin Church 355 

1377—1429. Schism a'55 

14<)l». Council of Pisa 1.3.55 

1414_141,s. Of Constance 355 

1431—1443. Of Basil 556 

Their Opposition to Eugenius IV 35(3 

1434_14;37. Negotiations with the Greeks 357 

1437. .John Paheoiogus enib:iri<s in the Pope's Galleys 357 

1438. His triuni[)hal Entry at Venice 3i;0 

His triumphal Entry into Ferrara 3G1 

1438, 143*.). ( ouncil of the Greeks and Latins at Ferrara and Florence 3G1 

Negotiations with the Greeks 3S5 

1438. Eugeiiius depos'^d at Basil 3G7 

Reunion of tlie Greeks at Florence 367 

1440. Tix'ir Return to Constantinople 3()8 

1449. Final Peace of the Church 3G8 

1300—145:?. State of the Greek Language at Constantinople 369 

Comparison of the Greeks and Latins 371 

Revival of the Greek Learning in Italy 372 

1.339. Lessons of Barlaam 372 

1.H3!)— 1;{74. Studies of Petrarch 373 

13t;0. Of Botuace 374 

1360— 1.3<!3. Leo Pilatus. first Greek professor at Florence, and in the West. 374 
1390-1415. Foun<lation of the Greek Language in Italy by Manuel Cliryso- 

loras 376 

1400—1500. The Greeks in Italy 377 

Cardinal Bessarion, &c 378 

Their Faults anil Merits 378 

The Platonic i'hilosophy 380 

Emulation and Progress of the Latins 381 

1447—1455. Nicholas V 381 

1428—1492. Cosmo and Lorenzo of Medicis 382 

Use and Abuse of ancient Learning , 383 



Comparison of Rome and Constantinople 385 

1440— 144K. The Greek Schism after the Council of Florence 387 

Zeal of the Orientals and Russians... 388 

1421—1451. Reign and Character of Amurath II 390 

1442-1441. His double Abdication 392 

1443. Eugenius forms a League against the Turks 393 

Ladislaus, King of Poland and Hungary, marches against them 394 

I'he Turkish Peace 395 

1444. Violation of the Peace 396 

Battle of Varna 307 

Death of Ladislaus 398 

The Cardinal Julian 399 

John Corvinus Huniades 400 

14.56. His Defence of Belgrade, and Death 401 

1404—1413. Birth and Education of Scanderbeg, Prince of Albania 401 

1443. His Revolt from the Turks 403 

Valor of Scanderbeg 403 

1467. And Death 405 

1448—1453. Constantine, the last of the Roman or Greek Emperors 406 

1450—1452. Emltassies of Phranza 407 

State of the Byzantine Court.. 408 




A. D. PAGB. 

Character of jVIaliomet II 410 

1451—1481. His Keigii 412 

1451. Hostile Jnteiitioiis of INIahoraet 41.3 

1452. H e builds a Fortress on the Bosphorus 41G 

The Turkish War 417 

1452, 1453. Preparations for the Siege of Constantinople 419 

The Great Cannon of ]Mahoinet 413 

1453. Mahomet II. forms the Siege of Constantinople 421 

Forces of the Turks 422 

Forces of the Greeks 423 

1452. False Union of the Two Churches 424 

Ob!>tinacy and Fanaticism of the Greeks 425 

1453. Siege of Constantinople by Mahomet IJ 427 

A ttack and Defence 428 

Succor and Victory of four Ships 430 

Mahomet transports his Navy over Land 433 

Distress of the City 434 

Preparations of the Turks for the general Assault ; 4.35 

Last Farewell of the Em peror uiKAhe Greeks 437 

The general Assault 437 

Death of the PZmperor Constantine Palreologus 440 

Loss of the City and Empire 441 

The Turks e-nter and pillage Constantinople 442 

Captivity of the Greeks 442 

Amount of the Spoil 444 

Mahomet II. visits the City, St. Sophia, the Palace, &c 445 

His Bf^havior to the Greeks 447 

He repeoples and adorns Constantinople 448 

Extinction of the Imperial Families of Coranenus and Palaeologus 450 

1460. Loss of ilie ?kIorea 451 

1461. Loss of Trebizond 451 

1453. Grief and Terror of Europe 453 

1481. Death of Mahomet II 455 



lino— 15no. state and Revolutions of Rome 4n6. 

SCO- 1100. The French and German Emperors of Rome 4r7 

Authority of the Popes in Rome 458 

From Aif ection 458 

From Right 459 

From Virtue 459 

Froju Benelits 459 

Inconstancy of Superstition 4G1 

Seditions of Rome against the Popes •-'62 

1086—1.305. Successors of Gregory VII 4C2 

1099—1118. Paschal II 4(;2 

1118,1119. GelasiusII 403 

1144,1145. Lucius II 464 

1181—1185. Lucius III 464 


A. D. PAGE. 

1119—1124. Calistus IT 404 

1130—1143. Iimoceut II.... 4G4 

Character of the Komans by St. Bernard 404 

1140. Political Heresy of AriioUl of Brescia 4r.5 

1144—1154. He exhorts the Koiuaus to restore the Kepublic 4(57 

1155. His Execdliou 4B8 

1144. iLesttM iiLioii of the Senate 4(>9 

The Capitol 471 

Tlie Coin 471 

The Pr:efect of the City 472 

1198 — 12 Ui. Number and Choice of the Senate 473 

The OUice of Senator 473 

1252—1258. Brancaleone 474 

1265—1278. Charles of An jou 476 

1281. Pope Martin IV 476 

1328. The Emperor Lewis of Bavaria 476 

Addresses of Rome to the Emperors 477 

1144. Conradlll 477 

1155. Frederic 1 477 

Wars of the Komans against the neighboring Cities 480 

1167. Battle of Tusculum 481 

1234. Battle of Viterbo 482 

Tlie P:iection of the I'opes 482 

1170. Kiglit of the Cardinals estalilislied by Alexander III 4^3 

1274. Institution of the Conclave by (insgory X 4K4 

Absence of the Popes from liome 485 

1294—1303. Boniface VIII 486 

1309. Transl.ition of the Holy See to Avignon 4K7 

1:500. rnstitution of the Jubilee, or Holy Year 489 

1350. The Second Jubilee 490 

The Nobles or Barons of Rome 491 

Family of Leo the Jew 492 

The Colonna 493 

A nd U rsini 495 

Their hereditary Feuds 496 




1.304—1.374. Petrarch 497 

1341. His poetic Coronation at Pome 499 

Birth, Character, and patriotic Designs of Rienzi .^Ol 

1347. He assumes the (lovernment of Rome 504 

With the Title and Office of Tribune r,()5 

Laws of the <ior,d Estate 505 

Freedom and Prosperity of the Roman Republic 506 

The Tribune is respected in Italy, &c 508 

And celebrated by Petrarch 510 

His Vices and Follies 510 

The Pomp of liis Knighthood 511 

And Coronation 512 

Fear and Hatred of the Nobles of Rome 513 

They oppose Rienzi in Arms 515 

Defeat and Deatli of the Colonna 515 

Fall and Fli<,d)t of the 'J'ribune Rienzi 516 

1347—13.54. Revolutions of Rome 517 

Adventures of Rienzi 519 

1351. A Prisoner at Avignon 519 

1354. Rienzi, Senator of Rome 520 

His Death . . 521 

1355. Petrarch invites and upbraiils the Emperor Charles IV 521 

He solicits the Popes of Avignon to hx their Residence at Rome 522 


K. I>. PAGE. 
1367—1370. Return of Urban V 523 

1377. Final Keturn of Gregory XI 523 

1378. His J>eath 525 

Election of Urban VI 525 

Election of Clement VII 525 

1378 — 1418, Great Schism of the West 526 

Calami lies of Rome ,. 527 

1392 — 1407. Kegotiations for Peace and Union 528 

1409. Council of Pisa 529 

1414 — 1418. Council of Constance 529 

Election of Martin V , 531 

1417. Martin V 531 

1431. Eugenius IV 531 

1447. Nicholas V 531 

1434. Last Kevolt of Rome 53I 

1452. Last Coronation of a German Emperor, Frederic III 532 

The Statutes and Government of Rome 532 

1453. Conspiracy of Porcaro 534 

Last Disorders of the Nobles of Rome 536 

1500. The Popes acquire the Absolute Dominion of Rome 536 

The Ecclesiastical Government 539 

1585—1590. Sixtus V 539 



1430. View and Discourse of Pocrgius from the Capitoline Hill 542 

His Description of the Ruins 543 

Gradual Decay of Rome 544 

Four Causes of Destruction 545 

I. The Injuries of Nature 545 

Hurricanes and Earthquakes 546 

Fires 546 

Inundations 547 

II. The hostile Attacks of the Barbarians and Christians 548 

III. The Use and Abuse of the Materials 550 

IV. The Doniestic Quarrels of the Romans 553 

The Coliseum or Amphitheatre of Titus 556 

Games of Rome 557 

1332. A Bull-Feast in the Coliseum 558 

Injuries . . 560 

And Consecration of the Coliseum 560 

Ignorance and Barbarism of the Romans 561 

1420. Restoration and Crnaments of the City 562 

Final Couclusioji 565 

General Index 567 










About twenty years after the conquest of Jerusalem by 
the Turks, the holy sepulcln-e was visited by a hermit of the 
name of Peter, a native of Amiens, in the province of Pi- 
cardy^ in France. His resentment and sympatliy were 
excited by his own injuries and the oppression of the 
Christian name ; he mingled his tears with those of the 
patriarch, and earnestly inquii'ed, if no hopes of relief could 
be entertained from the Greek emperors of the East. The 
patriarch exposed the vices and weakness of the successors 
of Constantine. "I will rouse," exclaimed the hermit, " the 
martial nations of Europe in your cause;" and Europe was 
obedient to the call of the hermit. The astonished patriarch 
dismissed him with epistles of credit and complaint ; and 

1 Whimsloal enougli is the origin of the name of Picards, and from tlience to 
Picardie, which does not date earlier than A. D. 1200. It was an academical 
joke, an epithet first applied to the qnarrelsomehni;ior of those students, in the 
University of Paris, who came from the frontier of France and Flanders (Valesii 
Notitia Galliarum, p. 447, Longuenie. Description de la France, p, 54). 


no sooner did he land at Bari, than Peter hastened to kiss 
the feet of the Koinaii ])ontiff. His stature was small, his 
a])]K'arance conteni])iible ; but his e^'e was keen and lively; 
and he possessed that vehemence of speech, which seldom 
fails to im])art the persuasion of the soul.-^ He was born of 
a gentleman's family (for we must now adopt a modern 
idiom), and his military service was under the neighboring 
counts of Boulogne, the heroes of the first crusade. But he 
soon relinquished the sword and the world ; and if it be 
true, that his wife, however noble, was aged and ugly, he 
might withdraw, with the less reluctance, from her bed to a 
convent, and at length to a liermitage.* In this austere 
solitude, his body was emaciated, his fancy was inflnmed; 
whatever he wished, he believed ; whatever he believed, he 
saw in dreams and revelations. From Jerusalem the pilgrim 
returned an accomplished fanatic ; but as he excelled in the 
popular madness of the times, Pojie Urban the Second 
received him as a prophet, applauded his glorious design, 
promised to support it in a general council, and encouraged 
liim to proclaim the deliverance of the Holy Land. Invigor- 
ated by the aj^probation of the pontiff, his zealous missionary 
traversed, with speed and success, the provinces of Italy 
and France. His diet was abstemious, his prayers long and 
fervent, and the alms whicli he received with one hand, he 
distributed with the other : his head was bare, his feet nnked, 
his meagre body was wrap])ed in a coarse garment ; he 
bore and displayed n weighty crucifix ; and the ass on which 
he rode was sanctified, in the public eye, by the service of 
the man of God. He preached to innumerable crowds in 
the churches, the streets, and the highways: the hermit 
entered with equal confidence the palace and the cottage ; 
and the people (for all was people) were impetuously moved 
by his call to repentance and arms. When he painted the 
sufferings of the natives and pilgrims of Palestine, every 
heart was melted to compassion ; every breast glowed Avith 
indignation, when he challenged the warriors of the nge to 
defend their brethren, and rescue their Saviour : his igiioiiHiCe 
of art and language Avas compensated by sighs, and tears, 

2 William ot Tyre (1- i- c. 11, pp. &37, 038) thus describes the hermit : Pusillus, 
persona contemptibilis, vivaeis ingeiiii, et oculuin habens perspicacem gra- 
tumque, et sponte fluens ei non deerat eloquium. See Albert Aqueiit^is. p. 185. 
Guibert, p. 482. Anna Comnena iu Alexiad, 1. x. p. 284, &c., with Ducange's KofiS, 
p. 349. 

* Wilken considers this as doubtful (vol. i. p. -17).— M. 


and ejaculations ; and Peter supplied the deficiency of reason 
by loud and frequent appeals to Christ and his mother, to 
the saints and angels of paradise, with whom he had person- 
ally conversed.* The most perfect orator of Athens might 
have envied the success of his eloquence ; the rustic enthu- 
siast inspired the passions which he felt, and Christendom 
expected with impatience the counsels and decrees of the 
supreme pontiff. 

The magnanimous spirit of Gregory the Seventh had 
already embraced the design of arming Europe against Asia; 
tlie ardor of his zeal and ambition still breathes in lus epistles; 
from either side of the Alps, fifty thousand Catholics had 
enlisted under the banner of St. Peter ;^ and his successor 
reveals his intention of marchmg at their liead against the 
impious sectaries of Mahomet. But the glory or reproach 
of executing, though not in person, this holy enterprise, was 
reserved for Urban the Second,'* the most faithful of his 
disciples. He undertook the conquest of the East, whilst 
the larger portion of Rome was possessed and fortified by 
liis rival Guibert of Ravenna, who contended with Urban 
for the name and honors of the pontificate. lie attempted 
to unite the powers of the West, at a time when the prmces 
were separated from the church, and the people from their 
princes, by the excommunication which himself and his 
predecessors had thundered against the emperor and the 
king of France. Philip the First, of France, supported with 
2>atience the censures which he had provoked by his scandal- 
ous life and adulterous marriage. Henry the Fourth, of 
Germany, asserted the right of investitures, the prerogative 
of confirming his bishops by the delivery of the ring and 
crosier. But the emperor's party was crushed in Italy by 
the arms of the Normans and the Countess Mathilda; and 
the long quarrel had been recently envenomed by the revolt 
of his son Conrad and the shame of his wife,^ who, in the 
svnods of Constance and Placentia, confessed the manifold 
prostitutions to which she had been exposed by a husband 

3 Ultra quinquaginta millia,si me possuiit inexpeJitione pro duce etpontifice 
habere, armata inauu voliint in iniinicos Dei iiisurgere et ad sepulohrum Domini 
ipso ducente pervenire (Gregor. vii. epist. ii. 31, in torn. xii. p. 322, concil). 

* See the original lives of Urban JI. by Pandnlphus Pisanus and Bernardus 
Guido, in Miiratori, Rer. Ital. Script, toni. iii. pars i. pp. 352, 353. 

° She is known by the different names of Praxes, EuprpRcia, Eufrasia, and 
Adelais ; and was the daughter of a Russian piince, and the widow of a margrave 
of Brandenburgh. Struv. Corpus Hist. Germanicae, p. 340). 

* He had seen the Saviour in a vision : a letter had fallen from heaven. 
Wilken, vol. i. p. 49.— M. 


regardless of her honor and liis own.® So popular was the 
cause of Urban, so weiglity was his influence, that the council 
which he summoned at Placentia'' was composed of two 
hundred bishops of Italy, France, Burgundy, Swabia and 
Bavaria. Four thousand of the clergy, and thirty thousand 
of the laity, attended this important meeting ; and, as the 
most spacious cathedral would have been inadequate to the 
multitude, the session of seven days was held in a plain 
adjacent to the city. The ambassadors of the Greek emperor, 
Alexius Comnenus, Avere introduced to plead the distress of 
their sovereign, and the danger of Constantinople, which 
was divided only by a narrow sea from the .victorious Turks, 
the common enemies of the Christian name. In their sup- 
pliant address they flattered the pride of the Latin princes ; 
and, appealing at once to their policy and religion, exhorted 
them to repel the Barbarians on the confines of Asia, rather 
than to expect them iii tlie heart of Europe. At the sad tale 
of the misery and perils of their Eastern brethren, the 
assembly burst into tears ; the most eager champions 
declared their readiness to march ; and the Greek ambas- 
sadors were dismissed with the assurance of a speedy and 
powerful succor Tlie relief of Constantinople was included 
in the larger and most distant project of the deliverance of 
Jerusalem ; but the prudent Urban adjourned the final 
decision to a second synod, which he proposed to celebrate 
in some city of France in the autumn of the same year. 
The short delay would propagate the flame of enthusiasm ; 
and his firmest hope was in a nation of soldiers* still proud 
of the preeminence of their name, and ambitious to emulate 
their hero Charlemagne,^ who, m the popular romance of 

c Henricus odio earn ccepit habere ; ideo incarceravit earn, et concessit ut 
plerique vim ei iuferreiit ^ imrao tilium liortans ut earn subagitaret {Dodechin, 
Coutinuat. Marian. Scot apud Baron A. D. 1093, No. 4). In the synod of Con- 
stance, she is described by Bertholdus, rerum inspector : quae se tantas et tarn 
inauditas fornicationum spurciiias, et a tantis passam fuisse conquesta est, &c,, 
and again at Placentia : satis misericorditer suscepit, eo quod ipsara tantas spur- 
citins non tam conimisisse quain mvitam pertnlisse pro certo cogno\ erit papa 
cum sanct^ synodo. Apud Baron. A D. 1093, No 4. 1094, No 3. A rare subject 
for the infallible decision of a pope and council. These abominations are repug- 
nant to every principle of human nature, which is not altered by a dispute al)out 
rings and crosiers. Yet it should seem, that the wretched woman was tempted 
by the priests to relate or subscribe some infamous stories of herself and her 

7 See the narrative and acts of the synod of Placentia, Concil. torn. xii. p. 821, 

* Guibert, himself a Frenchman, pi-aises the piety and valor of the French na- 
tion, the autlior and example of the crusades : Gens nobilis. prudejis, bellicosa, 
dapsilis et nitida * * * * Quos enim Brilones, AihiIos, Lignres. si bonis eos mor- 
ibus videamus, non illico Francos homines appellemus ? (p. 478). He owns, how- 
ever, that the vivacity of the French degenerates into petulance among foreigners 
(p. 483), and vain loquaciousness (p. 502). 

9 Per viam quam jamdudum Carolus Magnus mirificus rex Fraucorum aptari 


Tiirpin,^° had acliioved tlie conquest of the Holy Land. A 
hitent motive of affection or vanity might influence the 
choice of Urban : he was himself a native of France, a 
monk of Clugny, and the first of his countrymen who 
ascended the tlirone of St. Peter. The po])e had illustrated 
his family and province; n(;r is there perhaps a more ex- 
quisite gratification than to revisit, in a cons])icuous dignity, 
the humble and laborious scenes of our youth- 
It may occasion some surprise tliat the Roman pontiff 
should erect, in the heail of France, the tribunal from 
whence he hurled his anathemas against the king ; but our 
surprise will vanish so soon as we form a just estimate of a 
king of France of the eleventh century. ^^ Philip the First 
was the great-grandson of Hugh Capet, the founder of the 
present race, who, in the decline of Charlemagne's ])oster- 
ity, added the regal title to Jus patrimonial estates of Paris 
and Orleans. In this narrow compass, he w'as possessed of 
wealth and jurisdiction ; but m the rest of I"" ranee, Hugh 
and his first descendants were no more than the feudal 
lords of about sixty dukes and counts, of inde})endent and 
hereditary power,^^ wdio disdained the control. of laws and 
legal assemblies, and whose disregard of their sovereign 
was revenged by the disobedience of their inferior vassals. 
At Clermont, m the territories of the count of Auvergne,^^ 
the ])ope miglit brave w^tli impunity tiie resentment of 
Phili]) ; and the council which he convened in that city was 
not less numerous or respectable than the synod of Pla- 
centia.^^ Besides his court and council of Roman cardinals, 
he was supported by thirteen archbishops and two hundred 
and twenty-live bishops ; the number of mitred prelates was 

fecit usque C. P. (Gesta Fiancorum, p- I. Robert Monach. Hist. Hieros. 1. i. p. 

33, &c). 

'<' John Tilpinus, or Turpiiuis, was archbishop of Rheinis, A. D. 773. After the 
year 1000, this roniaiue was coniiiosed in his name, by a monk of the borders of 
France and Spam , an<l such was the idea of ecclesisistical m^irit, that he de- 
scribes himself as a lighting and drinliing priest ! Yet the book of lies was pro- 
nounced authentic by the Pope Calixtiis 11. (A D. 1122), and is respectfully quotiMl 
by tlie Abbot Suger, in the gi eat Chronicles of St. Denys (Fabric. Bibliot. Latin 
J\iedH /Evi, edit. Mansi, tom. iv. p, lOl) 

" See EUit de la France, by the Count de Bonlainvilliers, tom. i. p. 180-182, 
and tbo second volume of the Observations sur I'Hisloire de France, by the Abbe 
de Mably 

'- In the provinces to the south of the Loire, the first Capefians were scarcely 
allowed a feudal supremacy. On all sides, Normandy. Bretagne, Aquitain, Bur- 
gundy, Lorraine, and Flande's, contracted the name and imits of the proper 
France See Hadrian Vales, Notitia G.illiarum. 

1^ Thpse counts, a younger branch of the dukes of Aquitain, were at length 
despoiled o'' the greatest part of their country by Philip Augustus. The bishops 
of Clermont gradually became princes of the cily. Melanges, tir^s d'une grand 
Biblioth6r|ue, tom. xxxvi p. 28S, (tc. 

1* See tlie Acts of the couucil of Clermont, Concil. torn. xii. p. 829, &c. 

Vol. v.— 2 


computed at four hundred ; and the fathers of the church 
were blessed by the saints and enliglitened by the doctors 
of the age. From the adjacent khigdoms, a martial train 
of lords and knights of power and renown attended tlie 
council, ^^ in high expectation of its resolves ; and such was 
the ardor of zeal and curiosity, tliat the city was filled, and 
many thousands, in the month of Novembei*, erected their 
tents or huts ni the open field. A session of eiglit days pro- 
duced some useful or edifying canons for the reformation of 
manners ; a severe censui^ was pronounced against the license 
of private war ; the Truce of God ^^ was confirmed, a sus- 
pension of hostilities during four days of the week ; w^omen 
and priests were placed under the safeguard of the church ; 
and a protection of three years was extended to husband- 
men and merchants, the defenceless victims of militaiy 
rapine. But a law, however venerable be the sanction, can- 
not suddenly transform the temper of the tmies ; and tlie be- 
nevolent efforts of Urban deserve the less praise, since he 
labored to appease some domestic quan-els that he might 
spread the flames of war from the Atlantic to the Eu- 
phrates. From the synod of Placentia, the rumor of his 
great design had gone forth among the nations ; the clergy 
on their return had preached in every diocese the merit and 
glory of the deliverance of the Holy Land ; and when the 
pope ascended a lofty scaffold in the market-])lace of Cler- 
mont, his eloquence was addressed to a well-prepared and 
impatient audience. His topics were obvious, his exhorta- 
tion w^as vehement, his success mevitable. T]^e orator was 
interrupted by the shout of thousands, wdio with one voice, 
and in their rustic idiom, exclaimed aloud, " God wills it, 
God wills it.'* " '"- It is indeed the will of God,'^ replied the 
pope; "and let this memorable word, the inspiration surely 
of the Holy Spirit, be forever adopted as your cry of bat- 
tle, to animate the devotion and courage of the champions 

^'■' Conflnxenint ad coneilinni e mnltis regioiiibus> virt potentes et hononiti, 
innuuieii 'luainvis ciu^ulo l.iicalis niilitips superbi ^Baklrio, an eye-witness, pp. 
86-88. liobert. MonacS. pp. 31, 32. Will. 1'yr. i. 14, 15, pp. 039-041. Guibeit, pp. 
478-480. Fulcher. Carnot. p. 38'i). 

1"^ The Truce of God (Treva, or Treuga Dei) was first inventeil in Aquitain, A. 
D. 1032 ; blamed by soine bishops as an o<><asion of j)erjury, and rejected by the 
Normans as contrary to their privileges (Ducange. Gloss, i.atin. toni. vi. pp. 082- 

1" Devs imlt^ Dens tmlt .' was the pnre acclamation of the clergy who under- 
stood Latin (Robert. Mon. 1. i. p. 32). By the illiterate laity, w)»o spoke the J'lo- 
vincial or Limousin idiom, a was corriipted to /^fn.* lo rof}, ov JJic.v el ro/f. See 
Chron. Casinense, 1. iv. c. 11, p. 497. in Muratori. Script, lierum Ital. tojn.iv.. and 
pucange (Dissertat. xi. p.207,sur Joinville, and Gloss. Latin, toin. ii. p. 090), who, 
in his preface, produces a very difficult .specimen of the dialect of Kovergue, A. 
J). 1100, very near, both in time and place, to the council of Clermont (pp. 15> 10). 


of Christ. His cross is the symbol of your salvation ; wear 
it, a red, a bloody cross, as an external mark, on your 
breasts or shoulders, as a pledge of your sacred and irrev- 
ocable engagement." The pi'oposal was joyfully acce])ted ; 
great numbers, both of the clei'gy and laity, impressed on 
their garments the sign of the cross,^^ and solicited the pope 
to march at their head. This dangerous honor was declined 
by the more prudent successor of Gregory, who alleged the 
schism of tlie church, and the duties of his pastoral office, 
recommeuding to the faithful, who were disqualified by sex 
or profession, by age or iufirmity, to aid, with their prayers 
and alms, the personal service of their robust bretliren. 
The name and powers of his legate he devolved on Adhe- 
mar bishop of Puy, the first who had received the cross at 
his hands. The foremost of the temporal chiefs was Ray- 
mond, count of Toulouse, whose ambassadors in the coun- 
cil excused the absence, and pledged the honor, of tlu ir 
master. After the confession and absolution of tlieir sins, 
the champions of the cross were dismissed Avith a sujkm-- 
fluous admonition to imite their countrvmen and friends; 
and their departure for the Holy Land was fixed to the fes- 
tival of the Assumption, the fifteenth of August, of tlie en- 
suing year.^® 

So familiar, and as it were so natural to man, is the prac- 
tice of violence, that our indulgence allows the slightest 

^8 Most commcinly on their shoulders, in gohl or silk, or cloth, sewed on their 
garnientti. In the liist crusade, all were red ; in the third, the Fr^^nch alone pre- 
served that color, while green crosses were adopted by the Flemings, and wliite 
by the English (Ducange, torn. ii. p. <>51). Yet in England, the red ever ai)pears 
tlie favorite, and, as it were, the national, color of our military ensigns and uni- 

i» Bongarsius, who has published the original writers of the crusades, adopts, 
with much complacency, tlie fanatic title of Guibertus, Gesta Dei per Francos ; 
though some critics propose to read Gesta 7><rt6o/t per Francos (Hanovire, IGll, 
two vols, in folio), I shall briefly enumerate, as they stand in this collection, 
th-e authoi's whom I have used for the tirst crusade. I. Gesta Francorum. II. 
Robertus Monachus. III. Baldricus. IV. Raimundus de Agiles. V. Albertus 
Aqnensis. VI. Fulcheiius Carnotensis. VII. Guibertus. VIII Willielmus Ty- 
riensis. Muratori has given us, IX, Radulphus f^adoniensis de Gestis Tancredi 
(Script. Rer. Ital. torn. v. pp. 285-33.3), and. X. Beniardus Thesaurarius de Ac- 
quisitione Terr,;? Sanctnti (toni. vii. pp. 664-84^).* The last of these was unknown 
to a late French historian, who has given a lurge and critical list of the writers 
of the crusades (Espiit des Croisades, tom. i. pp. 13-141) and most of whose judg- 
ments my o"U'n experience will allow me to ratify. It was late before I could 
obtain a sight of the French historians collected by Duchesne. I. Petri Tude- 
bodi Sacerdotis Sivracensis Historia de Hierosolymitano Itinere (tom. iv. pp. 77,3- 
815), has been transfused into the tirst anonymous writer of Bongarsius. II. The 
Metrical History of the tirst Crusade, in vii. books (pp. 890-912), is of small value 
or account. 

* Several new documents, particularly from the East, have been collected by 
the industry of the modern historians of the crusades, M. Michaud and Wil- 
ken.— M. 


provocation, tlio most disputable right, as a sufficient ground 
of national hostility. But the name and nature of a holy 
war demands a more rigorous scrutiny ; nor can we liastily 
believe, tliat the servants of the Prince of Peace would un- 
sheathe the sword of destruction, uidess tlie motive were 
pure, the quarrel legitimate, and tlie necessity inevitable. 
Tlie ])olicy of an action may be determined from the tardy 
lessons of ex])erience ; but, before we act, our conscience 
should be satisfied of the justice and propriety of our en- 
terprise. In the age of the crusades, the Christians, both 
of the East and West, were persuaded of their lawfulness 
and merit ; their arguments are clouded by the perpetual 
abuse of Scripture and rhetoric ; but they seem to insist on 
the right of natural and religious defence, their peculiar 
title to the Holy Land, and the impiety of their Pagan and 
Mahometan foes."° I. Tlie right of a just defence may 
fairly include our civil and spiritual allies ; it depends on 
the existence of danger ; and that danger must be estimated 
by the twofold consideration of the malice, and the power, 
of our enemies. A pernicious tenet has been imputed to 
the Mahometans, the duty of extirpating all other religions 
by the sword. This charge of ignorance and bigotry is re- 
futed by the Koran, by the history of the Mussulman con- 
querors, and by their public and legal toleration of the 
Christian worshij). But it cannot be denied, that the Ori- 
ental churches are depressed under their iron yoke ; that, 
in peace and war, they assert a divine and indefeasible 
claim of universal empire; and that, in their orthodox 
creed, the unbelieving nations are continually threatened 
with the loss of religion or liberty. In the eleventh cen- 
tury the victorious arms of the Turks presented a real and 
urgent apprehension of these losses. They had subdued, in 
less than thirty years, the kingdoms of Asia, as far as Jeru- 
salem and the Hellespont ; and the Greek em])ire tottered 
on the verge of destruction. Besides an honest sympathy 
for their brethren, the Latins had a ri2:ht and interest in the 
support of Constantinople, the most important barrier of 
the West; and the privilege of defence must reach to pre- 
vent, as well as to repel, an imj^ending assault. But this 
salutary pur^^ose might have been accomplished by a mod- 

20 If the reader will turn to the first scene of the First Part of Henry the 
Fo.irlh. he will see in the text of Shakspeare the natural feelings of enthusia'^ni ; 
auil in the notes of Dr. Jolmson the workings of a higoletl though vigorous 
mind, greedy of every pretence to hate and persecute those who dissent from his 


erate succor ; find onr calmer reason must disclaim the in- 
numerable hosts, and remote o])crations, Aviiich overwiielmed 
Asia and de])0])ulated Euro])e.* 11. l^alestine could add 
nolhini^ to tlie strength or safety of the Latins ; and fanati- 
cism ahuie couhl pretend to justify the conquest of that dis- 
tant and narrow ]u*o\'ince. The Christians affirmed that 
their inalienable title to the ju'omised land liad been sealed 
by the blood of their divine Saviour; it was their i-ight and 
duty to rescue their inheritance from the unjust possessors, 
who profaned his se])uh'hre, and o])])ressed the ])ilgrimage 
of his disciples. Vainly wouhl it be alleged that tlie j)re- 
eminence of Jerusalem, and the sanctity of Palestine, Jiave 
been abolished with the Mosaic law ; that the God of the 
Christians is not a local deity, and that the recovery of 
Bethlehem or Calvary, his cradle or his tomb, will not atone 
for the violation of the moral ]u"ccepts of the gos])el. Such 
arguments glance aside frpm the leaden shield of supersti- 
tion ; and the religious mind A\ill not easily reliiKpiish its 
hold on the sacred gi-ouiid of mystery and miracle. III. 
But the holy wars wliicli liave been waged in e\ cry chmate 
of the globe, from Kgypt to Livonia, and from Peru to 
Ilindostan, require the sup]>ort of some more general and 
flexil)le tenet. It has been often su])posed, and sometimes 
affirmed, that a difference of religion is a worthy cause of 
liostility ; that obstinate unbelievers may be slain or sub- 
dued by the chaini)ions of the cross: and that orace is the 
sole fountain of dominion as well as of mercy. t Above four 
hundred years before the first crusade, the eastern and 
western })rovinces of the Roman em])ire had been acquired 
about the same time, and in the same manner, by the Bar- 

' The manner in which the war was conducted surely has little relation to the 

abstract 'iiiestion of tlie justii-e or injustice ol the war. The most just and neces. 
sary war may be conducted with the most prodigal waste of human life, and the 
wiklcst fanaticism ; the nuist unjust with the coolest moderation and consum- 
mate generalship. The question is, whether the liberties and religion of Europe 
were in danger from the aggressions of IMahometanism? If so, it is difhcull to 
limit ihe right, though it may be proper to (luesiion the wisdom, of overwhelm- 
ing the enemy with the armed poi).daliou of a whole continent, and rei)elling. if 
po>sil)lo, the in\ading conqueror into his native deserts. The crusades are mon- 
umenisof human tolly ! but to which ot the more regular wars ot r / r i / izcrl En- 
rope, waged for personal and)ition or national jealousy, will our calmer reason 
appeal as monuments either of human justice or humari wisdom '.'—,M. 

f _'■ God," says the abbot Guiberi. "invented the crusades as a new wav ff»r 
ihe laitf/ to atone for their sins and to merit salvation." 'I'his extraordinary and 
characteristic passage must be given entire. *' Deus nostro tempore prrelia 
eancta mstitint, ut ordo equestris et vulgus oberrans qui veiustaj Pagardtati*. 
cxemplo in ninluas versabatur cjodes, novum reperirent salutis pronuirendio 
genus, ut nee funditus electa, ut fieri assolet, monastica conv<;isai.ioiu\ sea reiig- 
losa qualibet professione sa'culmn reliiKiuere cogerentur ; sed sub consueta 
In-eiUia et habitu ex mio ipsorum officio Dei aiiquatenus gr^-itiam conse(iuereu- 
tur." Guib. Abbas, p. 3T1. See Wilken, vol, i. p, OJ.— 31. 


barians of Germany and Arabia. Time and treaties had 
legitimated tlie conquest of the Christian Franks; but in 
the eyes of their subjects and neigiibors, the Mahometan 
princes were still tyrants and usurpers, who, by the arms of 
war or rebellion, might be lawfully driven from their un- 
lawful possession.-^ 

As the manners of the Christians were relaxed, tlieir dis- 
cipline of penance^- was enforced ; and with the multiplica- 
tion of sins, the remedies were multij)lied. In the primitive 
church, a voluntary and open confession prepared the work 
of atonement. In the middle ages, the bishops and priests 
interrogated the criminal ; compelled him to account for liis 
thoughts, words, and actions; and prescribed the terms of 
his reconciliation with God. But as this discretionary power 
might alternately be abused by indulgence and tyranny, a 
rule of discipline was framed, to inform and regulate the 
spiritual judges. This mode of legislation was invented by 
the Greeks ; ihn'w pemtcntkds'^^ Avere translated, or imitated, 
m the Latin church ; and, in the time of Charlemagne, the 
clergy of every diocese were provided with a code, which 
they })rudcntly concealed from the knowledge of the vulgar. 
In this dangerous estimate of crimes and punishments, each 
case was supposed, each difference was remarked, by the ex- 
perience or ])enetration of the monks ; some sins are enu- 
merated which innocence could not have suspected, and 
others which reason cannot believe ; and the more ordinary 
offences of foi*nication and adultery, of ])erjury and sacrilege, 
of rapine and murder, were expiated by a penance, which, 
according to the various circumstances, was jirolonged from 
forty days to seven years. During this term of mortification, 
the patient was liealed, the criminal was absolved, by a salu- 
tary regimen of fasts and prayers : the disorder of liis dress 
Avas expressive of grief and remorse ; and he humbly ab- 
stained from all the business and pleasure of social life. But 
the rigid execution of these laws would have depopulated 
the palace, the camp, and the city ; the Barbarians of the 

-•» The vifli Discourse of Fleiiry on Ecclesiastical History (p 223- 2fil) con- 
tains an accurate and rational view of the causes and effects of the crusades. 

" 'llie penance, indulgejices, «Src,, o{ the middle ages are amply discussed by 
Muratori (Antiquitat. Medii i^vi, tom. v. dissert. Ixviii. pp. 70f)-7G8), and 
by iVr Chais (Lettres sur les Jubiles et les Indulgences, torn. ii. lettres 21 & 22, 
pp 478-55fi)) with this dilTerence, that the abuses of superstition are mildlw per- 
haps faijitly. exposed by the learne<l Italian, and peevishly magnified by the 
Dutch minister. 

-^ Schmidt (Histoire des Allemands, torn. ii. pp. 211-220, 452-4(52) gives an ab- 
stract of the Penitential of Rhegino in the ninth, and of Burchard in the tenth, 
century. In one year, tive-and-thirty murders were perpetrated at Worms. 


West believed and trembled ; but nature often rebelled 
against principle; and the magistrate labored without effect 
to enforce tl»e jurisdiction of the priest. A literal accom- 
plishment of penance was indeed impracticable : the guilt 
of adultery was multiplied by daily repetition ; that of hom- 
icide miglit involve the massacre of a whole people; each 
act was separately numbered ; and, in those times of anarchy 
and vice, a modest sinner might easily incur a debt of three 
hundred years. His insolvency was relieved by a commuta- 
tion, or i)idulgence : a year of penance was appreciated at 
twenty-six solidl'-^ of silver, about four pounds sterling, for 
the rich; at three solidi or nine shillings, for the indigent: 
and tliesc alms Avere soon appropriated to the use of the 
churcli, which derived, from the redemption of sins, an inex- 
haustible source of opulence and dominion. A debt of three 
hundred years, or twelve hundred pounds, was enough to 
im})overish a j)leiitiful fortune ; the scarcity of gold and silver 
was su])plied by the alienation of land ; and the ])rincely 
donations of Pe))in and Charlemagne are ex])ressly given for 
the remedy of their soul. It is a maxim of the civil law, that 
whosoever cannot pay with his jnirse, must pay with his 
body; and the practice of flagellation was adopted by the 
monks, a cheaj), though painful equivalent. By a f intastic 
aritiimetic, a year of penance was 'taxed at three thousand 
lashes ; ^ and such was the skill and ]»atience of a famous 
hermit, St. Dominic of the iron Cuirass,-*^ that in six days he 
could discharge an entire century, by a whi])ping of three 
hundred thousand stripes. His example was followed l)y 
many ])enitents of both sexes; and, as a vicarious sacrifice 
was accepted, a sturdy disciplinarian might expiate on Ins 
own back the sins of his benefactors.^' These compensations 
of the purse and the person introduced, in the eleventh cen- 
tury, a more honorable mode of satisfaction. The merit of 

24 Till the xiilli century, \vc may support the clear account of xii. ffmnrii, or 
pence, to tlic .sr>/H//f.s', or shilling; and ■sx. sn/idi \o the pound \veij;ht of silver, 
about the pound sterling. Ouruioney is diuuuished lo u third, and ihe French 
to a fiflieth, of this priniiiive standard. 

2^ Ea-jh century of lashes was sanctified with a recital of a i>sahu and the 
whole Psalter, with the accompaniment ot 15,0u0 stripes, was equivalent to five 

^« The Life and Achievements of St. Dominic Loricatus was composed by his 
friend and admirer, Peter Damianus. See Fleury. Eist. Eccles lorn. xiii. pp. 
t)()-l()4. Baronius, A. D. 1056, No. 7, who observes, from Damianus, how fashion- 
able, even among ladies of quality (sublimis generis), this expiation (purgatorii 
genus) was grown. 

27 At a quarter, or even half a rial a lash, Sancho Panza was a cheaper, and 
possibly not a more dishonest, workman. I rem<M'.;l)er in Pere I.abat (Voyages 
en Italie, toni. vii. pp. lG-2y) a very lively picture of llie dexterity of one of 


military service figainst the Saracens of Africa and Spain 
had been allowed by the predecessors of Urban tlie Second. 
In the council of Clermont, that ])0])e proclaimed ^ plenai'i/ 
indulgence to those who should enlist under tlie banner of 
the cross ; tlie absolution of all their sins, and a full receipt 
for all that might be due of canonical penance.-^ The cold 
philosophy of modern times is incapable of feeling the im- 
pression that was made on a sinful and fanatic world. At 
the voice of their pastor, the robber, the incendiary, the 
homicide, arose by thousands to redeem their souls, by re- 
peating on the infidels' the same deeds whicii they had exer- 
cised airainst their Christian brethren : and the terms of atone- 
ment were eagerly embraced by offenders of every rank and 
denomination. None were pure ; none were exem])t from 
the guilt and penalty of sin ; and those who were the least 
amenable to the justice of God and tlie church were the best 
entitled to the temporal and eternal recompense of their 
pious courage. If they fell, the sj^rit of the Latin clergy 
did not hesitate to adorn their tomb with the crown of mar- 
tyrdom ; ^^ and should they sur\'ive, they could expect with- 
out impatience the delay and increase of their heavenly re- 
ward. They offered their blood to the Son of God, who 
had laid down his life for their salvation : they took up the 
cross, and entered with confidence into the way of the Lord. 
His ])rovidence would watch over their safety ; j^erhaps liis 
visible and miraculous power would smooth the dilhculties 
of their holy enterj)rise. The cloud and pillar of Jehovah 
had marched before the Israelites into the ])romised land. 
Might not the Christians more reasonably hope that the 
rivers would open for their ])assage ; that the walls of the 
strongest cities would fall at the sound of their trumpets; 
and that the sun would be arrested in his mid career, to 
allow them time for the destruction of the infidels? 

Of tlie chiefs and soldiers who marched to the holy sepul- 
chre, I will dare to affirm, that all were prom])ted by the 
spirit of enthusiasm ; the belief of merit, the ho])e of rewnrd, 
and the assurance of divine aid. Butl am ecpially persuaded, 

Quicunque pro sola devotione, lion pro honoris vel pecuiii;e adeptioiie. ad 
liberandam ecclesiani Dei eJerusalem profectus fuerit, iter ilhul pro oniiii poeni- 
tentia reputetur. Canon. Concil. Claroniont. ii. p. S21>. Guibert styles it novum 
salutis genus (p. 471), and is almost pliilosophital on the subject.* 

^'J Such at least was the belief of the crusaders, and such is the uiiiforni style 
of the histo)ians (Es[>rit des Cmisades, toni. iii. p. 477); Init tlie i)iayer for the 
repose of their souls is inconsisteui. iu orthodox theology with the merits of mar- 

* See note, toI. iv. p. 21— M. 


that in many it was not the sole, tliat in some it was not 
the leading, ])rinciple of action. Tlie use and abuse of re- 
ligion are feeble to stem, they are strong and irresistible to 
impel, the stream of national manners. Against the ])rivate 
wars of the Barbarians, their bloody tournaments, licentious 
loves, and judicial duels, the ])0])es and synods might inef- 
fectually thunder. It is a more easy task to provoke the 
]neta])hysical disputes of the Greeks, to drive into the cloister 
the victims of anarchy or des})()tism, to sanctify the ])atience 
of slaves and cowards, or to assume the merit of the 
luunanityand benevolence of modern Christians. War and 
exercise were the reigning ])assions of the Franks or Latins ; 
they were enjoined, as a ])enance, to gratify those ])assions, 
to visit distant lands, and to draw their swords against the 
nations of the East. Tiieir victory, or even their attempt, 
would immortalize the names of the intre])id heroes of the 
cross ; and the purest inety could not be insensible to the 
most s|)lendid ])ros])ect of military glory. In the ])etty 
quarrels of Euro])e, they shed the blood of their friends and 
countrymen, for the acquisition ])erhaps of a castle or a a^I- 
lage. They could march with alacrity against the distant 
and hostile nations who were devoted to their arms ; their 
fancy already grasped the golden sceptres of Asia ; and the 
conquest of Ajnilia and Sicily by the Normans might exalt 
to royalty the iiopes of the most })rivate adventurer. Chris- 
tendom, in her I'udest state, must have yielded to the climate 
and cultivation of the Mahometan countries ; and their 
natural and artihcial wealth had been magnified by the tales 
of pilgrims, and the gifts of an imj^erfect commerce. The 
vulgar, both the gre:»t and small, were taught to l)elieve 
every wonder, of lands flowing with milk and honey, of 
mines and treasures, of gold and diamonds, of palaces of 
marble and jasj^er, and of odoriferous groves of cinnamon 
and frankincense. In this earthly paradise, each warrior de- 
])ended on his sword to carve a ])lentcous and honorable 
establishment, which he measured only by the extent of his 
wishes.^*' Their A'assals and soldiers trusted their fortunes 
to God and their master : the spoils of a Turkish emir might 
enrich the meanest follower of the camp; and the flavor 
of the wines, the beauty of the Grecian women,^^ were tcmp- 

3^^ The same hopos were displayed in the letters of the adventurers ad animan- 
dos qui in Francia rc^siderant. ilugh de Kcitestc could boast, that his share 
amounted to one abbey and ten castles, of the yearly value of 15''0 niariis, and 
that he should acquire a hundred castles by the conquest of Aiei)po (Guibert, pp. 
554, 555). 

21 In his genuine or fictitious letter to the count of Flanders, Alexius mingles 


tations more adapted to the nature, than to the profession, 
of the champions of the cross. The love of freedom was a 
powerful incitement to the multitudes who were op])ressed 
by feudal or ecclesiastical tyranny. Under this holy sign, 
the peasants and burghers, who were attached to the servi- 
tude of the glebe, might escape from a haughty lord, and 
trans])lant themselves and their families to a land of liberty. 
The monk might release himself from the discipline of his 
convent : the debtor might suspend the accumulation of 
usury, and the pursuit of his creditors ; ami outlaws and 
malefactors of evejy cast might continue to brave the laws 
and elude the punishment of their'crimes.^^ 

These motives were potent and numerous : when we 
have singly computed their weight on the mind of each 
individual, we must add the infinite series, the multiplying 
powers, of example and fashion. The first proselytes be- 
came the warmest and most effectual missionaries of the 
cross : among their friends and countrymen they preached 
the duty, the merit, and the recompense, of their holy vow ; 
and the most reluctant hearers were insensibly drawn within 
the Avhirlpool of j^ersuasion and authority. The n^.artial 
youths were fired by the reproach or suspicion of cowardice; 
the opportunity of visiting with an army the sepulchre of 
Christ was embraced by the old and infirm, by women and 
children, who consulted rather their zeal than their strength ; 
and those who in the evening had derided the folly of their 
com]^anions, were the most eager, the ensuing day, to tread 
in their footste])s. The ignorance, which magnified the 
hopes, diminished the })erils of the enterju'ise. Since the 
Turkish conquest, the ])aths of pilgrimage were obliterated; 
the chiefs themselves had an imperfect notion of the length 
of the way and the state of their enemies ; and such was 
the stupidity of the ])eople, that, at the sight of the first 
city or castle beyond the limits of their knowledge, they 
were ready to ask Avhether that Avas not the Jerusalem, the 
term and object of their labors. Yet the more })rudent of 
the crusaders, who were not sure that they should be fed 
from heaven with a shower of quails or manna, provided 
themselves with those precious metals, which, in every 

with the dancer of the church, and the relics of saints, the auri et arpenti amor, 
and pulcherrimaruni foeniinarum voluptas (p. 47G) ; as if. says tlie indignant Gui- 
bert, tlie Greek women were handsomer than those of France. 

32 See tlie privileges of the Cyitcesignafi, freedom from deht, usury, injury, 
secular justice, &c. The i)ope was their perpetual guardian. (Ducange, torn. it. 
pp. 651, G52.) 


country, are the representatives of every comTnoclity. To 
defray, accord! ni^ to their rank, the expenses of the road, 
])rnices alienated tlieir provinces, nobles tlieir hinds and 
castles, peasants their cattle and the instruments of hus- 
bandry. The value of property was depreciated by the 
eager competitions of multitudes ; while the ])rice of arms 
and horses was raised to an exorbitant height by the wants 
and impatience of the buyers.^^ Those who remained at 
home, with sense and money, were enriched by the epidem- 
ical disease : the sovereigns acquired at a cheaj) rate the 
domains of their vassals ; and the ecclesiastical |)urchasers 
comj)leted the payment by the assurance of their prayers. 
The cross, which was commonly sewed on the garment, in 
cloth or silk, was inscribed by some zealots on their skin : a 
hot iron, or indelible liquor, was a]:>plied to perpetuate the 
mai'k; and a ci'afty monk, who showed the miraculous 
im))ression on his breast, was rej)aid with the })opular vener- 
ation and the richest benefices of Palestine.^* 

The fifteenth of August had been fixed in the council of 
Clermont for the departure of tlie pilgrims ; but the day 
was anticipated by the thouglitless and needy ci'owd of 
plebeians ; and I shall briefly despatch the calamities which 
they inflicted and suffered, before I enter on the more 
serious and successful enterprise of the chiefs. Early in 
the spring, from the confines of France and Lorraine, above 
sixty thousand of the populace of both sexes flocked round 
the first missionary of the crusade, and pressed him with 
clamorous importunity to lead them to the holy se])ulchre. 
The hermit, assuming the character, without the talents or 
authority, of a general, impelled or obeyed the forwaixl 
im])ulse of his votaries along the banks of the Rhine and 
Danube. Their wants and numbers soon com))elled them 
to separate, and his lieutenant, Walter the Penniless, a 
valiant though needy soldier, conducted a vanguard of 
pilgrims, Avhose condition may be determined from the 
]>ro])ortion of eight horsemen to fifteen thousand foot. The 
example and footsteps of Peter were closely pursued by 
another fanatic, the monk Godescal, whose sermons had 
swept away fifteen or twenty thousand peasants from the 
villages of Germany. Their rear was again pressed by a 

33 Guibert (p. 481) paints in lively colors tliis general emotion. He was one 
of the few contemponiries who had genius enough t > feel the astonishing scenes 
that wei'e passing before their eyes. Erafe itaque videre niiraculuni, caro omnes 
emere, atque vili vendere, &c. 

■''* Some instances of these sfir/mata are given in the Esprit des Croisades (torn, 
ill. p. 1C9, &c.), from authors whom 1 have not seen. 


herd of two hundred thousand, the most stupid and savaije 
refuse of tlie peo])le, wlio mingled with tlieir devotion^^a 
brutal license of ra|)ine, prostitution, and drunkenness. 
Some counts jmd gentlemen, at the head of three thousand 
horse, attended the mentions of the multitude to partake in 
the spoil ; but their genuine leaders (may we credit such 
folly?) were a goose and a goat, who were carried in the 
front, and to whom these worthy Chi'istians ascribed an 
infusion of the divine spirit.^^ Of these, and of other bands 
of enthusiasts, the first and most easy warfare Avas against 
the Jews, the murderers of the Son of God. In the trading 
cities of the Moselle and the Rhine, their colonies were 
numerous and rich ; and they enjoyed, under the protec- 
tion of the emperor and the bisho])s, the free exercise of 
their religion.^° At Verdun, Treves, Mentz, Spires, Worms, 
many thousands of that unha]~>])y people were i)illa<T^ed and 
massacred . ^ nor had they felt a more bloody stroke since 
the persecution of Hadrian. A remnant Avas saved by the 
firmness of their bishops, who accepted a feigned and tran- 
sient conversion ; but the more obstinate Jews opposed 
their fanaticism to the fanaticism of the Christians, barrica- 
doed their houses, and precipitating themselves, their fam- 

35 Fuit et aliud scelus detestabile in hac congregatione pedestris populi stult> 
et vesanrc levitatis, ansei'ein queiidani divino spirilu a^serebarit aftlut uin, et capel- 
lam lion minus eodem repletani, et has sibi ducts seoundaj vife feeerant, &c. 
(Albert Aquensis, 1. i, c. 31, p. 196). Had these peasants founded an empire, tliey 
miglit have introduced, as in Eaypt, the worship of animals, which tlieir phil- 
osophic descendants would have glossed over with some specious and subtile 

"" Benjamin of Tudela describes the state of his Jewish brethren from Co- 
logne along th • Rhine : they were rich, generous, learned, hospitable, and lived 
in the eager hone of the JNIessiah (Voyage, torn. i. pp. 21.1-245, par Baratier). In 
seventy years (he wrote about A. D. 1170) they had recovered I'rom these mas- 

=*' These massacres and depredations on the Jews, which were renewed at 
each crusade, are coolhf related. It is true, that St. Bernard (epist. 36,3. tom. i. 
p. 320) admonishes the Oriental Franks, non sunt persequendi Juda^i, non sunt 
trucidandi. The contrary doctrine had been preached by a rival monk.t 

* A singular " allegoric" explanation of this strange fact has recently been 
■broached : it is connected with the charge of idolatry and Fasteru lieretical opin- 
io'is subsequently made against the Templars. " We have no doubt that they were 
Maiiicbee or Cno-iic standards." [The author says the animals themselves were 
carried before the army. — M.] " The goose, in Fgyplian symbr Is, as every EL'yp- 
tian scholar knows, meant ' divine Son.' or ' Son of God.' The goat meant Typhon, 
or the Devil. Thus we have the Manicliee opposing principles of good and evil, 
as standards, at the liead of the ignorant mob of crusading invaders. Can any 
one doubt that a large portion of this host must have been infected with the 
Munichee or Gnostic idolatry?" Account of the Temple Church by R. W. Bil- 
lings, page 5, London, 1S.38. This is, at all evente, a curious coincidence, espe- 
cially considered in connection with the extensive dissemination of the Panliciaii 
opinions among the common people of Europe. At any rate, in so iuexplica- 
blea matter, we are inclined to catch at any explanation, however wild or sub- 
tile.— M. 

t This ig an unjust Barcasm against St. Bernard. He stood above all rivalry 
of this kind. See note 31, c. lix.— P/I. 


ilics, and tlicir wealth, into the rivers or the flames, disap- 
pointed the malice, or at least the avarice, of their implaca- 
ble foes. 

Between the frontiers of Austria and the seat of the 
Byzantine monarchy, the crusaders were compelled to 
traverse an interval of six Inindred miles ; the wild and 
desolate countries of Hungary"^ and Bulgaria. The soil 
is fruitful, and intersected with rivers; but it was then 
covered with morasses and forests, which spread to a 
boundless extent, Avhenever man has ceased to exercise his 
dominion over the earth. Both nations had imbibed the 
rudiments of Christianity; the Hungarians were ruled by 
their native j)rinces ; the Bulgarians by a lieutenant of the 
Greek emperor ; but, on the slightest provocation, their 
ferocious nature was rekindled, and ample provocation was 
afforded by the disorders of tlie first i)ilgrims. Agriculture 
must have been unskilful and languid among a people, 
whose cities were built of reeds and timber, which were 
deserted in the summer season for the tents of hunters and 
shepherds. A scanty supply of provisions was rudely de- 
manded, forcibly seized, and greedily consumed ; and oii 
the first quarrel, the crusaders gave loose to indignation 
and revenge. But their ignorance of the country, of war, 
and of disci])line, exposed them to every snare. The Greek 
prtefect of Bulgaria commanded a regular force j '* at the 
trumpet of the Hungarian king, the eighth or the tenth of his 
martial subjects bent their bows and mounted on horse- 
back ; their policy was insidious, and their retaliation on 
these pious robbers was unrelenting and bloody. ^^ About 
'a tliird of the naked fugitives (and the hermit Peter was of 
the number) escaped to the Thracian mountains ; and the 
emperor, who respected the pilgrimage and succor of the 

'8 See the contempoiary description of Hungary in Ollio of Frisingen, 1. il. c. 
31, in Muralori, Script, lieruni Italioanini, torn. vi. pp. Giir), CG(!. 

sj The old Hmignnnns, without excepting Turotzius, are ill infoiraed of the 
first crusade, which they involve in a single i)assage. Katona, like ourselves, 
can oidy quote the writers of France : but he conii)ares with local science the 
ancient and modei'u geography. Ante porlam ('ijpooi, is Soi)ron or Poson ; Mal- 
k'viUn, Zemlin ; FInriuti Maroe, Savus ; Liniax, Leith ; j\Iescbroch,ov M>i-f«'l.nrg, 
Guar, or JNIoson ; Tollenbury, Pragg (de Ivegibus Hungarian, torn. iii. pp. VJ-iJ'S). 

* The narrative of the first marcli is A-ery incorrect. The first party moved 
under Walter de Pexego and Walter the I'enniless : they jjassed safe through 
Hungary, the kingdom of Kalnieny, and were attacked in Bulgaria. Peter fol- 
lowed with 40.000 men ; passed ihrough Hungary ; but seeing the clothes of six- 
teen crusaders, who had been empaled on the walls of Semlin, he attacked and 
stormed the city. He then inarched to JS'issa, where, at first, lie was hosintably 
received ; but an accidental quarrel taking place, he t-ulfered a great defeat. 
Wilken, vol. i. pp. 84-8G.— JM. 


Latins, conducted them by secure and easy journeys to 
Constantinople, and advised tliein to await the arrival of 
tlieir brethren. For a wliile tliey remembered their faults 
and losses ; but no sooner were they re\'ived by the hos- 
pitable entertainment, than their venom was again inflamed; 
they stung their benefactor, and neither gardens, nor pal- 
aces, nor churches, were safe from their depredations. For 
liis own safety, Alexius allured them to pass over to the 
Asiatic side of the Bosphorus ; but their blind impetuosity 
soon urged them to desert the station which he had as- 
signed, and to rush headlong against the Turks, who occu- 
pied the road of Jerusalem. The hermit, conscious of his 
shame, had withdrawn from the camp to Constantinople ; 
and his lieutenant, Walter the Penniless, who was worthy 
of a better command, attempted without success to intro- 
duce some order and prudence among ttie herd of savages. 
They se])arated in quest of prey, and themselves fell an easy 
prey to the arts of the sultan. By a rumor that their fore- 
most companions were rioting in the s23oils of his capital, 
Soliman "* tempted the main body to descend into the plain 
of Nice : they were overwhelmed by the Turkish arrows ; 
and a pyramid of bones ^^ informed their companions of tho 
place of their defeat. Of the first crusaders, three hundred 
thousand had already perished, before a single city was res- 
cued froiji the infidels, before their graver and more noble 
brethren had completed the preparations of their enter- 

None of the great sovereigns of Europe embarked their 
persons in the first crusade. The emperor Henry the Fourth 
was not disposed to obey the summons of the pope ; Philip 
the First of France was occupied by his pleasures ; William 
Kufus of England by a recent conquest ; the kings of Spain 
were engaged in a domestic Avar against the Moors ; and the 

<o Aniia Comnena (Alexias, 1. x. p. 287) describes this ocrruiv »eoAwi/b? as a 
moui tain, v\pri\ov *cai ^a0o? (cat TrAaro? a^io\oyuiTaToi'. Ill tlie siege of Nice, such 
were u^;ed by the Franks themselves as the materials of a wall. 

*i See table on following page. 

* Soliman had been killed in 1085, in a battle against Toutou oh, brother of :Ma- 
lek Schah, between Aleppo and Antioch. It was not Soliman, therefore, but 
his son David, surnamed Kilidje Arslan, the "Sword of the Lion," who reigned 
in Nice. Almost all the occidental authors have fallen into this mistake, which 
"was detected by M. IVIichaud, Hist, des Crois. 4th edit, and Extraits des Aut. 
Arab. rel. aux Croisades, par M. Keinaud. Paris, 1829, p. 3. His kingdom ex- 
tended from the Orontes to the Euphrates, and as far as the Bosphorus. Kilidjo 
Arslan must uniformly be substituted for Soliman. Brosset, note ou Le Beau, 
torn. XV. p. 311. — M. 




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northern monarchs of Scotland, Denmark,'*'^ Sweden, and 
Poland, were yet strangers to the passions and interests of 
the Sonth. The religious ardor was more strongly felt by 
the j)rinces of the second order, who held an important 
place in the feudal system. Their situation will naturally 
cast under four distinct heads the review of their names and 
characters ; but I may escape some needless repetition, by 
observing at once, that courage and the exercise of arms are 
the common attribute of these Chi-istian adventurers. I. 
The first rank both in war and council is justly due to God- 
frey of Bouillon ; and happy would it have been for ihe 
crusaders, if they had trusted themselves to the sole con- 
duct of that accomplished hei'o, a worthy representative of 
Charlemagne, from whom he Avas descended in the female 
line. His father was of the noble race of the counts of Bou- 
logne : Brabant, the lower province of Lorraine,''^ was the 
inheritance of his mother ; and by the emperor's bounty he 
was himself invested with that ducal title, which has been 
improperly transferred to his lordship of Bouillon in the 
Ardennes.^* In the service of Henry the Fourth, he bore 
the great standard of the empire, and pierced with his lance 
the breast of Rodolph, the rebel king : Godfrey was the first 
who ascended the walls of Rome ; and his sickness, his vow, 
perhaps liis remorse for bearing arms against the pope, con- 
firmed an early resolution of visiting the holy sepulchre, not 
as a pilgrim, but a deliverer. His valor was matured by 
prudence and moderation; his piety, thougli blind, was sin- 
cere^ and, in the tumult of a camp, he practiced the real and 
fictitious virtues of a convent. Superior to the ]irivate fac- 
tions of the chiefs, he reserved his enmity for the enemies 
of Christ ; and though he gained a kingdom by the attempt, 
liis pure and disintei'ested zeal was acknowledged by his 
rivals. Godfrey of Bouillon ^'^ was accompanied by his two 
brothers, by Eustace the elder, who had succeeded to the 

*2 The author of the Esprit des Croisades has doubted, and might have disbe- 
lieved, the crusade and tragic deatli of Prince Sueno, with 1500 or ir),000 Danes, 
who was cut off by Sultan Solimau in Cappadocia, but who still lives in the poem 
of Tasso (torn. iv."pp. 111-115). 

*3 The fragments of the kingdoms of Lotharingia, or Lorraine, were broken 
into the two tUichies of the Moselle and of the ]\!euse : the llrst has preserved 
its name, which in the latter Las been changed into that of Brabant (Valea. 
Notit. Gall. pp. 283-288). 

** See, in ihe Description of France, by the Abbe de Longuerue, the articles of 
Boxiloijuc, part i. p. 54 ; Brabcnf, part ii. pp. 47, 48 ; Bouillon, p. 134. On his de- 
parture, Godfrey sold or pawned IJonillon to the church for 1^00 marks. 

*^ See the family character of Godfrey, in William of Tyre, 1. ix. c. 5-8 ; hia 
previous design in Guibert (p. 485) ; his sickness and vow, in Bernard. Thesaur. 
(c. 78). 


county of Boulogne, and by the younger, Baldwin, a char- 
acter of more ambiguous virtue. The duke of Lorraine 
was alike celebrated on either side of the Rhine : from his 
birth and education, he was equally conversant with the 
French and Teutonic lan^uai^^es: the barons of France, Ger- 
many, and Lorraine, assembled their vassals ; and the con- 
federate force that marclied under his banner was composed 
of fourscore thousand foot and about ten thousand horse. 
IL In the parliament that was held at Paris, in the king's 
presence, about two months after the council of Clermont, 
Hugh, count of Vermandois, was the most conspicuous of 
the princes who assumed the cross. But the appellation of 
the Great was applied, not so much to his merit or posses- 
sions (though neither were contem])tible), as to the royal 
birth of the brother of the king of France.^® Robert, duke 
of Normandy, was the eldest son of William the Conqueror; 
but on his father's death he was deprived of the kingdom 
of England, by his own indolence and the activity of his 
brother Rufus. The worth of Robert was degraded by an 
excessive levity and easiness of temper : his cheerfulness 
seduced him to the indulgence of pleasure; liis j)rofuse lib- 
erality impoverished the prince and people ; his indiscrim- 
inate clemency multiplied the number of offenders ; and the 
amiable qualities of a private man became the essential de- 
fects of a sovereiOT. For the triflino; sum of ten thousand 
marks, he mortgaged Normandy during his absence to the 
English usurper ; ""^ but his engagement and behavior in the 
holy war announced in Robert a reformation of manners, 
and restored him in some degree to the public esteem. 
Another Robert was count of Flanders, a royal province, 
which, m this century, gave three queens to the thrones of 
France, England, and Denmark : he was sui-named the 
Sword and Lance of the Christians ; but in the exploits of 
a soldier he sometimes forgot the duties of a general. Ste- 
phen, count of Chartres, of Blois, and of Troyes, was one of 
the richest princes of the age ; and the number of his cas- 
tles has been compared to the three hundred and sixty-five 
days of the year. His mind was improved by literature ; 

*« Anna Coninena supposes, that Hugh was proud of his nobility, riches, and 
power (1. x- p. 2?<s) : tlie two last articles appear more equivocal ; but an tvytvua^ 
which f^even hujulrcd years ajjo was famous in the palace of Constantinople, 
attests the nncient dignity of the Capetian family of France. 

*' Will. Oemcticeiisis, 1. vii. c. 7, i>p. 672, 673, in Camden. Normanicls. He 
pawne<i the tiudiy for one liiindredth part of the present yearly revenue. Ten 
thou.sand maiks may he efuial to live hundred thounand livres, and Normandy 
annually yicld.s lifty-seven millions to the king (Isecker, Administration deB 
Finances, 'toiH. i. p. 2^7). 

Vol. v.— 3 


and, in the council of the chiefs, the eloquent Stephen *^ was 
chosen to discharge the oflice of their i)resident. These 
four were the principal leaders of the Frencli, the Normans, 
and the pilgrims of the British isles : but the list of tlie 
barons who were possessed of three or four towns would 
exceed, says a contemporary, the catalogue of the Trojan 
war/^ III. In the south of France, the command was as- 
sumed by Adhemar bishop of Puy, the Pope's legate, and 
by Raymond count of St. Giles and Toulouse, who added 
the prouder titles of duke of Xarbonne and marquis of 
Provence. The former was a respectable prelate, alike qual- 
ified for this world and the next. The latter was a veteran 
warrior, who had fought against the Saracens of Spain, and 
who consecrated his declining age, not only to the deliver- 
ance, but to the perpetual service, of the holy sepulchre. 
His experience and riclies gave him a strong ascendant in 
the Christian cam]), whose distress he was often able, and 
sometimes willing, to relieve. But it Avas easier for him to 
extort the praise of the Infidels, than to preserve tlie love 
of his subjects and associates. His eminent qualities were 
clouded by a temper haughty, envious, and obstinate ; and, 
though he resigned an am]>le patrimony for the cause of 
God, his piety, in the public opinion, was not exempt from 
avarice and ambition.^*^ A mercantile, rather than a mar- 
tial, spirit prevailed among liis ^:)royi/ici«/s,^^ a common 
name, which included the natives of Auvergne and Lan- 
guedoc,^^ the vassals of the kingdom of Burgundy or Aries. 
From the adjacent frontier of Spain he drew a band of 
hardy adventurers : as he marched through Lombardv, a 
crowd of Italians flocked to his standard, and liis united 
force consisted of one hundred thousand horse and foot. If 
Raymond was the first to enlist and the last to depart, the 
delay may be excused by the greatness of his preparation 

^8 His original letter to his wife is inserted in the Spicilegium of Dom. Luc. 
d'Acheii, torn, iv., a;id quoted in the Esprit des Croisades, toui. i. p. C3. 

<" Unius enim, duum, trium sen quatuor oppidoruni doniinos quia numeret? 
quorum tanta fuit oopia, n I non vix tolideni Trojana obsidio coegisse putevur. 
(Ever Uie lively and interesting Guiberl, p. 4S'".) 

^0 It is singular enough, that Raymond of St. Giles, a peoond character in the 
genuine history of the crusa<le3, should shine as tlie tirst of heroes Im tiio \vriti:!g8 
of the Greeks (Anna Coninen. Alexiad, 1. x. xi.)and the Arabiaiia (Longueruana, 
p. 12.0). 

^1 Omnes de Burgundia, et Alyernia, et Vasconil, et Gothi (of Lnngaedoc), 
provinciates appellabantur, ca^teri vero Franci^jen:e et hoc iu exercitu ; inter 
hostes a-.item Franci dieebant ir. Raymond des Agiles, p. 114. 

•'2 The town of his birlh, or first a])panage, was consecrated 1o St. ^Egidius 
whose )iame, .ns early as tlie first crusade, was corrupted by the French i:Uo St. 
Gille-, or St. Giles. It is situate in the Lower Lauguedoc, between Kisincs .and 
the Rhone, and still boasts a collegia" e chur'^-h of the foundation of Raymond 
Cil<51anges tiics d'une Grande Bibliotheque, torn, xxjcvii. p. 51;. 


and the promise of an everlasting farewell. IV. The name 
of i3(jheniond, the son of Robert Gaiscard, was already fa- 
mous by his double victory over the Greek emperor ; but 
his father's will had reduced him to the principality of Tar- 
entum, and the remembrance of his Eastern trophies, till he 
was awakened by the rumor and passage of the French pil- 
grims. It is in the person of this Norman chief that we 
may seek for the coolest policy and ambition, with a small 
allay of religious fanaticism. His conduct may justify a 
belief that he had secretly directed the design of the pope, 
which he affected to second with astonishment and zeal : at 
the siege of Amalphi, his example and discourse inflamed 
the passions of a confederate army ; he instantly tore his 
garment to supply crosses for the numerous candidates, and 
prepared to visit Constantinople and Asia at the head of ten 
thousand horse and twenty thousand foot. Several princes 
of the Norman race accompanied this veteran general; and 
his cousin Tancred ^^ was the partner, rather than the ser- 
vant, of the war. In the accomplished character of Tancred 
we discover all the virtues of a perfect knight,^^ the true 
spirit of chivalry, which inspired the generous sentiments 
and social offices of man far better than the base philosophy, 
or the baser religion, of the times. 

Between the a<2je of CharlemaG^ne and that of the cm- 
sades, a revolution had taken place among the Spaniards, 
the Normans, and the French, which was gradually ex- 
tended to the rest of Europe. The service of the infantry 
was degraded to the plebeians ; the cavalry formed the 
strength of the armies, and the honorable name of miles, or 
soldier, was confined to the gentlemen ^^ who served on 

^■^ The mother of Tailored was Emma, sister of the jjreat "Rohert Gnisrard ; 
his father, the Marquis Odo the Good. It is siiij^nlar enoush, tliat tlie f:iniily 
and ooumry of so ilhistrions a per on slioiihl be unknown ; hut Muratori reason- 
ably conject.'.res tlial he was an Italian, and perliaps of the rac;e of the marquises 
of Montferiat in Piedmont (Script, torn. v. pp. 281. 282). 

"* To gratify the childish vanity of the h.onse of Este. Tasso has inserted in 
his po!»m, and in tlie lirst crusade, a fabulous hero, the brave and amorous 
lanaldo (X. 7.5, xvii. (i(\-d4). He might borrow Ids name from a Rinaldo, with the 
Aqr.ila biaiK a Kstense, wlio vanquished, as the standard-bearer of the Roman 
church, tlie emperor Frederic J. (Storia Imperiale di Ricobaldo. in Muratori. 
Script. Ital. torn. ix. t> 360. Ariosto, Oihindo Furioso iii. .30). But, 1. The dis- 
tance of sixty years between the youth of tlie twoRinaldoa destroys their identity. 
2. The Storia Imperiale is a forgery of the Conte Boyardo, at the end of the xvth 
century (Muratori, pp. 281-289). 3. This Kinaldo, and his exploits, are not less 
chimeri'-al than the hero ol* Tasso (Muratori, Antichita Estense. torn. i. p. 350). 

^° Of the v^or(.]s(/('iifi.i'is,fie)ifilhomme,f/eJifleinan, two etymologies are produced : 
1. From the P.arbarians of the fifth ceiitury. the soldiers, and at length the con- 
querors of the Konian empire, who w.ere v";iin of their foreign nobility ; and 2, 
From the sense of Ihe civilians, who consider gntilis as synonymous with in- 
gf^nnua, Seldeu iucliues to the first, but the latter is more pure, ad well as prob- 


horseback, and were invested with tlie character of knight- 
hood. The dukes and counts who had usurped tlie rights 
of sovereignty, divided the provinces among their 
faithful barons: the barons distributed among their vassals 
the fiefs or benefices of their jurisdiction; and these mili- 
tary tenants, the peers of each other and of their lord, com- 
posed the noble or equestrian order, which disdained to 
conceive the peasant or burgher as of the same species with 
themselves. The dignity of their birth was preserved by 
pure and equal alliances ; their sons alone, who could pro- 
duce four quarters or lines of ancestry without spot or re- 
proach, might legally pretend to the honor of knighthood ; 
but a v.'diant plebeian was sometimes enriched and ennobled 
by the sword, and became the father of a new race. A 
single knight could impart, according to his judginent, the 
character which he received ; and the warlike sovereigns of 
Euro])e derived more glory from this personal distinction 
tlian from the lustre of their diadem. This ceremony, of 
which some traces may be found in Tacitus and the woods 
of Germany,^^ was in its origin simple and profane ; the 
candidate, after some previous trial, was invested with the 
sword and S]nirs ; and his cheek or shoulder Avas touched 
with a slight blow, as an emblem of the last affront which 
it was lawful for him to endure. But superstition mingled 
in e\ery public and private action of life : in the holy wars, 
it sanctified tlie profession of arms; and the order of chiv 
airy was assimilated in its rights and ])rivileges to the sa- 
cred orders of priesthood. The bath and white garment of 
the novice were an indecent copy of the regeneration of 
baptism : his sword, which he offered on the altar, was 
blessed by the ministers of i-eliaion : his solemn reception 
was preceded by fasts and vigils, and he was created a knight 
in the name of God, of St. George, and of St. Michael the 
archangel. lie swore to accoin])lisli the duties of his profes- 
sion ; and education, example, and the public opinion, were the 
inviolable guardians of his oath. As the champion of God 
and the ladies (I blush to unite such discordant names), he 
devoted himself to speak the truth ; to maintain the right; 
to protect the distressed ; to pi-actise courtesy^ a virtue less 
familiar to the ancients; to pursue the infidels; to despise 
the allurements of ease and safety ; and to vindicate in 
every perilous adventui-e the honor of his character. The 
abuse of the same s|)irit provoked the illiterate knight to 

^ Framea scutoque juvenem ornaiit. Tacitus, Germania, c. 13. 


disdain the arts of industry «ind peace ; to esteem himself 
the sole judge and avenger of liis own injuries ; and proud- 
ly to neglect tlie laws of civil society and military disci- 
pline. Yet the benefits of this institution, to refine the 
temper of Barbarians, and to infuse some ])rinciples of 
faith, justice, and humanity, were strongly felt, and have 
been often observed. The asperity of national prejudice 
was softened ; and the community of religion and arms 
spread a similar color and generous emulation over the 
face of Christendom. Abroad in enterprise and pilgrimage, 
at home in martial exercise, the w\arriors of every country 
were per]K^tually associated ; and impartial taste must pre- 
fer a Gothic tournament to the 01ym])ic p^ames of classic 
antiquity.^" Instead of the naked spectacles which cor- 
rupted the manners of the Greeks, and banished from the 
stadium the virgins and matrons, the pompous decoration 
of the lists Avas crowned Avith the presence of chaste and 
high-born beauty, from whose hands the conqueror received 
the ])rize of his dexterity and courage. The skill and 
stremrth that "were exerted in wrestling; and boxinix bear a 
distant and doubtful relation to the merit of a soldier; but 
the tournaments, as they were invented in France, and eag- 
erly adopted both in the East and West, j)resented a lively 
ima2:e of the business of the field. The single combat, the 
general skirmish, the defence of a pass, or castle, were re- 
hearsed as in actual service; and the contest, both in real 
and mimic war, was decided by the superior management of 
the horse and lance. The lance w'as the pro])erand })eculiar 
weapon of the knight : his horse was of a large and heavy 
breed ; but this charger, till he was roused by the aj)proach- 
ing danger, was usually led by an attendant, and he quietly 
rode a ]^ad or palfrey of a more easy pace. His helmet and 
sword, his greaves and buckler, it w^ould be superfluous to 
describe ; but I may remark, that, at the period of the cru- 
sades, the armor was less ponderous than in later times; 
and that, instead of a massy cuirass, his breast was de- 
fended by a hauberk or coat of mail. When their long 
lances were fixed in the rest, the warriors furiously spurred 
their horses against the foe : and the light cavalry of the 
Turks and Arabs could seldom stand against the direct and 

" The athletic cxevciecs, particularly the casstus and pancratium, were con- 
demned by LytnirgULS Philopcenicii, and Galen, a lawgiver, a general, and a 
physician. Again' t 11k ir aulhority ai'd reasons, the reader may NViich the 
onolnpv of I.u- a 1, ii iho character (f Solon. See WuBt on the Olympic Games, 
In hia Pindar, vol. ii. pp. 8C-9G, 245-218. 


impetuous weight of tlieir charge. Each knight was attended 
to tlie fiekl by lus faitliful squire, a youth of equal birth and 
similar liopes; lie was followed by his archers and men at 
arms, and four, or five, or six, soldiers were computed as 
the furniture of a complete lance. In the ex])editions to 
the neighboring kingdoms or the Holy Land, the duties of 
tlie feudal tenure no longer subsisted ; the voluntary service 
of tlie knights and their followers was eitiier pi-ompted by 
zeal or attachment, or purchased with rewards and prom- 
ises ; and the numbers of each squadron were measured by 
the ]->ower, the wealth, and the fame, of each independent 
chieftain. They were distinguished by his banner, his ar- 
morial coat, and his cry of war; and the most ancient fam- 
ilies of Euroj^e must seek in these achievements the origin 
and proof of their nobility. In this rapid portrait of chiv- 
alry, I have been urged to anticipate on the story of the 
crusades, at once an effect, and a cause, of this memorable 

Such were the troops, and such the leaders, who assumed 
the cross for the deliverance of the holy sepulchre. As 
soon as they were relieved by the absence of the plebeian 
multitude, they encouraged eacli other, by interviews and 
messages, to accomplish their vow, and hasten their depart- 
ure. Their wives and sisters were desirous of partaking 
the danger and merit of the pilgrimage : their j)0i'table 
treasures vvere conveyed in bars of silver and gold ; and the 
princes and barons were attended by their equi])age of 
liounds and hawks to amuse their leisure and to suj)ply their 
table. The difficultv of procuriiuj," subsistence for so many 
myriads of men and horses engaged them to separate their 
forces: their choice or situation determined the road ; and 
it was aorreed to meet in the neis^hborhood of Constantino- 
pie, and from thence to begin their operations against the 
Turks. From the banks of the Meuse and the Moselle, 
Godfrey of Bouillon f^)llowed the direct way of Gei-many, 
Hunirarv, and Bulixaria; and, as loiux as he exercised the 
sole command, every step afforded some ])roof of his prudence 
and virtue. On the confines of Hungary he was stop])ed 
tliree weeks by a Christian people, to whom the name, or at 
least the abuse, of the cross was justly odious. The Hun- 

S8 On the curions subjects of knighthood, knightfl-servioe, nobility, arms, cry of 
•war, banners, ami tournam-nts, an ample fund of information may bt thought iu 
Selden (Opera, torn- iii. parti. Titles of Honor, part. ii. c. 1, 3, 5, ^), Ducange 
{Glos!*. Latiii. torn. iv. pp. 398-412, &c.). Dissertations siir .Joinville (i. vi.-xii. pp. 
127-142, pp. 165-222), and M. de St. Palaye (Memoirea sur la Chevalerie). 


crnrinnr^ still smnrted with the \vonnc!s v/hich they had re- 
ceived from the first pil<j:rims: in their turn thev had abused 
the ri^iit of defenee and retaliation ; and thev had reason 
to apprehend a severe revenge Iroin a liero of the same na- 
tion, and who was engaged in tlie same cause. But, after 
weighing the motives and tlie events, tlie virtuous duke was 
content to ])ity tlie crimes and misfortunes of his worthless 
brethren ; and his twehe deputies, the messengers of peace, 
requested in his name a free passage and an ecpial market. 
To remove their suspicions, Godfrey trusted himself, and 
afterwards his hrothei-, to the faith of Carloman,* king of 
Hungary, who treated them with a simple but hospitable 
entertainment: the treaty was sanctified by their common 
gospel; and a proclamation, under pain of death, restrained 
the animosity and license of the Latin soldiers. Fioni 
Austria to Belgrade, they traA ersed the ])lains of Hungary, 
without enduring or offering an nijury ; and tiie ]^roximity 
of Carloman, who hovered on their flanks with his numer- 
ous cavalry, was a precaution not less useful for tlieir safety, 
tlian for his own. Thev reached the bard<s of the Save; 
and no sooner had they ]»assed the river, than the king of 
Hungary restored tlie hostages, and saluted their departure 
with the fairest wishes for the success of th.eir enterprise. 
With the same conduct and disci))lino, Godfrey pervaded 
the woods of Bulgaria and the frontiers of Thrace; and 
might congratulate himself, that lie had almost reached the 
first term of his ])ilgrimage, witliout drawing his sword 
against a Christian adversary. After an easy and jileasant 
journey through Lombardy, from Turin to Aquileia, Ray- 
mond and his provincials marched forty days through the 
savacce country of Dalmatia^^ and Sclavonia. The weather 
was a perpetual fog; the land was mountainous and deso- 
late ; tlie natives were either fugitive or liostile : loose in 
their religion and government, tliey refused to furnish pro- 
visions or Gfuides ; murdered the strai^Hers; and exercised 
by night and day the vigilance of the count, wlio derived 
more security from the punishment of some captive robbers 

•'■' Tlio Familire Dnliiiatic.TB of Duoange are meagre and imperfect ; the national 
liistorians are recent aii<I fabulous, the Greeks remote and careless. In the year 
1104, Coloman reduced the maritime country as far as Irau and Salona (Kotaua, 
Hist. Crit. torn, iii pp. 195-207). 

* Carloman (or Calmany) demanded the brothei of Godfrey as hostage ; but 
Count lialdwin refu.-ed the liuiuiliating submission. Godfrey shamed him into 
this sac!iii«-(^ lor ihe common good, by offering to surrender himself. Wilken. 
vol, i. p. 104.— M. 


than from his interview and treaty Avith the prince of Scodra.^ 
His inarch between Diirazzo and Constantinople was liar- 
assed, withont being stopi)ed, by the peasants and soldiers 
of the Greek emperor ; and the same faint and ambiguous 
hostility was prepared for the remaining chiefs, who passed 
the Adriatic from the coast of Italy. Bohemond had arms 
and vessels, and foresight and discipline; and his name was 
not forgotten in the provinces of Epirus and Tliessaly. 
Whatever obstacles he encountered were surmounted by his 
military conduct and the valor of Tancred ; and if the Nor- 
man prince affected to spare the Greeks, he gorged his sol- 
diers with the full plunder of an heretical castle.^^ The 
nobles of France pressed forward with the vain and 
thoughtless ardor of which their nation has been sometimes 
accused. From the Alps to Apulia the march of Hugh the 
Great, of the two Roberts, and of Stephen of Chartres, 
through a wealthy country, and amidst the applauding 
Catholics, was a devout or triumphant progress: they kissed 
the feet of the Roman pontiff ; and the golden standard of 
St. Peter was delivered to the brother of the French mon- 
arch. ^-^ But in this visit of ])iety and pleasure, they neglected 
to secure the season, and the means of their embarkation : 
the winter was insensibly lost : their troops were scattered 
and corrupted in the towns of Italy. They separately ac- 
complished their passage, regardless of safety or dignity; 
and within nine months from the feast of the Assumption, 
the day appointed by Urban, all the Latin princes had 
reached Constantinople. But the count of Vermandois was 
produced as a captive ; his foremost vessels Avere scattered 
by a tempest; and his person, against the law of nations, 
was detained bvthe lieutenants of Alexius. Yet the arrival 
of Hugh had been announced by four-and-twenty knights in 
golden armor, who commanded the emperor to revere the 

"f* Scodr<as appears in Livy as the capital and fortress of Gentius, king of the 
Illyrians, arx nuuiitissima, afterwards a Roman colony (Cellarius, toni. i. pp. 3'J3, 
394). It is now called Iseodar, or Scutari (D'Anville, Geographic Ancienne, torn. 
i. p. 164). The sanjiak (now a pacha) of Scutari, or Scheiuieire, was the vliitli 
under the Beglerbeg of Romania, and furnished GOO soldiers on a revenue of 
78,787 rix-dollars (Marsigli, Stato Miliiare del Imperio Ottoniano, p. 128). 

<'! In Pelagonia castrum hsereticum * * * spoliatum cum suis habitatorihus 
igne combussere. Nee id els injuria cnntiffif: quia illorum detestabilis t^ermo et 
cancer serpebat, jamque circumjacentes resiones suo pravo dogmato fct'daverat 
(Robert. Mon. pp. 30,37). After coolly vela:ing the fact, the Archbishop I5aldric 
adds, as a praise, Omnes siquidenj illi viaiores, Jiuleos, hajrcticos, Saraccuos 
ajqualiter habent exosos : quos omnes appellant inimicos JJei (p. 92). 

*^- 'Ai'aAapouei'OS anb 'Pw/Arjs riji' ;^pua■fJ^' too 'Ayiou lltrpou crj/xaiai' (Alexiad, 1. X, 
p. 288.) 


general of the Latin Christians, the brother of the king of 
kings.^^ ^ 

In some Oriental tale I have read the fable of a shepherd, 
who was ruined by tlie accomplishment of his own wishes : 
he had prayed for water ; the Ganges was turned into his 
grounds, and his flock and cottage were swept away by the 
inundation. Such was the fortune, or at least the appre- 
hension, of the Greek emperor Alexius Comnenus, whose 
name has already appeared in this history, and whose con- 
duct is so differently represented by his daughter Anna,^* 
and by tlie Latin writers.^^ In the council of Placentia, his 
ambassadors liad solicited a moderate succor, perhaps of 
ten thousand soldiers; but he was astonished by tlie ap- 
proach of so many potent chiefs and fanatic nations. The 
emperor fluctuated between hope and fear, between timidity 
and courage; but in the crooked policy which lie mistook 
for wisdom, I cannot believe, I cannot discern, that he 
maliciously conspired against the life or lionor of the French 
heroes. The promiscuous multitudes of Peter tlie Hermit 
w^ere savage beasts, alike destitute of humanity and reason : 
nor was it possible for Alexius to prevent or deplore their 
destruction. The troops of Godfrey and his peers were less 
contemptible, but not less suspicious, to the Greek emperor. 
Their motives tnight be pure and pious : but he was equally 
alarmed by his knowledge of the ambitious Bohemond,t and 

^ 'O Ba<riAeu? rtav /3a<TiAf<ov, koX apxriyo<; rnv ^payyiKov (rTparevixaro<; AnavTO<;. This 
Oriental pomp is extrnvpgant in a countof Vei'niandois ; but the patriot Ducance 
repeats with much conipla-ency (Not. acl Alexiad. pp. 3.52, 353. Dissert, xxvii, 
sur f7oinville, p- SI.')) the passages of Mattliew Paris (A. D. 12.5J) and Froissard 
(vol. iv. p. 201), which style the king of France rex regum, and chef de tous lea 
rois Chretiens. 

c* Anna Comnena was horn the tst of December, A. R. 1083, indiction vji. 
(Alexiad. 1. \i. pp. 166, 167). At thirteen, the time of the first crnsade, she was 
nubile, and perhaps married to the younger Nioephorns Pryennius, whom she 
fondly styles toi/ e/xov Kaicrapa (1. X. pp. 29.5. 296). Some moderns have imnr/ined' 
that her enmity to Bohemond was the fruit of disappointed love. In the trans- 
actions of Constantinople and Nice, her partial accounts (Alex. 1. x. xi. pp. 2.<?3- 
317) may be opposed to the partiality of the Latins, but in their Bubsequeut 
exploits she is brief and ignorant. 

<^ In their views of the character and conduct of Alexius, Mnimbourg has 
favored the Catholic Franks, and Voltaire has been partial to tlie schismatic 
Greeks. The prejudice of a philosopher is less excusable than that of a Jesuit. 

* Hugh was taken at Durazzo, and sent by land to Constantinople. Wilken. 
— M. 

t Wilken quotes a remark ab'''> passage of William of Malmesbury as to the 
secret motives of Urban and of Bohemond in urging the crusado. I Uiid repositius 
proposit'im non i"a vulgabatur, quod Bocmunrli cnvsUio, pene totam Eurupani iu 
Asiaticam expe<litionem moveret, ut in tanto tumultu omnium provinciaruni 
facile obppratis auxiliaribus, et Urbanus Komui et Boemundus lUyricnm et Mace- 
doniam pervaderent. Nam easte-raset quidquid praiterea a Dyrrachio usque 
ad Thessalonicam protenditiir, Gniscardus pater, super Alexiiiin acquisierat ; 
idcirco iUax Jioemnii'Jus suojuri compt'terc claniiinhnt : inops hfereditatis Apuliae, 
quam genitor Rogerio, minori fiJio Uelegaverat. Wilken, vol. ii. p. 313. — M. 


his ignorance of the Transalpine chiefs : the courage of the 
French was blind and headstrong; they might be tempted 
by the luxury and wealth of Greece, and elated by the view 
and opinion of their invincible strength; and Jerusalem 
might be forgotten in the prospect of Constantinoj)le. After 
a long march and painful abstinence, the troo])s of Goilfrey 
encamped in the ])lains of Thrace; they heard with indigna- 
tion, that their brother, the count of Vermandois, was im- 
prisoned by the Greeks; and their reluctant duke was com- 
pelled to indulge them in some fi-eedom of retaliation and 
ra])ine. They were appeased by the submission of Alexius : 
he promised to su]i])ly their camp; and as they refused, in 
the midst of winter, to pass the Bosphorus, their quarters 
were assigned among the gardens and ])ahices on the shores 
of that narrow sea. But an incurable jealousy still rankled 
in the minds of the two nations, who despised each other as 
slaves and Barbarians. Ignorance is the ground of suspi- 
cion, and sus]>icion was in.flamed into daily provocations : 
prejudice is blind, hunger is deaf; and Alexius is accused 
of a desii^n to starve or assault tlie Latins in a dangerous 
post, on all sides encompassed Avitli the waters. *^^ Godfrey 
sounded his trumpets, burst the net, overspread the plain, 
and insulted the suburbs; but the gates of Constantinople 
were strongly fortified ; theramj^arts were lined with archers ; 
and, after a doubtful conflict, l)oth ])arties listened to the 
voice of peace and religion. The gifts and promises of the 
em])eror insensibly soothed the fierce spirit of the western 
strangers ; as a Christian warrior, he rekindled their zeal 
for the prosecution of their holy enterprise, which he en- 
gaged to second with his troops and treasures. On tlie re- 
turn of spring, Godfrey was persuaded to occupy a pleasant 
and ])lentiful camp in Asia ; and no sooner had he passed 
the Bosphorus, than the Greek vessels were suddenly re- 
called to the opposite shore. The same policy was repeated 
with the succeeding chiefs, who were swayed by the exam- 
ple, and weakened by the departure, of their foremost com- 
panions. By his skill and diligence, Alexius prevented tlie 
union of anv two of the confederate armies at the same mo- 
ment under the walls of Constantinople ; and before the feast 
of the Pentecost not a Latin pilgrim was left on the coast 
of Europe. 

CO Between the Black Sea, the Bosphorus, and the Ttiver Barbyses, ^jphich is 
deep in summer, and runs tifteen nilKs through a flat meadow. Its cununu- 
jiication with Europe and Constantinople is by the stone bridi^^e of tlie lilnchernoi, 
which in successive a.^es was restored by Justinian and Basil (Gylliusde Bosphoro 
Thra^;io, 1. ii. c. 3. Ducange, C. P. Christiana, 1. v. c. 2, p. 179). 


The same arms wliich threatened Europe miglit deliver 
Asia, and repel the Turks from tlie neighboring shores of 
the 13osphorus and Hellespont. The fair provinces from 
Nice to Antioch were the recent patrimony of the Roman 
emperor ; and his ancient and perpetual claim still embraced 
the kingdoms of Syria and Egypt. In his enthusiasm, Alex- 
ius indulged, or affected, the ambitious hope of leading his 
new allic3 to subvert the thrones of the East ; but the calmer 
dictates of reason and temper dissuaded him from exposing 
his royal person to the faith of unknown and lawless Barba- 
rians. Ilis ])rudence, or his pride, was content with extort- 
ing from the French princes an oath of homage and fidelity, 
and a solemn promise, that they would either restore, or 
hold, their Asiatic conquests as the humble and loyal vassals 
of the Roman em])ire. Their independent spirit was fired 
at the mention of this foreign and voluntary servitude : they 
successively yielded to the dexterous application of gifts 
and llattery ; and the first proselytes became the most elo- 
quent and effectual missionaries to multii)ly the companions 
of tlieir shame. Tiie pride of Hugh of Vermandois was 
soothed by the honors of his captivity; and in the brother of 
the French king, the example of submission was ]>revalent 
and weighty. In the mind of Godfrey of Bouillon every hu- 
man consideration was subordinate to the glory of God and 
the success of the crusade. lie had firmly resisted the temp- 
tations of Bohemond and Ravmond, who nr'j;ed the attack 
and conquest of Constantinople. Alexius esteemed his vir- 
tues, deservedly named liim the champion of the em]/ire, 
and diirnified his homacfe with the filial name and the riHits 
of adoj)tion." The hateful Bohemond was received as a 
true and ancient ally; and if the emperor reminded him of 
former hostilities, it was only to praise the valor that he had 
displayed, and the glory that he had acquired, in the fields 
of Durazzo and Larissa. Tlie son of Guiscard was lodged 
and entertained, and served with Imperial j)omp: one day, 
as he passed through the gallery of the palace, a door was 
carelessly left open to expose a pile of gold and silver, of silk 
and gems, of curious and costly furniture, that was hea])ed, 
in seeming disorder, from the floor to the roof of the cham- 
ber. " What conquests," exclaimed the ambitious miser, 
" might not be achieved by the possession of such a treas- 

87 There were two sorts of artoptioii. the one by arms, the other bviiitrodiioing 
the soil between the shirt and i<kin of his father. Ducange (sur Joinrille, Diss. 
ixxi. p. 270) supposes Godfrey's adoption to have been of the latter sort. 


ure!" — "It is your own," a*eplied a Greek Jittendant, who 
watclied the motions of Ins soul; and Boliemond, after some 
hesitation, condescended to accept this magnificent })resent. 
Tlie Norman was flattered by the assurance of an indepen- 
dent principality ; and Alexius eluded, rather than denied, 
his daring demand of the ofHce of great domestic, or general 
pf the East. The two Roberts, the son of the conqueror of 
England, and the kinsman of three queens,^^ bowed in their 
turn before the Byzantine throne. A private letter of Ste- 
phen of Cliartres attests his admiration of the emperor, the 
most excellent and liberal of men, who taught him to be- 
lieve that he was a favorite, and promised to educate and 
establish his youngest son. In his southern province, the 
count of St. Giles and Toulouse faintly recognized the 
supremacy of the king of France, a prince of a foreign 
nation and language. At the liead of a hundred thousand 
men, he declared that he was the soldier and servant of 
Christ alone, and that the Greek might be satisfied with an 
equal treaty of alliance and friendship. His obstinate 
resistance enhanced the value and the price of his submis- 
sion ; and he shone, says tlie princess Anna, among the Bar- 
barians, as the sun amidst the stars of heaven, ttis disgust 
of the noise and insolence of the French, his suspicions of 
the designs of Bohemond, tlie emperor imparted to his faith- 
ful Raymond; and that aged statesman might clearly dis- 
cern, that however false in friendship, he was sincere in his 
enmity.^ The spirit of chivalry was last subdued in the 
person of Tancred ; and none could deem themselves dis- 
honored by the imitation of that gallant knight, lie dis- 
dained the gold and flattery of the Greek monarch ; assaulted 
in his presence an insolent patrician ; escaped to Asia in the 
habit of a private soldier; and yielded with a sigh to the 
authority of Bohemond, and the interest of the Christian 
cause. The best and most ostensible reason was the impos- 
sibility of passing the sea and accomplishing their vow, 
without the license and the vessels of Alexius ; but they 
cherished a secret hope, that as soon as they trod the conti- 
nent of Asia, their swords would obliterate their shame, and 
dissolve the encraixement, which on his side misfht not be 
very faithfully performed. The ceremony of their homage 
was grateful to a people who had long since considered 
pride as the substitute of power. High on his throne, the 

<=8 After his return, liobert of Flanders became the man of the kinir of Englaudj 
for a pension of four luindred ina!]<s. Se3 the tirst act in Rymers Fanlera. 
eJ Seusit vetus reguauai, f alsos in amore, odia iion tingere. Tacit. Ti. 44. 


emperor sat mute and immovable : his majesty was adored 
by tlie Latin princes; and they submitted to kiss either his 
feet or his knees, an indignity which their own writers are 
ashamed to confess, and unable to deny.'^ 

Private or j)ublic interest suppressed the murmurs of the 
dukes and counts ; but a French baron (he is supposed to be 
Robert of Paris '^) presumed to ascend the throne, and to 
pLace liimself by the side of Alexius. The sage reproof of 
Baldwin pi-ovoked him to exclaim, in his barbarous idiom, 
"Who is this rustic, that keeps his seat, while so many val- 
iant captains are standing round him ?" The emperor main- 
tained his silence, dissembled his indignation, and questioned 
his interpreter concerning the meaning of the words, which 
he partly 'susj)ected from the universal language of gesture 
and countenance. Before the departure of the pilgrims, he 
endeavored to learn the name and condition of the audacious 
baron. "I am a Prenchman," replied Robert, "of the pur- 
est and most ancient nobility of my country. All that I 
know is, that there is a church in my neighborhood,'-^ the 
resort of those who are desirous of approving their valor in 
single combat. Till an enemy apjiears, they address their 
prayers to God and his saints. That church I have fre- 
quently visited. But never have I found an antagonist who 
dared to accept my defiance." Alexius dismissed the chal- 
len2;er with some prudent advice for his conduct in the 
Tui-kish warfare; and history repeats with pleasure this 
lively example of the manners of his age and country. 

The conquest of Asia was undertaken and achieved 
by Alexander, with thirty-iive thousand Macedonians and 
Greeks ; ^^ and his best hope was in the strength and disci- 

'" Tlie proud liistorimis of the oi-nsa<l?s slide and stumble over this humiliating 
step. Yet, since the heroes knelt to salute the emperor, as he sat motionless on 
Ins throne, it is clear that they must have kisse<l either liis feet or knees. It 
i.s only singular, that Anna should not liave amply supplied the ^^ilen(e or am- 
biguity of the Latins, 'riie abasement of their piinces would have added a line 
chapter to the Cerenu)niale Aula Uyzantinre. 

'1 He called himseif 'i>payyh<; Kd6apo<; Ton' evYei-wv (Alexias, 1. X. p. 301). What a 
title of noblesse of the xith century, if any one could now prove his inlieritance ! 
Anna relates, with visible pleasure, that ihe swelling Barbarian, Aorti^o? 
TuTvifxLtixivo^, was killed, or wounded, after fighting in the front in the battle of 
Dorylajum (1. xi. p. ol7). This circumstance may justify the suspicion of Ducance 
(Not- p. .SG2), that he was no other than Robert of Paris, of the district most 
peculiarly styled tlie Duchy or lslan<l of France (L' I.s/c de France). 

"'- With the same penetration, Ducange discovers his church to be that of 
St. Drausus, or Drosin, of .Soi^<sons, qucu «lnello dimicaturi solent iuvocare : 
pugiles qui ad memoriam ejus (Ii'm tomb) licrnoctant invictos reddit, ut et do 
Burgundi.i et Italia, tali necessitate confugiatur ad eum. Joan. Sariberiensis, 130. 

'^ There is some diversity on the numbers of his army ; but no authority can 
be compared with that of Ptolemy, who states it at five thousand horse and 
thirty thousand foot (see Usher's Anuales, p. 152). 

46 THE i)i<:oi.ixE and fall 

pline of his ]^lialaiix of infantry. The principal force of the 
crusaders consisted in their cavah'v ; and when tliat force 
was mustered in the plains of Bithynia, tlie knights and 
tlieir martial attendants on liorseback amounted to one 
hundred thousand fiirhtino' men, com])letelv armed witli the 
helmet and coat of mail. The value of these soldiers de- 
served a strict and authentic account; and the flower of 
European chivalry miglit furnish, in a first effort, this for- 
midable body of heavy liorse. Apart of tlie infantry might 
be eni-oUed for the service of scouts, pioneers, and archers ; 
but the promiscuous crowd were lost in tlieir own disorder; 
and we depend not on the eyes or knowledge, but on the 
belief and fancy, of a chaplain of Count Baldwin,'^^ in the 
estimate of six hundred thousand pilgrims able to \)eararms, 
besides the priests and monks, the women and children of 
the Latin camp. The reader starts ; and before he is re- 
covered from his surprise, I shall add, on the same testi- 
mony, that if all who took the cross had accomplished their 
vow, above six millions would have migrated from Europe 
to Asia. Under this oppression of faith, I derive some 
relief from a more sagacious and thinking w^riter, '^ who, after 
the same review of the cavalry, accuses the credulitv of the 

•* ' ft 

priest of Chartres, and even doubts whether the Cisalpine 
regions (in the geogra]>hy of a Frenchman) were sufficient to 
produce and ])our forth such incredible multitudes. The 
coolest skepticism Avill remember, that of these religious 
volunteers great numbers never beheld Constantinople and 
Nice. Of enthusiasm the influence is irre^-ular and tran- 
sient : many were detained at home by reason of cowardice, 
by poverty or weakness ; and many M'ere repulsed by the 
obstacles of the way, the more insuperable as they were un- 
foreseen, to those io-norant fanatics. The savao-e countries 
of Hungary and Bidgaria were whitened with tlieir bones: 
their vanguard was cat in pieces by the Turkish sultan ; and 
the loss of the fii'st adventure, by the sword, or climate, or 
fatitrue, has already been stated at three liundred thousand 
men. Yet the myriads that sui-vived, that marched, that 
j)i-essed forwards on the holy pilgrimage, were a subject of 
astonishment to themselves and to the Greeks. The copious 

T* Fuleher. Cnrnotensis. p. 3S7. He enumerates nineteen nations of different 
names and languages (p. KS9> ; but I do not clearly appreliend his difference be- 
tween the Franci'A\\i\ Oalli, f/aiiaiidJpuli. Elsewhere (p. 385) he contemptuously 
brands the deserters. 

T5 Guibert, p. 556. Yet even liis gentle opposition implies an imnie-ise multi- 
tude. By IJrban II., in the fervor of his zeal, it is only rated at 300,000 pilgrims 
(epist. xvi, Coucil. loiu. xii. p. 73ij. 


energy of her language sinks under the efforts of tiie ])rin- 
cess Anna :'^ the images of locusts, of leaves and flowers, of 
the sands of the sea, or tlie stars of lieaven, imperfectly 
represent what she had seen and heard ; and the daiigliter 
of Alexius exclaims that Europe was loosened from its 
foundation, and hurled against Asia. The ancient hosts of 
Darius and Xerxes labor under the same doubt of a vaoue 
and indefinite magnitude; but I am inclined to believe, that a 
larger number has never been contained within the lines of 
a single camp, than at the siege of Nice, the first operation 
of the Latin princes. Tlieir motives, their characters, and 
their arms, have been already displayed. Of their troops 
the most numerous })ortion were natives of France : the Low 
Countries, the banks of the Rhine, and Apulia, sent a power- 
ful reenforcenunt: some bands of adventurers were drawn 
from Spaujj Lumbaidy, and England ;" and from the dis- 
tant boo's and mountains of Leland or Scotland '''^ issued 


some nakeci and sa\'age fanatics, ferocious at home but 
unwarlike abj-oad. ILid not superstition condemned the 
sacrilegious ])rudence of depriving the poorest or weakest 
Christian of the merit of th.e, the useless crowd, 
with mouths but without hands, might have been stationed 
in the Greek empire, till their companions had opened and 
secured the way of the Lc)rd. A small remnant of the pil- 
gi'ims, who pnssed the Bosjhorus, was peimitted to visit 
the lioly sepulchre. Their noilhern constitution was scorched 
by the rays, and infected by the vaj ors of a Syrian sun. 
They consumed, with heedless prodigality, their stores of 
water and provision : their numbers exhausted the inlnnd 
country : the sea was remote, the Greeks were unfriendly, 
and tlie Cliristians of every sect fled before the voracious 
and cruel rapine of their brethren. In the dire necessity (f 
famine, thev sometimes roasted and devoured the flesh of 

""^ Alexias, 1. x. pp. 283, 305. Her fastidious delicacy complainsof (heir strange 
and innitjculate names; and indeed there is scarcely one that she has not contrived 
to (iisfigure with the proud ignorance so dear and familiar to a polished people. 
1 shall .'^elect otiIv one example. Snvf/eles. for tlie count of St. Ciles. 

''• W^illiam of Malmsbury (wlio wrote about. the year 1130) has inserted in Ids 
history (1. iv. pp. ].'30-154 a narrative of the tirst crusade ; but 1 wish that, in- 
stead of listening lo the tenue murmur which liad passed tlie Briti^h ocean (p. 
14o\ he had conlined himself lo the numbers, families, and adventures of his 
ox)untrymen. I lind in Dngdale, lliat an Knglish Norman, Stephen ear] of 
Albemarle an<l Holdernesse, led the rear-guard with Duke Hubert, at the battle 
of Antioch (Baronage, part i p. ('>!). 

"K Videres Siotorum apud se fer^cium alias imbellium cuneos (Guibert, p. 471); 
the -Tus intectxcm and /lisp'ulacfilainys, may suit the Highlanders ; l,ut the tinibua 
uliginosis may rather apply to the Irish bogs. William of Malmtbury expresfly 
mentions the Welsh and Scots Szc. (1. iv. p. l.';3), who quitted, the former venjv- 
tiouem saltuum, the latter familiaritatem pulicum. 


their infant or adult captives. Among the Turks and 
Saracens, the idolaters of Europe were rendered more odious 
by the name and reputation of Cannibals ; the spies, who 
introduced themselves into the kitchen of Boliemond, were 
shown several human bodies turning on tlie spit : and the 
artful Norman encouraged a report, which increased at tlie 
same time the abhorrence and the terror of the infidels."® 

I have expatiated with pleasure on the first steps of the 
crusaders, as they paint the manners and character of 
Europe : but L shall abridge the tedious and uniform nar- 
rative of their blind achievements, which were performed by 
strencfth and are described by i2:norance. From their first 
station in the neighborhood, of Nicomedia, they advanced in 
successive divisions ; passed the contracted limit of the 
Greek empire; opened a road through the hills, and com- 
menced, by the siege of his capital, their pious warfare 
ao^ainst the Turkish sultan. His kinodom of Roum ex- 
tended from the Hellespont to the confines of Syria, and 
barred the pilgrimage of Jerusalem : his name was Kilidge- 
Arslan, or Soliman, ^^ of the race of Seljuk, and son of the 
first conqueror ; and in the defence of a land which the Turks 
considered as their own, he deserved the praise of his 
enemies, by whom alone he is known to posterity. Yield- 
ing to the first impulse of the torrent, he deposited his 
family and treasure in Nice ; retired to the mountains with 
fifty thousand hoi'se ; and twice descended to assault the 
camps or quarters of tlie Christian besiegers, which formed 
an imperfect circle of above six miles. The lofty and solid 
Avails of Nice were covered by a deep ditch, and flanked by 
three hundred and seventy towers ; and on the verge of 
Christendom, tlie Moslems were trained in arms, and in- 
flamed by religion. Before this city, the French princes 
occupied their stations, and prosecuted their attacks with- 
out correspondence or subordination : emulation promj^ted 
their valor ; but their valor was sullied by cruelty, and their 

^9 This cannibal liunijer, sometimes real, move frequently an artifice or a lie, 
may be found in Anna Comnena (Alexias. 1. x. p. '/yS\ Guibert (p. 54G), Radulph. 
Cadom. (c. 97). The stratagem is related by the author of Uesta Francorum, tlie 
monk Robert Baldric, .ind Ilaymond des Agilea, in the siege and famine of 

8' His Mussulman appellntion of Soliman is used by the Latins, and his 
character is lughly embellished bv Tasso. HisTurl<ish jiamo of Kilidge-Arslan 
(A. H. 485-500, A. D. 1192-rjm), See de Guignes's Tables, torn. i. p. 245) is em- 
ployed by the Orientals, .and with some corruption by the Greeks ; but little 
more than his n;ime can be found in the ^Mahometan writers, who are dry and 
sulky on the subject of the first crusade (De Guignes. toni. iii. p. ii. pp. 10-30).* 

* See note, p. 30. Soliman and Kilidge-Arslan were father and son.— M. 


emulation degenerated into envy and civil discord. In tlie 
siege of Nice, the arts and engines of antiquity were em- 
ployed by the Latins ; the mine and the battering-rani, the 
tortoise, and the belfry or movable turret, artificial lire, 
and the catapult and balist, the sling, and the crossbow for 
the casting of stones and darts.^^ In the space of seven 
weeks much labor and blood were expended, and some prog- 
ress, especially by Count Raymond, was made on the side 
of the besiegers. But the Turks could protract their rasist- 
ance and secure their escape, as long as they were masters 
of the Lake ^^ Ascanius, wliich stretches several miles to the 
westward of the city. The means of conquest were supplied 
by the prudence and industry of Alexius; a great number 
of boats were transported on sledges from the sea to the 
lake ; they were filled with the most dexterous of his archers ; 
the flight of the sultana was intercepted ; Nice was invested 
by land and water; and a Greek emissary pei"suaded the 
inhabitants to accept his master's protection, and to save 
themselves, by a timely surrender, from the rage of the 
savages of Europe. In the moment of victory, or at least 
of hope, the crusaders, thirsting for blood and plunder, 
were awed by the Imperial banner that streamed from tlie 
citadel ; * and Alexius guarded M^ith jealous vigilance this 
important conquest. The murmurs of tlie chiefs were 
stifled by honor or interest ; and after a halt of nine days, 
they directed their march towards Phrygia under the guid- 
ance of a Greek general, who they suspected of a secret 
connivance with the sultan. The consort and the principal 
servants of Soliman liad been honoraljly restored without 
ransom ; and the emperor's generosity to the ntiscreaiits ^* 
was interpreted as treason to the Christian cause. 

Soliman was rather provoked than dismayed by the loss 
of his capital : lie admonished his subjects and allies of this 
strange invasion of the Western Bai-barians ; the Turkish 
emirs obeyed the call of loyalty or religion ; the Turkman 

81 On the fortifications, engines, and fjieges of the middle ages, see Muratori 
(Antiquitat. Italise, torn. ii. dissert, xxvi. pp. 4513-524). The ieZ/Vfif/jts, from whence 
our-belfrey, was the movable tower ot the ancients (Du^cange. torn. i. p. Cft8)- 

*2 I cannot forbear remarking the re»eniblance between the siege and lake of 
Nice, with theoi)erationso£ Hes'nau Cortez before Mexico. See Dr. Kobert&on, 
Historv of America, 1. v. 

^•' Mecrcavt, diWonX invented by the French crusaders, and confined in 
language to its priniilive fiense. It should seem, that the zeal of our ancestors 
boiled higher, and that they bran<led every unbeliever as a rascal. A similar 
prejudice still lurks in the minds of many who think themselves Christians. 

♦ Anna Comiieua calls it 6paju.a ttj? ■n-a/jaSoo-tds' — M. 

Vol. v.— 4 


liordes encamped round his standard ; and his whole force 
is loosely stated by the Christians at two hundred, or even 
three hundred and sixty thousand horse. Yet he patiently 
waited till they had left behind them the sea and the Greek 
frontier ; and hovering on the flanks, observed their careless 
and confident progress in two columns beyond the view of 
each other. Some miles before they could reach Dorylaeum 
in Phrygia, the left, and least numerous, division was sur- 
prised, and attacked, and almost o}>pressed, by the Turkish 
cava'lry.^'* The heat of the weather, the clouds of arrows, 
and the barbarous onset, overwhelmed the crusaders ; they 
lost their order and confidence, and the fainting fight was 
sustained by the personal valor, rather than by the military 
conduct, of Bohemond, Tancred, and Robert of Normandy. 
They were revived by the welcome banners of Duke God- 
frey, who flew to their succor, with the count of Vermandois, 
and sixty thousand horse ; and was followed by Raymond 
of Toulouse, the bishop of Puy, and the remainder of the 
sacred army. Without a moment's pause, they formed in 
new order, and advanced to a second battle. They Avere 
received with equal resolution ; and in their common dis- 
dain for the unwarlike people of Greece and Asia, it was 
confessed on both sides, that the Turks and the Franks 
were the only nations entitled to the appellation of sol- 
diers.^^ Their encounter was varied, and balanced by the 
contrast of arms and discipline ; of the direct charge, and 
wheeling evolutions ; of the couched lance, and the brand- 
ished javelin ; of a weighty broadsword, and a crooked 
sabre ; of cumbrous armor, and thin flowing robes ; and of 
the lomr Tartar bow, and the arhalist ov crossbow, a deadly 
w^eapon, yet unknown to the Orientals.^^ As long as the 
liorses were fresh, and the quivers full, Soliman maintained 
the advantage of the day ; and four thousand Christians 
were pierced by the Turkish arrows. In the evening, swift- 
ness yielded to strength : on either side, the numbers were 

^* Baronius lias produced a very doubtful letter to his brother Roger (A D. 
100.<5, No. 15). Tlie enemies consisted of Medes, Persians, Chaldeans, be it so. 
The tirst attack was cum nostro incoinniodo ; true and tender. Bit why Godfrey 
of Bouillon and Hugh brothers! Tancred is styled jilius ; of wliom ? Certainly 
uot of Roger, nor of Bohemond. 

8& Verumlan»e)i dicnnt se esse de Francorum generatione ; etquia iiullushomo 
naturaliter debet esse miles nisi Fr.inci et Turci (Gesta Francorum, p. 7). The 
same community of blood and valor is attested by Archbishop Baldric (p. 90). 

813 Ballstn, Balesrra, Arbalestre. See Muratori, Antiq. tom. ii. pp. 517-524. 
Ducange, Gloss. Latin tom. i. pp. 531, 5:J2. In the time of Anna Comnena, this 
weapon, which she describes under the name of izavffra, was unknown in the 
East (1. X. p. 291). By a humane iucoiisistency, the pope strove to prohibit it in 
Christian wars. 


equal, or at least as great as any ground could hold, or any 
generals could manage; but in turning the hills, the last 
division of Raymond and his ^^rouiViciaZ^ was led, perhaps 
without design, on the rear of an exhausted enemy ; and 
the long contest was determined. Besides a nameless and 
unaccounted multitude, three thousand Pagan knights were 
slain in the battle and pursuit ; the camj^ of Soliman was 
pillaged ; and in the variety of precious s])oiI, the curiosity 
of tlie Latins was amused with foreign arms and api)arel, 
and the new aspect of dromedaries and camels, 'i lie im- 
portance of the victory was proved by the hasty retreat of 
the sultan : reserving: ten thousand guards of the relics of 
his armv, Soliman evacuated the kimxdom of Roum, and 
hastened to implore the aid, and kindle the resentment, of 
his Eastern brethren. In a march of five hundred miles, 
the crusaders traversed the Lesser Asia, tlirough a wasted 
land and deserted towns, Avithout finding either a friend or 
an enemy. The geograj)her " may trace the position of 
Dorylaium, Antioch of Pisidia, Iconium, Arclielais, and 
Germanicia, and may compare those classic appellations 
with the modern names of Eskishehr the old city, Akshehr 
the white city, Cogni, Erekli, and Marash. As the ])ilgrims 
passed over a desert, where a draught of water is exchanged 
for silver, they Avere tormented by intolerable thirst ; and 
on the banks of the first rivulet, their haste and intemper- 
ance were still more pernicious to the disorderly throng. 
They climbed with toil and danger the steep and slippery 
sides of Mount Taurus; many of the soldiers cast away 
their arms to secure their footsteps ; and had not terror 
preceded their van, the long and treml)ling file might have 
been driven down the precij)ice by a handful of resolute 
enemies. Two of their most respectable chiefs, the duke of 
Lorraine and the count of Toulouse, were carried in litters; 
Raymond was raised, as it is said by miracle, from a hope- 
less malady; and Godfrey had been torn by a bear, as he 
pursued the rough and perilous chase in the mountains of 

To improve the general consternation, the cousin of Bo- 

87 The curious reader may compare the classic learning of Cellarius and the 
geographical science of D'Auvilie. William cf Tyre is the o::ly historian of the 
crusadciS who lias any knowledge of antiquity ; and ]\I. Otter trod almost ia the 
footsteps of the Franks from Constantinople to Antioch (Voyage en Turquio et 
en Perse, torn. i. pp. 33-88;.* 

* The journey of Col. Macdonald Kinneir in Asia Minor throwc considerable 
light on the geography of this march of the crusaders. — M. 


hemond and the brother of Godfrey were detached from 
the main army with their respective squadrons of five, and 
of seven, liundred kniglits. They overran in a rapid career 
the liills and sea-coast of Cilicia, from Cocini to the Syrian 
gates : the Norman standard was first phinted on the walls 
of Tarsus and Malmistra ; but the ])roud injustice of Bald- 
win at length provoked the patient and generous Italian ; 
and they turned their consecrated swords against each 
other in a private and profane quarrel. Honor was the 
motive, and fame the reward, of Tancred ; but fortune 
smiled on the more selfish enterprise of his rival.^^ Pie was 
called to the assistance of a Greek or Armenian tvrant, who 
had been suffered under the Turkish yoke to reign over the 
Christians of Edessa. Baldwin accepted the character of 
his son and champion ; but no sooner was he introduced 
into the city, than he inflamed the people to the massacre 
of his father, occupied the throne and treasure, extended 
his conquests over the hills of Armenia and the plain of 
Mesopotamia, and founded the first principality of the 
Franks or Latins, which subsisted fifty-four years beyond 
the Euphrates.^^ 

Before the Franks could enter Syria, the summer, and 
even the autumn, were completely wasted : the siege of An- 
tioch, or the separation and repose of the army during the 
winter season, Avas strongly debated in their council ; the 
love of arms and the holy sepulchre urged them to advance ; 
and reason perhaps was on the side of resolution, since 
every hour of delay abates the fame and force of the in- 
vader, and multi]>lies the resources of defensive war. TL^e 
capital of Syria was protected by the River Orontes ; and 
the iro)i hridge*^ of nine arches, derives its name from the 
massy gates of the tw^o towers which are constructed at 
either end. They were opened by the sword of the Duke 
of Normandy : his victory gave entrance to three hundred 
thousand crusaders, an account w>*th may allow some 
scope for losses and desertion, but which clearly detects 
much exaggeration in the review of Nice. In the description 

"8 Tliis detached conquest of Edessa is best represented by Fiilcheri us Carno 
tensis, or of Chartre^(iii the collections of Bongarsius, Duchesne, and IMartenne), 
the valiant chaplain of Count Baldwin (Esprit des Croisa<les, toni. i. pp. 13, 14). 
In the disputes of that prince witli Tancred, his partiality is encountered by the 
partiality of Kadulphus Cadomeusis, the soldier and historian of the gallant 

^■> See De Guignes, Hist, des Huns, torn. i. p. 456. 

* This bridge was over the Tfrin, not the Orontes, at a distance of three leagues 
from Antioch. See Wilken, vol. i. p. 17ii — M. 


of Antioch,^*' it is not easy to define a middle term between 
her ancient magnificence, under the successors of Alexan- 
dei; and Augustus, and the modern as])ect of Turkisli deso- 
lation. The Tetrapolis, or four cities, if tliey retained their 
name and position, must liave left a large vacuity in a cir- 
cumference of twelve miles ; and that measure, as well as 
the number of four hundred towers, are not perfectly con- 
sistent with the five gates, so often mentioned in the history 
of the siege. Yet Antioch must have still fiourishcd as a 
great and ])opulous capital. At the head of the Turkish 
emirs, Baghisian, a veteran chief, commanded in the place : 
his garrison was composed of six or seven thousand horse, 
and fifteen or twenty thousand foot; one hundred thousand 
Moslems are said to have fallen by the sword ; and their 
numbers were ])robably inferior to the Greeks, Armenians, 
and Syrians, Avho had been no more than fourteen years 
the slaves of the house of Seljuk. From the remains of a 
solid and stately wall, it appears to have arisen to the 
height of threescore feet in the valleys ; and wherever less 
art and labor had been applied, the ground was supposed 
to be defended by the river, the morass, and the mountains. 
Notwithstanding these fortifications, the city had been re- 
peatedly taken by the Persians, the Arabs, the Greeks, and 
the Turks; so large a circuit must have yielded many per- 
vious points of attack ; and in a siege that was formed 
about the middle of October, the vigor of the execution 
could alone justify the boldness of the attempt. Whatever 
strength and valor could perform in the field was abund- 
antly discharged by the champions of the cross : in the fre- 
quent occasions of sallies, of forage, of the attack and de- 
fence of convoys, they were often victorious ; and we can 
only complain, that their ex])Ioits are sometimes enlarged 
beyond the scale of probability and truth. The sword of 
Godfrey ^^ divided a Turk from the shoulder to the haunch; 

^ For Antioch, see Pocock (Description of the East, vol. ii. p. i, pp. 188-193), 
Otter (Voyage en Turqnie, <fe('.. toni. i. p. 81, &c.), the Turkish geographer (iu 
Otter's notes), the Index (Jeographicus of Schultens (ad calceni Jiohadin. Vit. 
Saladi)!.), and Abiilfeda (Tabula Syria?, pp. 115, 116. vers. Keiske). 

'•'' Ensem elevat, euinque ;i sinistra parte scapularuni, tanta virtute intorsif, 
quod i)ectus medium disjunxit spinani et vitaHa interrupit ; et sic lubricus ensis 
super cnisdextrum integer exivit ; sioque caput integrum cum dextra parte cor- 
poris immersit gurgite, partemfpie qua,- equo i)ra?sidebat reniisit civitati (Robert. 
Mon. p. 50). Cujus ense trajectus. Turcus <hio fact is est Turci : nt inferior alter 
in urbem equitaret, alter anitenens in IJumine naiaret (lUuhilpli. (adorn, c. 5?', 
p. 304). Yet he justifies the deed by tlie sfvpentlis virihus of Godfrey; and 
William of Tyre coveis it bv olstupuit i)opulus facti novitate .... mirabilis 
(1. V. c. G, p. 701). Yet it must not have appeared incredible to the knights of that 


and one-half of the infidel fell to the ground, while the 
other was transported by his horse to tlie city gate. As 
Robert of Normandy rode against liis antagonist, ''I de\*ote 
tliy head," he piously exclaimed, ''to tlie da3mons of hell;" 
and that head was instantly cloven to the breast by the 
resistless stroke of his descending falchion. But the reality 
or the report of such gigantic ])rowess ^^ must have taught 
the Moslems to keep within their walls : and against those 
walls of earth or stone, the sword and the lance were un- 
availing weapons. In the slow and successive labors of a 
siege, the crusaders were supine aiid ignorant, without skill 
to contrive or money to ])urchase, or industry to use, the 
artificial engines and implements of assault. In the con- 
quest of Nice, they had been powerfully assisted by the 
wealth and knowledge of the Greek emperor ; his absence 
was poorly supplied by some Genoese and Pisan vessels, 
that were attracted by religion or trade to the coast of 
Syria: the stores were scanty, the return ])recarious, and 
the communication difficult and dangerous. Indolence or 
weakness had prevented the Franks from in^'estillg the en- 
tire circuit ; and the perpetual freedom of two gaies re- 
lieved the wants and recruited the garrison of the city. At 
the end of seven months, after the ruin of their cavalry, 
and an enormous loss by famine, desertion, and fatigue, tlie 
progress of the crusaders was imperceptible, and their suc- 
cess remote, if the Latin Ulysses, the artful and ambitious 
Bohemond, had not employed the arms of cunning and 
deceit. The Christians of Antioch were numerous and 
discontented : Phirouz, a Syrian renegado, had acquired the 
favor of the emir and the command of three towers ; and 
the merit of his repentance disguised to the Latins, and 
perhaps to himself, the foul design of perfidy and treason. 
A secret correspondence, for their mutual interest, was soon 
established between Phirouz and the ])rince of Tarento ; 
and Boliemond declared in the council of the chiefs, that he 
could deliver the city into their hands.* But he claimed 
the sovereignty of Antioch as the reward of his cervice ; 
and the proposal which had been rejected by the envy, was 
at length extorted from the distress, of his equals. The 

S2 Sea the exploits of Rol^ert, Raymond, and the modest Tancred, who iaiposed 
silence on his squiie (Kandulph, Cadom. o. 5:'')- 

* See the interesting extract from Kemnleddin's Tlisloryof Aleppo in Wilk'-i, 
preface to vol. ii- p.'M. Phirouz, or Azzunad. ^:lr hreaptplate maker, had be^ii 
pillaged and put to the torture by liagi-Sfjai!, th priuce of Antioch.— M. 


nocturnal surprise was executed by the Frencli and Norman 
princes, wlio ascended in person t\\e scaling-ladders that 
weie thrown from the walls : their new proselyte, after the 
mui'der of his too scru])ul()us brother, embraced and intro- 
duced the servants of Christ; the armv rushed tlirouoh the 
gates ; and the Moslems soon found, that although mercy 
"was hoi)eless, resistance was imj)otent. But the citadel still 
refused to surrender ; and the victors themselves were 
speedily encompassed and besieged by the innumerable forces 
of Kerbogn, prince of Mosul, who, with twenty-eiglit Turkish 
emirs, advanced to the deliverance of Antioch. P^ive-and- 
twenty days the Christians s])ent on the verge of destruction ; 
and the ])roud lieutenant of the caliph and the sultan left 
them only the choice of servitude or death.^^ In this ex- 
tremity they collected the relics of their strength, sallied 
from tlie town, and in a single memorable day annihilated 
or dispersed the host of Turks and Arabians, which they 
might safely report to have consisted of six hundred thou- 
sand men.^* Their supernatural allies I shall proceed to con- 
sider : the human causes of the victory of Antioch were the 
fearless despair of the Franks ; and the surprise, the discord, 
perhaps the errors, of their unskilful and presumptuous ad- 
vercaries. The battle is described wnth as much disor- 
der as it was foucfht ; but we niav observe the tent of 
Kerboga, a movable and s])acious palace, enriched with the 
luxury of Asia, and capable of holding above two thou- 
sand persons; we may distinguish his thiee thousand guards, 
who were cased, the horses as well as the men, in complete 

In the eventful period of the siege and defence of Antioch, 
the crusaders were alternately exalted by victory or sunk in 
despair ; either swelled with plenty or emaciated with Imn- 
ger. A speculative reasoner might suppose that their faith 
had a strong and sei'ious influence on their practice ; and 
that the soldiers of the cross, the deliverers of the holy 
sepulchre, prepared themselves by a sober and virtuous life 

^ After mentioning the distress and hnmble petition of the Franks, Abiilphar- 
agiiis adds the liaughty reply of Codbulva,or Kerboga, '* >,on evui^ii esti;. nisi per 
giadinni '' (Dynast, p. 242). 

'■•* In desoril)ing lli*^ lio t of Kerboga. most of the Latin historians, the anthor 
of the GestH (p. 17% Robert .^'^on;u■hIls (p. 5')). Baldric (p. Ill), Fulcherius Carno- 
tensis (p. 3!)2), Gnib-rt ^p. Ill), William of 'J'yie d. vi. c. 3, p. 714), Bernard 
Thesanrarius (.c. 3!'. p. fi!».'j>, are content wilh the vague expressions of intinita 
mnltitudo, inunensum agnien, innnnierre c< pi;e or geiites, wliifh correspond with 
the uerd di'n.riH:j.r}Ti,)-y x'-^'-"-'^'^^' ^f AnnaComne.'ia (Alexias. 1. xi. pv>. 3is-;i20). The 
luunbers of the Turks are fixed by Albert Aqnen-is at 20). 000 (1. iv. c. 10, p. 242), 
and by Kadulpluis Cadonieasis at 400,000 horse (c. 72, p. 309). 


for the daily contemplation of martyrdom. Ex]ierience 
bloAVS away this charitable illusion ; and seldom does the 
history of profane war display such scenes of intemperance 
and prostitution as were exhibited under the walls of Antioch. 
The grove of Daphne no longer flourished ; but the Syrian 
air was still impregnated with the same vices; the Christians 
were seduced by every temptation ^^ tliat nature either 
prompts or reprobates ; the authority of the chiefs was 
despised ; and sermons and edicts were alike fruitless against 
tliose scandalous disorders, not less pernicious to military 
discipline, than repugnant to evangelic purity. In the first 
days of the siege and the possession of Antioch, the Fi'anks 
consumed with wanton and thoughtless prodigality the fru- 
gal subsistence of Avecks and months: the desolate country 
no longer yielded a su])])ly; and from that country they 
were at length excluded by the arms of the besieging Turks. 
Disease, the faithful companion of want, was envenomed by 
the rains of the winter, the summer heats, unwholesome 
food, and the close iuiprisonment of multitudes. The pic- 
tures of famine and pestilence are always the same, and 
always disgustful ; and our imagination may suggest the 
nature of their sufferings and their resources. Tlie i-emains 
of treasure or spoil were eagerly lavished in the purchase of 
the vilest nourishment ; and dreadful must have been the 
calamities of the ])oor, since, after ])aying three marks of 
silver for a goat and fifteen for a lean camel,^^ the count of 
Flanders was reduced to beg a dinner, and Duke Godfrey 
to borrow ahorse. Sixty ihousand horse had been reviewed 
in the camp : before the end of the siege they were dimin- 
ished to two thousand, and scared v two hundred fit for 
service could be mustered on the dav of battle. Weakness 
of body and terror of mind extinguished the ardent enthusiasm 
of the pilgrims ; and every motive of honor and religion was 
subdued by the desire of life.^^ Among the chiefs, three 
heroes may be found without fear or re23roach. Godfrey of 

^See the tragic and scandalous fate of an archdeacon of royal birth, who was 
slain by the Turks as he reposed in au orchard, playing at dice with a Syrian 
concubine. '■• 

s*c The value of an ox rose from five solidi (fifteen shillings), at Christmas, to 
two marks (four poun<ls), and afterwards much higher ; a kid or lamb, from one 
shUilng to eighteen of our present money : in the second famine, a loaf of bread, 
or the head of an animal, sold for a piece of gold. More examples might be pro- 
duced ; but it is the ordinary, not the extraordinary, prices, that deserve the no- 
tice of the philosopher. 

^' Alii raulti, quorum nomina non tenemus ; quia, deleta de libro >it.Te, prae- 
senli operi non sunt inserenda (Will. Tyr. I. vi. c. 5, p. 71')), (Juibert (pp. 518, 
523) attempts to excuse Hugh the Great, and even Stephen of LharLves. 


Bouillon was supported by his mngnanimous piety; Bohe- 
mond by ambition and interest ; and Tancred declared, in 
the true spirit of chivalry, that as long as he was at the head 
of forty knights, he would never relinquish the enterprise of 
Palestine. But the count of Toulouse and Provence was 
suspected of a volinitary indis])osition ; the duke of Nor- 
mandy was recalled from the sea-shore by the censures of 
the church: Huijh the Great, thous^h he led the vanguard of 
the battle, embraced an ambiguous ooportunity of returning 
to France ; and Stephen, count of Chartres, basely deserted 
llie standard which he bore, and the council in which he 
j)resided. The soldiers were discouraged by the flight of 
William, viscount of Melun, surnamed the Carpenter^ from 
the weighty strokes of his axe ; and the saints were scan- 
dalized by the fall* of Peter the Hermit, who, after arming 
Kiiroi)c ao^ainst Asia, attcm])ted to escape from the penance 
of a necessary fast. Of the multitude of recreant warriors, 
the names (says an historian) are blotted from the book of 
life; and the op])robrious epithet of the rope-dancers was 
apjilied to the deserters who dropped in the night from the 
walls of Antioch. The emperor Alexius,^^ who seemed to 
advance to the succor of the Latins, was dismayed by the 
assurance of their hopeless condition. They expected their 
fate in silent despair; oaths and punishments were tried 
without effect; and to rouse the soldiers to the defence of 
the walls, it was found necessary to set fire to their quarters. 
For their salvation and victory, they were indebted to the 
same fanaticism which had led them to the brink of ruin. 
In such a cause, and in such an army, visions, prophecies, 
and miracles, were frequent and familiar. In the distress 
of Antioch, they were repeated with unusual energy and suc- 
.cess: St. xVmbrose had assured a pious ecclesiastic, that two 
years of trial must precede the seasou of deliverance and 
grace; the deserters were sto])ped by the presence and re- 
proaches of Christ himself; tlie dead had promised to arise 
and combat Avith their brethren; the Virgin had obtained 
the pardon of their sins; and their confidence was revived 
by a visible sign, the seasonable and splendid discovery of 
the HOLY LANCE. The policy of their chiefs has on this 

'J^ SeenieTirojrressof the rnisade. tlio retreat of Alexius, the victory of Antioch, 
and theroiiqtiest of .lerusfiem, in the Alexiad, 1. xi. pp. ">17-n27. Aiuia was 80 
prone to exaggeration, that she magnities the exploits of the Latins. 

* Peter fc^l dnrinjT the siege ; he went afterwards on an embassy to Kerboga. 
WilUen, vol. i. p. 217.— M. 


occasion been admired, and might surely be excused ; but a 
pious fraud is seldom produced by the cool conspiracy of 
many persons ; and a voUmtary impostor might depend on 
the support of the wise and the credulity of the people. Of 
the docese of Marseilles, there was a priest of low cunning 
and loose njanners, and his name was Peter Bartholemy. 
He presented himself at the c\vr of the council-cliamber, to 
disclose an apparition of St. Andrew, which had been 
thrice reiterated in his sleep with a dreadful menace, if he 
presumed to su])press the commands of Heaven. "At 
Antioch," said the apostle, "in the church of my brother St. 
Peter, near the high altar, is concealed the steel head of the 
Lmce that pierced the side of our Redeemer. In three days 
that instrument of eternal, and now of temporal, salvation, 
Avill be manifested to his disciples. Search, and ye shall 
find: bear it aloft in battle; and that mystic weapon shall 
penetrate the souls of the miscreants." The pope's legate, 
the bishop of Pay, affected to listen with coldness and 
distrust ; but the revelation was eagerly accepted by Count 
Raymond, whom his faithful subject, in the name of the 
a])ostle, had chosen for the guardian of the holy lance. The 
experiment was resol/ed; and on the third day, after a due 
preparation of prayer and fasting, the priest of Marseilles 
introdiiceil twelve trusty spectators, among whom were the 
count and his chaplain ; and the church doors Avere barred 
agiiust the impetuous multitude. The ground was 0])ened 
in the appointed place ; but the workmen, Avho relieved each 
other, dug to the depth of twelve feet without discovering 
the object of their search. In the evening, when Count Ray- 
mond liad withdrawn to his post, and the weary assistants 
beixan to murmur, Bartholemv\ in his shirt, and without his 
shoes, bohlly descended into the pit; the darkness of the 
hour and of the place enabled him to secrete and deposit 
the head of a Saracen lance; and the first sound, the first 
gleam, of the steel was saluted with a devout rapture. The 
holy lance was drawn from its recess, wrapjied in a veil of 
silk and gold, and exposed to tlie veneration of the crusaders; 
their anxious suspense burst forth in a general shout of joy 
and ho])e, and the desponding trooj>s were again inflamed 
with the enthusiasm of valor. Whatever had been the arts, 
and whatever might be the sentiments oi the chiefs, they skil- 
fully improved this fortunate revolution by every aid that 
discipline and devotion could afford. The soldiers were 
dismissed to their quarters with an injunction to fortify 



tlieir minds and bodies for the approaching conflict, freely 
to l)esto\v their last pittance on themselves and their horses, 
and to expect with tiie dawn of day the signal of victory. 
On tlie festival of St. Peter and St. l*aul, the gates of Antioch 
M eie tln'own open : a niart'al psalm, "Let the Lord arise, 
and let his enemies be scattered ! " was chanted by a pro- 
cession of priests and monks; the battle array was mar- 
shalled in twelve divisions, in honor of the twelve apostles ; 
and the holy lance, in the absence of Raymond, was intrusted 
to the hands of his chaplain. The influence of this relic or 
trophy Avas felt by the servants, and perhaps by the enemies, 
of Clirist; ^^ and its potent energy w^as heightened by an 
accident, a stratagem, or a rumor, of a miraculous complexion. 
Tliree kniglits, in white garments and resplendent arms, 
either issued, or seemed to issue, from the hills : the voice of 
Adliemar, the pope's legate, proclaimed them as the martyrs 
St. George, St. Theodore, and St. Maurice : the tumult of 
b ittle allowed no time for doubt or scrutiny ; and the wel- 
come a])})arition dazzled the eyes or the imagination of a 
fanatic army.* In the season of danger and triumph, the 
revelation of Bartholemy of Marseilles was unanimously 
asserted ; but as soon as the temporary service was 
accom])lished, the personal dignity and liberal alms which 
the count of Toulouse derived fi'oin the custody of the holy 
lance, provoked the envy, and awakened the reason, of his 
rivals. A Norman cl^rk ))resumed to sift, with a philosophic 
spirit, the truth of the legend, the circumstances of the dis- 
covery, and the character of the prophet; and the pious 
Bohemond ascribed their deliverance to the merits and 
intercession of Ciirist alone. For a while, the Provincials 
defended their national ])alladium Avith clamors and arms ; 
and new visions condemned to deatli and hell the profane 
skeptics who presumed to scrutinize the truth and merit of 
the discovery. The prevalence of incredulity compelled 
the author to submit his life and veracitv to the iudccment 
of God. A ])ile of dry fagots, four feet high and fourteen 
long, was erected in the midst of tlie camp ; the flames burnt 
fiercely to the elevation of thirty cubits ; and a narrow path 

^ The Mahometan Ahoulmaliasen (ppnd De Guisjnes, torn. ii.p. ii p. 95) is 
Ttinre <'o:rect in his aoroiiiit of tho hf)]y lance than tlie < hiislians, Anna C'omnena 
a'ul Abnlphar.'if^ins : the Greek princ'<vs confo'nds it, with the nail of the cross 
O. xi. p. 326); the Jacobite primate, with St. Peter'.s staff (p. 242). 

* The real oaus'i of this victory api>ear8 to hava been the feud in Kerboga's 
army. Wiikcn, vol. ii. p. 40.— M. 


of twelve inches was left for tlie perilous trial. The unfor- 
tunate priest of Marseilles traversed the fire witli dexterity 
and speed ; but his thighs and belly were scorched by the 
intense heat; he expired the next day ;'^ and the logic of 
believing minds will pay some regard to his dying protesta- 
tions of innocence and truth. Some efforts were made by 
the Provincials to substitute a cross, a ring, or a tabernacle, 
in the place of the holy lance, which soon vanished in con- 
tempt and oblivion. ^^° Yet the revelation of Antioch is 
gravely asserted by succeeding historians : and such is the 
progress of credulity, that miracles most doubtful on the spot, 
and at the moment, will be received with implicit faith at a 
con veil ient distance of time and space. 

The prudence or fortune of the Franks had delayed 
their invasion till the decline of the Turkish empire. ^*^^ 
Under the manly government of the three first sultans, the 
kingdoms of Asia Avere united in peace and justice ; and 
the innumerable armies which they led in person were equal 
in courage, and superior in discipline, to the Barbarians of 
the West. But at the time of the crusade, the inheritance 
of Malek Shaw was disputed by liis four sons ; their private 
ambition was insensible of tlie public danger ; and, in the 
vicissitudes of their fortune, the royal vassals were ignorant, 
or regardless, of the true object of their allegiance. The 
twentv-eiuht emirs who marched with the standard of 
Kerboga were his rivals or enemies : their hasty levies were 
drawn from the towns and tents of Mesopotamia and Syria; 
and the Turkish veterans Avere employed or consumed in 
the civil wars beyond the Tigris. The caliph of Egypt 
embraced this opportunity of weakness and discord to re- 
cover his ancient possessions ; and his sultan Aphdal be- 
sieged Jerusalem and Tyre, ex])elled the children of Ortok, 
and restored in Palestine the civil and ecclesiastical author- 
ity of the Fatimites.^^^ They heard with astonishment of 

mo "jiie two antagonists who express the most intimate knowledge and the 
strongest conviction of the miracle, and of the fraud, are Raymond des Agiles, 
and Kadulphus Cadomensis, the orie attached to the count of Toulouse, the other 
to the Norman prince. Fulcherius Carnotensis pi-esnmes to say, Andite frandem 
et non fraudem ! and afterwards, Iiivenit lanceam, fallaciter occultatam forsitan. 
The rest of the herd are loud and stienuous. 

101 See M. de Guignes, tom. ii. p. ii. p. 223, &c.; and the articles of BarJcidrok, 
Mohammed, Sangiar, in D'Herbelot. 

i"2 The emir, "or sultan, Aphdal, recovered Jerusalem and Tyre, A. H. A?9 
(Renaudot, Hist. Patriarch. Alexandrin. p. 478. De Guignes, tom. i. p. 249, from 
Abnlfeda and Ben Schounah). Jerusalem ante adventum veslrum recuperavi- 
mus, Turcos ejecimus, say the Fatimite ambassadors. 

* The twelfth day after. He wa-; much injured, and his flesh tom off, from 
the ardor of pious congratnlalion with which he was assailed, by those who wit- 
nessed his escape, unhurt, as it was lirst supposed. W^ilken, vol. i. p. 263. — M. 


the vast armies of Christians that had passed from Europe 
to Asia, and rejoiced in the sieges and battles wliicli broke 
the power of tjfie Turks, the adversaries of their sect and 
monarcliy. But the same Christians were tlie enemies of 
the i^rophet; and from the overthrow of Nice and Antiocli, 
the motive of tlieir enterprise, which was gradually under- 
stood, would urge them forwards to the banks of the Jordan, 
or perliaps of the Nile. An intercourse of epistles and em- 
bassies, which rose and fell Avith the events of war, was 
maintained between the throne of Cairo and the camp of 
tlie Latins ; and their adverse pride was the result of igno- 
rance and enthusiasm. The ministers of Egypt declared in 
a haughty, or insinuated in a milder, tone, that their sover- 
eign, the true and lawful commander of the faithful, had 
rescued Jerusalem from the Turkish yoke ; and that the 
pilgrims, if they would divide their numbers, and lay aside 
their arms, should find a safe and hos])itable reception at 
the sepulchre of Jesus. In the belief of their lost condition, 
the caliph Mostali despised their arms and imprisoned their 
deputies: the conquest and A'ictory of Antioch prompted 
him to solicit those formidable champions with gifts of 
horses and silk robes, of vases, and j)urses of gold and silver; 
and in his estimate of their merit or power, the first place 
was assigned to Bohemond, and the second to Godfrey. 
In either fortune the answer of the crusaders Avas firm and 
uniform : they disdained to inquire into the private claims 
or possessions of the followers of Mahomet ; whatsoever 
was his name or nation, the usurper of Jerusalem was their 
enemy ; and instead of prescribing the mode and terms of 
their pilgrimage, it was only by a timely surrender of the 
city and province, their sacred right, that he could deserve 
their alliance, or deprecate their impending and irresistible 

Yet this attack, when they were within the view and 
reach of their glorious prize, was suspended above ten 
months after the defeat of Kerbo^^a. The zeal and cour- 
age of the crusaders were chilled in the moment of victory; 
and instead of marching to improve the consternation, tiiey 
hastily disi)ersed to enjoy the luxury, of Syria. The causes 
of this strange delay may be found in the want of strength 
and subordination. In the painful and various service of 

'■*» See the transactions between the caliph of Egypt and the crusaders In 
William of Tyre (1. iv. c. 24, 1. vi. c 19) and Albert Aquensis (1. lii. c. CU), who are 
more sensible of their importance than the conLemuorary writers. 


Antioch, the cavalry was annihilated ; many tliousancls of 
every rank liad been lost by famine, sickness, and desertion : 
the same abuse of })lenty had been productive of a third 
famine; and the alternative of intemperancKi and distress 
had generated a ])cstih'nce, wlncii swept awny above fifty 
thousand of the pilgrims. Few were able to command, and 
none were willing to obey; the domc-stic feuds, which liad 
been stifled by common fear, were again renewed m acts, 
or at least in sentiments, of liostility ; tlie fortune of Bald- 
win and Bohemond excited the envy of their com|)anions; 
the bravest knii^hts wei'e enlisted for the defence of their new 
principalities; and Count Raymond exhausted his troops and 
treasures in an idle expedition into tlie licirt of Syi'ia.* 
The winter was consumed in discord and (Usorder ; a sense 
of honor and religion was rekindled in the spring; and the 
private soldiers, less susceptible of ambition and jealousy, 
awakened with anii^ry clamors the indolence of their chiefs. 
In the montli of M;iy, the relics of this miiilit v host i)ro- 
ceeded from Antioch to Laodicea : about foi'tv tliousand 
Xatins, of wdiom no more than fifteen liundred horse, and 
twenty thousand foot, Avere capable of immediate sei-vice. 
Their eiisy march was continued between Mount Libanus 
and the sea-shore : their wants were liberally supplied by 
the coasting tradei-s of Genoa and Pisa ; and they drew 
large contributions fi'oni the emirs of Tripoli, Tyre, Sidon, 
Acre, and Cossarea, wdio granted a fi*ee passage, and prom- 
ised to follow the exam|)le of Jerusalem. From Ctiesarea 
they advanced into the midland country ; their clerks rec- 
ognized the sacred geography of Lydda, Ramla, Em mans, 
and Bethlem,! and as soon as they descried the holy 
city, tlie crusaders forgot their toils and claimed their re- 
war d.^*^* 

Jerusalem has derived some reputation from the number 
and importance of her memorable sieges. It was not till 
after a long and obstinate contest that Babylon and Rome 
could prevail against the obstinacy of the people, the craggy 
ground that might supersede the necessity of fortifications, 

10* The greatest part of the march of the Franks is traced, and most accurately 
traced, in JMnundrell's Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem (p. 1I-G7); un des 
meilleurs mor9eaux, sans contredit qu'on ait dans ce genre (D' Anvillc, Memoira 
sur Jerusalem, p. 27). 

* This is not quite correct : he took Marra on his road. His excursions were 
partly to obtain provisions for the army and fodder for the horses. Wilkeu,vol 
i. p. 220.— M. 

t Scarcely of Bethlehem, to the south of Jerusalem.— 


and the walls and towers that would haA^e fortified the most 
accessible ])lain.^°^ These obstacles were diminished in the 
age of tlie crusades. The bulwarks had been com})letely 
destroyed anci imperfectly restored : the Jews, their nation, 
and worship, were forever banished ; but nature is less 
chan£>eable than man, and the site of Jerusalem, thousfh 
somewiiat softened and somewhat removed, was still strong 
against the assaults of an enemy. By the experience of a 
recent siege and a three years' possession, the Saracens of 
Egypt had been taught to discern, and in some degree to 
remedy, the defects of a place, wliich religion as well as 
honor forbade them to resign. Aladin, or Iftikhar, the 
caliplTs lieutenant, was intrusted with the defence : his 
policy strove to restrain the native Christians by the dread 
of their own ruin and that of the holy sepulchre ; to an- 
imate the Moslems by tlie assurance of tem])oral and eter- 
nal rewards. His garrison is said to have consisted of forty 
thousand Turks and Arabians; and if he could muster 
twenty thousand of tlie inhabitants, it must be confessed 
that the besieged were more numerous than the besieging 
army.^*^® Had the diminished stren<>-ih and numbers of tlie 
Latins allowed them to grasp the whole circumference of 
four thousand yards (about two English miles and a 
half ^'^"), to what useful purpose should they have descended 
into the valley of Ben Hinnoni and torrent of Cedron,^'^^ 
or approached tlie ])recipices of tlie south and east, from 
whence they had nothing either to ho}ie or fear? Their 

''5 See the masterly desci "'ption of Tacitus (Hi-t. v. 11, 12, l?>), who siippose3 
that the .Te.vish lawgivers had provided for a perpelual stale of hostility against 
the re>t of mankind. t 

1^1^ The lively skepticism of Vol'aire is balanced vitli sense and erudition by 
the French author of ihe Espiit des Cioi^ades (.torn. iv. pp. SS6-SJ-8), who ob- 
serves, that, accordiui^ to the Arabians, the inhabitants of Jerusalem must havo 
exceeded 200,000 ; ihat in the .«iege of Titus, Josephus collects ],:300,000 Jews; 
tliat tliey are slated by Taciuis himself at (iOO, 000 ; and that the largest defalca- 
tion, tl>at his acccpimus can juslify, will still leave them more numerous thaa 
the Roman army. 

10' IMaiindrell. who diligently perambulated the walls, found a circuit of 4030 
paces, or 41G7 En<:lish yards (pp. I0!t, llo): from an uuthenlic plan. D'Anvillo 
concludes a measure nearly similar, of lOC.O Frencli toises (i>p. 23-2D), in hia scarce 
and valuable tract. For thd topo^^raphy of Jerusalem, see Reland (Palestina, 
torn. ii. pp. 8.32-800). 

'"* Jerusa-em was possessed only of the torrent of Kedron, dry in summer, and 
of the little .'Spring or brook of fjiloe (Heland, torn. i. pp. 2ii4, 300). Both strangers 
and naives complained of the want of water, which, in time of war, w;ts studi- 
ously aggravated. Within the city, Tacilus mentions a perennial fountain, an 
aqueduct and (isterns for rain water. The aqueduct was conveyed from the 
livulet Tokoa or Etham, which is likewise mentioned by Boliadiu (in N'it.Saladin, 
p. 238). 

t This is an exaggerated inference from the words of Tacitus, who speaks of 
the fo mule}- fi of the city, not the lawf/lvers. Pra;viderant conditores. ex diversi- 
tate morum, crebra bella ; inde cuncta quamvis advereus longuni obsidium.— M. 


siege was more reasonably directed against the north- 
ern and western sides of the city. Godfrey of Bouillon 
erected liis standard on the first swell of Mount Calvary: 
to the left, as far as St. Stei)hen's gate, the line of attack 
was continued by Tancred and the two Roberts ; and Count 
Raymond established his quarters from the citadel to the 
foot of Mount Sion, which was no longer included within 
the precincts of the city. On the fifth day, the crusaders 
made a general assault, in the fanatic hope of battering 
down the walls without en^-ines, and of scalina: them with- 
out ladders. By the dint of brutal force, they burst the 
first barrier; but they Av^ere driven back with shame and 
slaughter to the camp : the influence of vision and j^roph- 
ecy was deadened by the too frequent abuse of those pious 
stratagems ; and time and labor were found to be the only 
means of victorv. The time of the siec:e was indeed ful- 
filled in forty days, but they were forty days of calamity 
and anguish. A repetition of the old complaint of famine 
may be imputed in some degree to the voracious or dis- 
orderly appetite of the Franks ; but the stony soil of Jeru- 
salem is almost destitute of water ; the scanty springs and 
hasty torrents were dry in the summer season ; nor was the 
tiiirst of the besiegers relieved, as in the city, by the arti- 
ficial su])ply of cisterns and aqueducts. The circumjacent 
country is equally destitute of trees for the uses of shade 
or building; but some large beams were discovered in a 
cave by the crusaders : a wood near Sichem, the enchanted 
grove of Tasso,^*^^ was cut down : the necessary timber was 
transi)orted to the camp by the vigor and dexterity of 
Tancred ; and the engines were framed by some Genoese 
artists, who had fortunately landed in the harbor of Jaffa. 
Two movable turrets were constructed at the expense, and 
in the stations, of the Duke of Lorraine and the count of 
Toulouse, and rolled forwards with devout labor, not to the 
most accessible, but to the most neglected, parts of the 
fortification. Raymond's Tower was reduced to ashes by 
the fire of the besieged, but his colleague was more vigilant 
and successful ; * the enemies were driven by his archers 
fi-om the rampart ; the draw-bridge was let down ; and on a 

^09 Gierusalomme Liberata, canto xiii. It is pleasant enough to observe how 
Tasso has copied and embellished the minutest details of the siege. 

* This does not appear by Wilkeu's account (p. 294). They fought in vain the 
whole of the Thursday.— M. 


Fridfiy, at tlirce in the afternoon, the clay and Iiour of the 
Passion, Godfrey of Bouillon stood A'ictorious on the walls 
of Jerusalem. His example v.-as followed on every side by 
the emulation of valor; and about four hundred and sixty 
years after tlie conquest of Omar, the holy city was rescued 
from the Mahometan yoke. In the pillage of ])ublic and 
private wealth, the adventurers had agreed to respect the 
exclusive property of the first occupant; and the spoils of 
the great mosque, seventy lamps and massy vases of gold and 
silver, rewarded the diligence, and displayed the generosity, 
of Tancred. A bloody sacrifice was offered by his mistaken 
votaries to the God of the Christians : resistance might pro- 
voke, but neither age nor sex could mollify, their implacable 
Y'Age : they indulged themselves three days in a promiscuous 
massacre ;"^ and the infection of the dead bodies produced 
an epidemical disease. After seventy thousand Moslems had 
been put to the sword, and the harmless Jews had been 
burnt in their synagogue, they could still reserve a multi- 
tude of captives, whom interest or lassitude persuaded them to 
spare. Ot these savage heroes of the cross, Tancred alone 
betrayed some sentiments of compassion ; yet we may 
l^raise the more selfish lenity of Raymond, who granted a 
capitulation and safe-conduct to the garrison of the cita- 
del. ^^^ The lioly sepulchre was now free ; and the bloody 
victors prepared to accomplish their vow. Bareheaded and 
barefoot, with contrite hearts, and in an humble posture, 
they ascended the hill of Calvary, amidst tlie loud anthems 
of the clergy ; kissed the stone that had covered the Saviour 
of the world ; and bedewed with tears of joy and penitence 
the monument of their redemption. This union of the 
fiercest and most tender passions has been variously con- 
sidered by two philosophers; by the one,^^^ as easy and 
natural ; by the other,"^ as absui'd and incredible. Perhaps 
it is too rigorously applied to the same persons and tlie 
same ]»our : the example of the virtuous Godfrey awakened 
the piety of his com]>anions; while they cleansed their bod- 
ies, they purified their minds ; nor shall I believe that the 

" ' Besides Uir> Latins, who are not ashamed of the massacre, see Ehnacin 
(Hist. Saracen, p. 3(13), Abnlphaiagius (Dynast, p. 243), and M. de Guignes, torn, 
ii. p. ii. p. 00, from Ahonlniahasen. 

"• The old tower Pscnhina, in The middle ages Neblosa. was named Castellum 
Pisannm, from the palriarcli Dainibert. It is still the citadel, the residence of 
the Turkish a::a,and connnands a ])rr.spert of 1he Dead Sea, Judea, and Arabia 
(D'Anvillc, pn. 10-2.'.). Jt was likewise called the tower of David, nvpyb^ 
naixixiyi OrcrTorb:. 

>i* Hume, in his History of Enijland, vol. i. pp. 311, 812, octavo odition. 

ii'j VoUnire. in his Kssai" sur VHistoire Qendtfile, torn. ii. c. 5i, pp. 345, 346. 

Vol. V._.5 


most ardent in slaughter and rapine were the foremost 
in the procession to the holy sepulchre. 

Eight days after this memorable event, which Pope 
Urban did not live to hear, the Latin chiefs proceeded to 
the election of a king, to guard and govern their conquests 
in Palestine. Plugh the Great, and Stephen of Chartres, 
liad retired with some loss of reputation, which they strove 
to regain by a second crusade and an honorable death. 
Baldwin was established at Edessa, and Bohemond at Anti- 
och : and two Roberts, the duke of Normandy ^^^ and the 
count of Flanders, preferred their fair inheritance m the 
West to a doubtful competition or a barren sceptre. The 
jealousy and ambition of Raymond were condemned by his 
own followers, and the free, the just, the unanimous voice 
of the army })roclaimed Godfrey of Bouillon the first and 
most worthy of the champions of Christendom. His mng- 
nanimity accepted a trust as full of danger as of glory; but 
in a city where his Saviour had been crowned with thorns, 
the devout pilgrim rejected the name and ensigns of royalty ; 
and the founder of the kingdom of Jerusalem contented 
himself with the modest title of Defender and Baron of the 
Holy Sepulchre. His government of a single year,"^ too 
short for the ]>ublic happiness, was interrupted in the fii'st 
fortnight by a summons to the field, by the a]i})roach of the 
vizier or sultan of Egypt, Avho had been too slow to prevent, 
but who was im])atient to avenge, the loss of Jerusalem. 
His total overthiow in the battle of Ascalon sealed the es- 
tablishment of the Latins in Syria, and sienalized the valor 
of the French princes who in this action bade a long fare- 
well to the holy wars. Some glory might he derived from 
the prodigious inequality of numbers, though I shall not 
count the myriads of horse and foot* on the side of the 
Fatimites; but except three thousand Ethiopians or Blacks, 
who were armed with flails or scourges ot iron, the Bar- 
barians of the South fled on the first onset, and afforded a 
pleasing comparison between the active valor of the Turks 
and the sloth and effeminacy of the natives of Egypt. After 

n< The English ascribe to Kobert of Normandy, and the provincials to Eay- 
mond of Toulouse, the glory of refuBing the crown ; but tl)e honest voice of tradi- 
tion has preserved the n»emory of tlie ambition and revenge (Villeliaidouin. No. 
136) of the count of St. Giles. He died at the siege of Tripoli, which was pos- 
sessed by Ilia descendants. 

i>a See the electiou, ihe battle of Ascalon. &c., in William of Tyre, 1. ix. c. 1- 
12, and in the conclusion of the Latin historians of the first crusade. 

20,000 Franks, 300,0a0 Mussulmexi, according to Wilkeu (vol. ii. p. 9).-— M. 


suspending before the holy sepulchre the sword and stand- 
ard of t!.e sultan, the new kiui^: (he deserves the title) cm- 
braced his departing companions, and could retain only 
with the gallant Tancred three hundred kniglits, and two 
thousand foot-soldiers for the defence of Palestine. His 
sovereignty was soon attacked by a new enemy, the only 
one against whom Godfrey was a coward. Adhemar, bishop 
of Puy, wlio excelled both in council and action, liad been 
swe])t away in the last plague of Antioch : the remaining 
ecclesiastics preserved only tlie pride and avarice of their 
character ; and their seditious clamors had required that the 
choice of a bishop should precede that of a king. The rev- 
enue and jurisdiction of tlje lawful patriarch were usurped 
by the Latin clergy ; the exclusion of the Greeks and 
Syrians was justified by the reju-oach of heresy or schism ;"^ 
and, under tlie iron yoke of their deliverers, the Oriental 
Christians re^-retted the toleratin<]c o-overnment of the 
Arabian calij^lis. Daimbert, archbishop of Pisa, had long 
been trained in the secret policy of Rome ; he brought a 
fleet of liis countrymen to the succor of the Holy Land, and 
was installed, without a com]')etitor, the spiritual and tem- 
))oral head of tlie church.* The new patriarch "' immedi- 
ately grasped the sceptre which had been acquired by the 
toil and blood of the victorious jnlgrims ; and both Godfrey 
and Bohemond submitted to receive at his hands the inves- 
titure of their feudal possessions. Nor was this sufficient ; 
Daimbert claimed the immediate property of Jerusalem and 
Jaffa ; instead of a firm and generous refusal, the hero 
negotiated with the priest; a quarter of either city was 
ceded to the church; and the modest bishop was satisfied 
with an eventual reversion of the rest, on the death of God- 
frey without children, or on the future acquisition of a new 
seat at Cairo or Damascus. 

Without this indulgence, the conqueror would have al- 
most been sti'ipped of his infant kingdom, which consisted 
only of Jerusalem and Jaffa, with about twenty villages and 
towns of the adjacent country."^ Within this narrow vei-ge, 

"*> Renautlot, Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 479. 

"^ See Uie claims of the patriarch DaimViert, in William of Tyre (1. ix. c. 15-lS, 
X. 4, 7,0), who a seits with ina.vellous candor the iiulepeiKleiice of the conquerors 
and k'u^^< of JerusMlesni. 

"* Willerni. Tvr. 1. x. 19. Th^. Historia lIiv,rosoliniitana of Jacobtis a Vitriaco 
(1. 1. c. 21-50) aid the Secreta Fidelinni Crucis of Marinus Sanutus (1. iii. p. 1) 
describe the state and conquests of the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem. 

• Arnulf was first chosen, but illegitimately, and degraded. He was ever 
after the secret enemy of Daimbert or iJagobert. Wilkeu, vol. i. p. 306, voL ii. p, 


the Maliometans were still lodged in some impreG^nable 
castles ; and tlie husbandman, tlie trader, and the pilgrim, 
■were exposed to daily and domestic hostility. By the arms 
of Godfrey himself, and of the two Baldwins, liis brother 
and cousin, Avho succeeded to the throne, the Latins 
breathed with more ease and safety; and at length they 
equalled, in the extent of their dominions, though not in 
the millions of their subjects, the ancient princes of Judah 
and Israel."^ After the i-eduction of the maritime cities of 
Laodicea,Tripoli, Tyre and Ascalon,^-*^ which were powerfully 
assisted by the fleets of Venice, Genoa, and Pisa, and even of 
Flanders and Norwav,^-^ the ranire of sea-coast from Scande- 
roon to the borders of Egypt was possessed by the Christian 
pilgrims. If the prince of Antioch disclaimed his suprem- 
acy, the counts of Edessa and Tripoli owned themselves 
the vassals of the kins^ of Jerusalem: the Latins reii2:ned 
beyond the Euphrates ; and the four cities of Hems, Hamah, 
Damascus, and Ale])po, were the only relics of the Mahom- 
etan conquests in Syria. ^" The laws and language, the 
manners and titles, of the French nation and Latin church, 
were introduced into these transmarine colonies. Accord- 
ing to the feudal jurisprudence, the principal states and 
suboi'dinate baronies descended in the line of male and fe- 
male succession : ^-^ but the children of the first conquer- 

"5 An actual muster, not including the tribes of Levi and Benjamin, gave 
David an army of 1,300,000 or 1,574.000 lighting men ; which, wiih the addition of 
women, children, and slaves, may imply a population of thirteen millions, in a 
country sixty leagues in length, and thirty broa<l. The honest and rational Le 
Clerc (Coninient on 2d Samuel xxiv. and 1st Chronicles, xxi.) aistuat angusto 
in limite, and mutters his sunpioion of a false transcript •, a dangerous suspi- 
cion ! * 

'-" These sieges are related, each in it-^ proper place, in the great history of 
William of Tyre, f lom the ixth to the xviiith book, and more brietly told by Ber- 
nardus Thesaurarius (de Acquisitione Terraj Sancta?, c. R9-98, pp. 732-740). Some 
domestic facts are celebrated in the Chronicles of Pisa, Genoa, and Venice, m the 
vith. ixth. and xiith tomes of IMuratori. 

'-' Quidam populus de insulis occidentis egressus, et maxime de ea parte quje 
Norvegia dicitur. William of Tyre (1. xi. c. 14, p. 804) marks their course per 
Britannicum 3Iare et Calperi to the siege of Sidon. 

'-- Benelathir, apud De (juignes. Hist, des Huns, tom. ii. part ii. pp. 150, 151, 
A. D. 1127. He must speak of the inland country. 

'-'Saniit very sensibly descants on the mischiefs of female succession, in a 
land hostibus circumda^a, ubi cuncta virilia et virluosa esse deberent. Yet, .at 
the summons, and with the approbation, of her feudal lord, a noble damsel was 
obliged to choose a husband and champion (As.-ises de Jerusalem, c. 242, &c.). 
See in M. de Guignes (tom. i. pp. 441-471) the accurate and useful tables of these 
dynasties, which are chiefly drawn from the Liynages (V Outremer. 

* David determined to take a cerisus of his vast dominions, which extended 
from Lebanon to ihe frontiers of Egypt, from the Euphrates to the INIediter- 
ranean. The iiumb.-rs {in 2 Sam. xxiv." 9. and I Chron, xxi. 5) differ; bat the low- 
est gives 800,000 men tit to bear arms in Israel, 500,000 in Judah. Kist. of Jews, 
vol. i. p. 248, Gibbon has taken the hight-st census in his estimate of the popula- 
tiou. andcontined the Dominions of David to cis-Jordanic Palestine.— M. 


ors,^-^ a motley and degenerate race, Avere dissolved by the 
luxury of the climate ; the arri^•al of new crusaders from 
Europe Avas a doubtful ho]ie and a casual event. The ser- 
vice of the feudal tenures ^-^ Avas performed by six hundred 
and sixty-six knights, Avho might expect the aid of two iiun- 
dred more under the banner of the count of Tripoli ; and 
each knight Avas attended to the field by four squires or 
archers on horseback. ^-"^ Five thousand and seventy ser- 
geants^ most probably foot-soldiers, Avere su})plied by the 
churches and cities ; and the Avhole legal militia of the king- 
dom could not exceed eleven thousand men, a slender de- 
fence ai>'ainst the surroundinsf myriads of Saracens and 
Turks. ^^' But the firmest bulwark of Jerusalem Avas founded 
on the knights of the Hospital of St. John,^-^ and of the 
temple of Solomon ; ^-^ on the strange association of a mon- 
astic and military life, Avhich fanaticism might suggest, but 
Avhicli jwlicy must approve.. The floAver of the nobility of 
Europe aspired to Avear the cross, and to ])rofess the a'oavs, 
of these respectable orders; their spirit and discipline Avere 
immortal ; and the speedy donation of twenty-eight thou- 
sand farms, or manors,^^^ enabled them to support a regular 
force of cavalry and infantry for the defence of Palestine. 
The austerity of the convent soon evaporated in the exer- 
cise of arms : the Avorld Avas scandalized by the pride, 
avarice, and corrujition of these Christian soldiers ; their 

'-* They were called by derision PoKlInim^, PaHani, and their name is never 
prono'.meed without contempt (Ducan^e, Gloss, l^atin tom. v. p. 5.;5 ; and Ob- 
se#k'alio:is siir fJoiiiville, pp. i>[, ^o; .Jacob, a Aitriaco, Hist, llierosol. 1. i. c. C7, 
72; and Saniit, 1. iii. [). viii. c. 2, p. ]S"J), lllustrium vioruni, qui ud Terrse Sanc- 
t.'B . . . . liberationem in ips.i manserunt, degeneres lilii .... iudeliciis 
enutriti, molles et offn^mir.ati. &c. 

'-'Tliis authentic detail is extracted from the Assises de Jerusalem (c 324, 
32G-33i). Sanut (1. iii. p. viii. c. 1, p. 174) reckons only 518 knightb, and 5775 fol- 

'-'•The sum total, and the division, ascertain the service of the three great 
baronies at 100 knights each ; and the text of the Assises, which extends the 
number to 500, can only be justilied by this supposition. 

'-'■" Yet on great emergencies (sa>s Sanut) the barons brought a voluntary aid ; 
decenleni comiiivam militum juxta staiuin suuin. 

>-■' AVilliani of Tyre (1. xviii. c. 3, 4, 5) relates the ignoble origin and early in- 
solence of the Hospitallers, who soon deserted their humble patron, St. John the 
Eleciio-yiiarv, for the more august character of St. John the Baptist (see the 
inefTectual struggles of Pagi, Critica, A. D. 1099. No. 14- IK). They the 
profession of anus about the year 1120; the Hospital was ?>?a>r,- the Temple 
Ji/ia : the Teutonic order was founded A. I). ll'JO, at the siege of Acre (Mosheim, 
In.stitut. pp. 'M-0, 3!;0). 

'2J See St. Bernard de Lande Novaj MiMtireTempli, composed A. D. 1132-1136. 
in Opp. torn. i. p. ii. i)p. 517-5G3, edit. IVlabillon, A'enet. IT'O. Siich a)i encomium, 
which is ihrowM away on the dead Templars, would be highly valued by the his- 
toriais of AlallP. 

i-'> Mai then- Paris, Hist. Major, p. 544. He assigns to the Hospitallers 19,000, 
to tlie Tem[)lais 9,()00?ua»eria, a word of much higher import (as Ducange has 
rightly observed) in the English than in the French idiom. Manor is a lordship, 
manoir a dwelling. 


claims of immuTiity and jnriscliction disturbefl tlio harmony 
of the church and state ; and tlie imblic peace was endan- 
gered by tlieir jealous emulation. But in their most disso- 
lute period, the knights of the hospital and temple main- 
tained their fearless and fanatic character : they neglected 
to live, but they were prepared to die, in the service of 
Christ ; and the spirit of chivalry, the parent and offs])ring 
of the crusades, has been trans])lanted by this institution 
from the holy sepulchre to the Isle of Malta.^^^ 

The s])irit of freedom, which pervades the feudal insti- 
tutions, was felt in its strongest energy by the volunteers of 
the cross, who elected for their chief the most deservmg of 
his peers. Amidst the slaves of Asia, unconscious of the 
lesson or example, a model of political liberty was intro- 
duced ; and the laws of the French kingdoTu are derived 
from the purest source of equality and justice. Of such 
laws, the first and indispensable condition is the assent of 
those whose obedience they require, and for whose benefit 
they are designed. No sooner had Godfrey of Bouillon 
accepted the office of supreme magistrate, than he solicited 
the public and private advice of the Latin ])ilgrims, who 
were the best skilled in the statutes and customs of Europe. 
From these materials, Avith the counsel and approbation of 
the patriarch and barons, of the clergy and laity, Godfrey 
composed the Assise of Jerusalem,^^-^ a precious monu- 
ment of feudal jurisprudence. The new code, attested by 
the seals of the king, tlie patriarch, and the viscount of 
Jerusalem, was deposited in the holy sepulchi'c, enriched 
with the improvements of succeeding times, and respectfully 
consulted as often as any doubtful question arose in the 
tribunals of Palestine. With the kin2;dom and city all was 
lost : ^^^ the fragments of the written law were preserved by 

"t In the three first books of the Histoire de Chevaliers de Tvlalthe par I'Abbe 
de Vertot, the reader may amuse himselt with a fair, and sometimes llatteiiiig, 
picture of the order, while it was einployed for the defence of Palestine. Tlia 
Bubsecuent books i)ursue their emigrations to Rhode > a:'.d Malta. 

i-^-' Tiie Assises de Jerusalem, in old law French, were x>i"i'-ited with Beauma- 
Tioir's Coutames <le Beauvoisis (Bourges and P tris, 1G90. in folio), and iHustvatLd 
by Gaspard Thaumas «le la Thaiima.ssiere, with a comment a:id glossary. An 
Italian version had been published in 153j, at Venice, for the use of the kingdom 
of Cyprus.* 

^"•i A la terre perdue, tout fut perdii, is the vigorous expression of the Assise 
(c. 28'). Ye- Jerusalem capitul lit d with Saladin ; tl;e queen and the prinripal 
Christians denarled i'\ peai e ; and a code so precious and so portable < ould not 
provoke th^ avirice of t'le conque ors. 1 have sometimes suspected the exist- 
ence of this orixinil copy of the Holy S.pulchre, whio'n might be invcnte<l to 
sauctify and authenticate Ihe traditionary customs of the Freuch in Palestine. 

♦ See Wilken, vol. i. p. 17, &c. — M. 


jealous tr.idltion ^^^ and variable practice till the middle of 
the thirteenth century ; the code was restored by the pen 
of Jolm d'Ibelin, count of Jaffa, one of the principal feuda- 
tories ;^^^ and the final revision was accomplished in the 
year thirteen hundred and sixty-nine, for the use of the 
Latin kingdom of Cyprus.^^^ 

The justice and freedom of the constitution were main- 
tained by two tribunals of unequal dignity, which were in- 
stituted by Godfrey of Bouillon after the conquest of Jeru- 
salem. The king, in person, presided in the upper court, 
the court of tlie barons. Of these the four most conspicu- 
ous were the prince of Galilee, the lord of Sidon and Ca3S- 
area, and tlie counts of Jaffa and Tripoli, who, ])erhaps Avith 
the constable and marshal,^"'^ Avere in a special manner the 
com])eers and judges of each other. But all the nobles, 
Avho held their lands immediately of the crown, were entitled 
and bound to attend the king's court ; and each baron ex- 
ercised a similar jurisdiction in the subordinate assemblies 
of Ins own feudatories. Tlie connection of lord and vassal 
was honorable and voluntarv : reverence was due to the 
benefactor, protection to the dependant ; but they mutually 
pledged their faith to each otlier, and the obligation on 
either side might be suspended by neglect or dissolved by 
injury. The cognizance of marriages and testaments was 
blended with religion, and usurped by tlie clergy : but the 
civil and criminal causes of the nobles, the inheritance and 
tenure of their fiefs, formed the i)ro})er occupation of the 
supreme court. Each member was the judge and guardian 
both of public and ])rivate rights. It was his duty to assert 
with his tongue and sword the lawful claims of the lord: 
but if an unjust superior presumed to violate the freedom or 
pro])erty of a vass'al, the confederate peers stood forth to 
maintain his quarrel by word and deed. They boldly af- 

"♦ A noble lawyer, Raoul de Tabarie, denied the prayer of King Amauri (A. 
D. 1195-1205), thai 'he ■would commit his knowledge to writing, and frankly de- 
clared, que <le ce<iu'il savoit ue ieroit-il ja nul borjois soq pareill, ne null sage 
lionime lettre (c. 281). 

'-^ The compiler of this work, Jean d'Ibelin, was count of Jaffa and Asca!on, 
lord of Baruth (IJerytu-s) and Kames, and died A, I>. 1266 (Sanut, 1. iii. p. ii c. 5, 
8). 'J'lie family of Ibelin, which descended from a younger brother of a count of 
Char' res in France, long nourished in Palestine and Cyprus (see the Lignagende 
de9a Mer, or d'Outremcr, c. 6, at the end of the Assises de Jerusalem, an original 
book, which records the pedigrees of the French adventurers). 

'■^' Dy sixteen commissioners chosen in the states of the island r the work was 
finished tlie r?d of November, ir^69, sealed with four seals, and deposited in the 
cathedral of Nicosia (see the preface to the Assises). 

1-^ The cautious John d'Ibelin argues, rather than affirms, that Tripoli is the 
fourth barony, and expresses some doubt concerning the right or i^reteusion of 
the constable and marshal (c. 323), 


finned liis innocence and his wrongs ; demanded the resti 
tution of his liberty or lus lands ; suspended, after a fruit- 
less demand, their oAvn service; rescued their brother from 
prison ; and employed every weapon in his defence, without 
offering direct violence to the person of their lord, which 
was ever sacred in their oyes.^^^ In their pleadings, replies, 
and rejoinders, the advocates of the court were subtle and 
coj)ious ; but the nse of argument and evidence was often 
superseded by judical combat ; and the Assise of Jerusalem 
admits in manv cases tliis barbarous institution, which has 
been slowly abolislied by the laAvs and manners of Europe. 
Tlie trial by battle was established in all criminal cases 
which affected the life, or limb, or honor, of any person ; 
and in all civil transactions, of or above the value of one 
mai'k of silver. It aj^pears that in criminal cases the com- 
bat was the privilege of the accuser, who, except in a charge 
of treason, avenged his personal injury, or the denth of 
those ])ersons wliom he had a right to represent ; but where- 
ever, from the nature of the charo-e, testimonv could be ob- 
tamed, it Avas necessary for him to produce witnesses of the 
fact. In civil cases, the combat was not allowed as the 
means of establishing the claim of the demandant; but he 
was obliged to produce witnesses Avho had, or assumed to 
have, knowledge of the fact. The combat was then the 
privilege of the defendant ; because he charged the witness 
with an attempt by perjury to take away his right. He 
came therefore to be in the same situation as the a])pellant 
in criminal cases. It was not then as a mode of ])roof that 
the combat was received, nor as making negative evidence 
(according to the supposition of Montesquieu) ; ^^^ but in 
every case the right to offer battle was founded on the right 
to pursue by arms the redress of an injury ; and the ju.dicial 
combat was fouglit on the same principle, and with the same 
spirit, as a })rivate duel. Champions were only allowed to 
women, and to men maimed or past the age of sixty. Tlie 
consequence of a defeat was death to the person accused, or 
to the champion or witness, as well as to the accuser him- 

"3 Entre seignor et homme ne n'a que la foi ; * * * * mais tant que riiomme 
doit .'i son seignor reverence en toutes choses (c. 206). Tons les honunei? duUit 
royaume sont par ladite Assise tenus les uiis as autres * * * * et en oelle nian- 
lere que le seignor niette main on face niettre au eois on an fie d'auouu d'yaus 
RJina esgard et sans coTinoi.-sans de court, que tons les autres doivent veiiir 
devant le seignor. <S:c. (212). The form of their remonslmnces is conceived with 
the noble siniplicity of freedom. 

'•^" See TEsprit des Loix, 1 xxviii. In the forty years since its publication, 
no work has been more read and criticized, and the spirit of inquiry which it 
has excited is not the least of our obligations to the author. 


self: but in civil cases, tlie demniulant was punislied with 
infamy and tlie loss of liis suit, while liis witness and cham- 
pion suffered an io-nominious death. In many cases it was 
in the option of the judge to award or to refuse the com- 
bat : but two are specified in wliich it was the inevit- 
able result of the cliallenge ; if a faithful vassal gave the 
lie to his compeer, who unjustly claimed any portion of tiicir 
lord's demesnes ; or if an unsuccessful suitor presumed to 
impeach the judgment and veracity of the court. He might 
impeach them, but tlie terms were severe and perilous : in 
the same day lie successively fought all the membei's of the 
tribunal, even those who had been absent; a single defeat 
was followed by death and infamy; and where none could 
liope for victory, it is highly probable that none would ad- 
venture the trial. In tlie Assise of Jerusalem, the legal 
subtlety of the count of Jaffa is more laudably employed 
to elude, than to facilitate, the judicial combat, which he 
derives from a principle of honor rather than of supersti- 

Among tlie causes which enfranchised the plebeians from 
the yoke of feudal tyranny, the institution of cities and cor- 
porations is one of the most powerful ; and if those of Pal- 
estine are coeval with the first crusade, they may be ranked 
with the most ancient of the Latin world. Many of the 
pilgrims had escaped from their lords under the banner of 
the cross; and it was the policy of the Fi-ench princes to 
tempt their stay by the assurance of the rights and ])rivi- 
leges of freemen. It is ex])ressly declared in the Assise of 
Jerusalem, that after instituting, for his knights and barons, 
the court of peers, in which he presided himself, Godfrey of 
Bouillon established a second tribunal, in which his person 
was represented by his viscount. The jurisdiction of this 
inferior court extended over the burgesses of the kingdom ; 
and it was composed of a select number of the most discreet 
and worthy citizens, who were sworn to judge, according 
to the laws, of the actions and fortunes of their equals. ^^^ 
In the conquest and settlement of new cities, the example 
of Jerusalem was imitated by the kings and their great vas- 

140 For the intelligence of this obscure and obsolete jnrispriulence (c. 80-11 1) 
I am deeply indebted to tlie friendship of a IcMrned lord, who, vvilli an accurate 
.ind discerning eye, lias surveyed the nlnlo:-!Of)hi(! liistory of law. By his stu lie^^, 
posterity might he enriched : the merit of the orator and the judge can he felt 
only by his conteinporarics. 

'*' houis 1 ; Gros, wlio is considered as the f;ither of this inslitntion in France, 
did not begin liis reign till nine years (A. I). IKiH) after (iodfrey of IJonillon 
(Assises, c. 2, 324). For its origin an<l effects, see tlie judicious remarks of L>r. 
Kobertson (History of Ciiarle.s V. vol. i. pp. 3l)-3G, 151-2G5, quarto edition). 


sals ; and above thirty similar cor])orations were founded 
before the loss of tlie Holy Land. Another class of sub- 
jects, the Syrians,^'^ or Oriental Christians, were opj)ressed 
by the zeal of the clei-gy, and protected by the toleration of 
the state. Godfrey listened to their reasonable prayer, that 
the}^ might be judged by their own national laws. A third 
court was instituted for their use, of limited and domestic 
jurisdiction : the sworn members were Syrians, in blood, 
language, and religion ; but the office of the president (in 
Arabic, of the rais)^ was sometimes exercised by the vis- 
count of the city. At an immeasurable distance below the 
nobles^ the burgesses^ and the strangers^ the Assise of Jeru- 
salem condescends to mention the villai?is, and slaves, the 
peasants of the land and the captives of Avar, who were al- 
most equally considered as the objects of property. The 
relief or j)rotection of these unhappy men was not esteemed 
worthy of tlie care of the legislator ; but he diligently pro- 
vides for the recovery, though not indeed for the punish- 
ment, of the fugitives. Like hounds, or hawks, who had 
strayed from the lawful OAvner, they might be lost and 
claimed : the slave and falcon were of the same value ; but 
three slaves, or twelve oxen, were accumulated to equal the 
price of the war-horse ; and a sum of three hundred pieces 
of gold was fixed, in the age of chivalry, as the equivalent 
of the more noble animal.^^^ 

i<2 Every reader conversant with the historians of the crusades will understand 
by the peuple des Siiriena, the Oriental Christians, Melchites. Jacobites, or 
Nestorians. who had aU adopted the use of the Arabic languajG;e (vol. iv p. ,593). 

'<•* See the Assises de Jerusalem (.310, 311, 312). These laws were enacted as 
late as the year 1.350, in the kingdom of Cyprus. In tlie same century, in the 
reign of Edward I., I understand, from a late publication (of his Book of 
Account) that the price of a war-horse was not less exorbitant in England. 












In a style less grave than that of history, I should per- 
ha]is compare the emperor Alexius ^ to the jackal, who is 
said to follow the steps, and to devour the leavings, of the 
lion Whatever had been his fears and toils in the passage 
of the first crusade, they were amply recompensed by the 
subsequent benefits wliich he derived from the exploits of 
the Franks. His dexteritv and vii>ilance secured their first 
conquest of Nice; and from this threatening station the 
Turks were com])el]ed to evacuate the neighborhood of 
Constantinople. While the crusaders, with blind valor, ad- 
vanced into the midland countries of Asia, the crafty Greek 
impi'oved the favorable occasion when the emirs of the sea- 
coast were recalled to the standard of the sultan. The 
Turks were driven from the Isles of Rhodes and Chios: the 
cities of Ephesus and Smyrna, of Sardes, Philadelphia, and 
Laodicea, were restored to the empire, which Alexius en- 
larged from the PIelles])ont to the banks of the Maeander, 
and the rocky shores of Pamphylia. The churches resumed 
their s])lendor : the towns were rebuilt and fortified ; and 
the desert country was peopled with colonies of Christians, 
who were gently removed from the more distant and dan- 
gerous frontier. In these paternal cares, we may forgive 
Alexius, if he forgot the deliverance of the holy sepulchre', 
but, by the Latins, he was stigmatized with the foul reproach 

' Anna (""omnena relates lier father's ronquests in Asia Minor, Alexiad. 1. xi. 
pp. 321-.i2'. I xiv |). 41!); his Ciiirian war ajrainst Taiu red and Boheniond, pp. 
3:^8-:i42 ; tin- war of Eiirus, with tedious prolixity, 1. xii. xiii. pp. o45-4UG i the 
deatli of Boheniond, 1. xiv. p. 410. 


of treason and. desertion. They had sworn fidelity and obe- 
dience to his tlirone ; but he liad ])roniised to assiist tlieir 
enterprise in person, or, at least, Avitli his troops and treas- 
ures : his base retreat dissolved their obli!2:ations ; and the 
sword, which had been the instrument of their victory, was 
the pledge and title of their just independence. It does not 
ap])ear that the emperor attempted to revive his obsolete 
claims over the kingdom of Jerusalem ; ^ but the borders of 
Cilicia and Syria were more recent in his possession, and 
more accessible to his arms. The great army of the cru- 
saders was annihilated or dispersed ; the principality of An- 
tioch was left without a head, by the surprise and captivit)^ 
of Bohemond : his ransom had oppressed him with heavy 
debt ; and liis Norman followers were insufficient to repel 
the hostilities of the Greeks and Turks. In tliis distress, 
Bohemond embraced a magnanimous resolution, of leaving 
the defence of Antioch to his kinsman, tiie faithful Tancred ; 
of arming the West against the Byzantine empire ; and of 
executinsf the desitrn which he inherited from the lessons 
and example of his father Guiscard. Ilis embarkation was 
clandestine: and, if we may credit a tale of the princess 
Anna, he passed the hostile sea closely secreted in a coffin.^ 
But his reception in France was dignilied by tlie public ap- 
plause, and his marriage with the king's daughter ; his re- 
turn was glorious, since the bravest spirits of the age en- 
listed under his veteran command ; and he repassed the 
Adriatic at the head of live thousand horse and forty thou- 
sand foot, assembled from the most remote climates of 
Europe.'' The strength of Durazzo, and prudence of Al- 
exius, the progress of famine, and approach of winter, 
eluded his ambitious hopes; and the venal confederates 
were seduced from his standard. A treaty of peace ^sus- 

2 The kings of Jenisalem submitted, however, to a nominal depencience, and 
in the dutes of tlieir inscriptions (one is still legible in the chui'ch of Bethlem), 
they respectfully placed before their own the name of the reigning emperor 
(Ducange, Dissertations s'ar Joinviile, xxvii. p. 319). 

3 Anna Coinnena addij, that, to complete the inntation, he was shut up with 
a dead cock ; and condescends to wonder how the Barbarian could endure the 
continenient and putrefaction. This absurd tale is unknown to the Latins.* 

4 Atto fe) Ajjs. )•) the Byzantine geo'^raphy, must mean England ; yet we are 
more credibly informed, that our Heiiry I. would not suffer him to levy any 
troops in his kiiigdom (Ducange, Not. ad Alexiad. p. -11). 

" 1 he copy of the treaty (Alexiad. 1. xiii. pp. 40(5-416) is an original and curious 
piece, which would require, and might atiord, a good map of the priijcipahty of 

* The Greek writers, in general, Zonaras, pp.2, 303, and Glycas, p. 334, a."rce 
in this story with the princess Anne, except in the absurd addition of the (lead 
cock. Ducange has already quoted some instances where a similar strat-ijiem 
had been adopted by Snrman princes. On this authority Wilkeu iuclines to 
believe the fact. Appendix to vol. ii. p. 14. — INI. 


pended the fears of the Greeks : and they vrerc finally de- 
livered by the death of an adversary, whom neither oaths 
could bind, nor dangers coidd appal, nor prosperity could 
satiate. His cliildren succeeded to the principality of An- 
tioch ; but tJie boundaries were strictly defined, the homnge 
was clearly stipulated, and the cities of Tarsus and Malmis- 
tra were restored to the Byzantine emperors. Of the coast 
of Anatolia, they possessed the entire circuit fi'om Trebi- 
zond to the Syrian gates. The Seljukian dynasty of Roum® 
was separated on all side55 from the sea and their Mussul- 
man brethren ; the power of the sultan was shaken by the 
victories and even the defeats of the Franks ; and after the 
loss of Nice, they removed their throne to Cogni or Ico- 
nium, an obscure and inland town above three hundred 
miles from Constantinople.^ Instead of trembling for their 
capital, the Comnenian princes waged an offensive war 
against the Turks, and the first crusade prevented the fall 
of the declining empire. 

In the twelfth century, three great emigrations marched 
by land from the West to the relief of Palestine. Tlie sol- 
diers and pilgrmis of Lombard y, France, and Germany were 
excited by the example and success of the first crusade.* 
Forty-eight years after the deliverance of the holy sejnilchre, 
the em})eror, and the French king, Conrad the Third and 
Louis the Seventh, undertook the second crusade to sup- 
port the falling fortunes of the Latins.^ A grand division 
of the third ci'usade was led by the emperor Frederic Bar- 
barossa,^° who sympathized with his brothers of France and 
England in the common loss of Jerusalem. These three 

« See, in the learned work of M. De Guigues Ctom. ii. part ii.), the history of 
the Seljukiaiis of ictoniani, Alepixi, and Damascus, as far as it may be oolleeted 
from the Greeks, Latins, and Arabians. The last are ignorant or regardless of 
the affairs of Roiun. 

Mconium is mentioned a^ a station by Xenophon, and by Straho, with tlie 
ambiinioire title of K(OMo;roAi5 (Gel lari lis, torn. ii. p. 121). Yet St. Paul found in 
that place a multitude (tA^Qo?) of Jews and Gentiles. Under the corrupt name 
of Kniiijali, it is described as a great city, witli a river and gardens, three leagues 
from the mounrains, and decorated (I know not why) with Plato's tnmb (Al)ul- 
feda, tabul. xvii. p 30.3, vers, Reiske ; and the Index Geographicus of Schultens 
from Ibn Said). 

» For tins supplemont to the first crusade, see Anna Comnena, Alexias, 1. xi. 
p. 031. <S:c., and the vinth book of Albert Aquensis. 

" For the second crusnde, of Conrad III. and Louis VII.. see William of Tvre 
(1. xvi. c 18-29), Otlio of Frisingem (1. i. c. .^4-4.5, r>9, 60), Matthew Paris (Hist. 
Major, p. 68), Struvius (Cor)) is Hist. Germanica?, pp. .172, .373), Scriptores Rem in 
Fiancicarum a Duchesne, tom. iv. ; Nigetas, m Vit. JNIanuel, 1. i. c. 4, 5, 6, pp. 41- 
48; Ciimanms, 1. n. ])p. H-40. 

'<> For the third crusade, of Frederic Harbaropsa, see Nicetas in Isaac. Angel. 
l.ii. c. 3-f, pp. 257-266. Struv. (Corpis. Hist. Germ. p. 414), and two hisloria\i8, 
who probably were spectators, Tagino (in Scriptor. Freher. tom. 1. pp. 4()6-4l<>, 
edit. Struv.), and the Anonymut* de Expeditlone Asiatica Fred. L in Cauisii 
Aiitiq. Lectiou. tom. ili. p. il. pp. 108-526, edit. Basnage). 


expeditions may be compared in their resemblance of the 
greatness of numbers, their passage through tlie Greek em- 
pire, and the nature and event of their Turkish warfare, and 
a brief parallel may save the repetition of a tedious narra- 
tive. However splendid it may seem, a reguhir story of 
the crusades would exhibit the perpetual return of the same 
causes and effects ; and the frequent attempts for the de- 
fence or recovery of the Holy Land would appear so many 
faint and unsuccessful copies of the original. 

I. Of the swarms that so closely trod in the footsteps of 
the first pilgrims, the chiefs wei-e equal in rank, though un- 
equal in fame and merit, to Godfrey of Bouillon and his fel- 
low-adventurers. At their head were dis])laved the banners 
of the dukes of Burgundy, Bavaria, and Aquitain ; the first 
a descendant of Hugh Capet, the second, a father of the 
Brunswick line : the ai-chbishop of Milan, a temporal ju'ince, 
transported, for the benefit of the Turks, the tieasures and 
ornaments of his church and palace ; and the vetei-an cru- 
saders, Hugh the Great and Stephen of Chai-tres, returned 
to consummate their unfinished vow. The hu^e and disor- 
derly bodies of their followers moved forwai'd in two 
columns; and if the first consisted of two hundred and sixty 
thousand persons, the second might possibly amount to sixty 
thousand horse and one hundred thousand foot."* The 
armies of the second crusade might have claimed the con- 
quest of Asui; the nobles of France and Germany were an- 
imated by the presence of their sovereigns ; and both the 
rank and personal characters of Conrad and Louis gave a 
dignity to their cause, and a disci] )line to their force, which 
mio-ht be vainly expected from the feudatory chiefs, Tlie 
cavalry of the emperor, and that of the king, was each com- 
posed of seventy thousand knights, and their immediate at- 
tendants in the field ;^- and if the light-armed troops, the 
peasant infantry, the women and children, the prie&ts and 
monks, be rigorously excluded, the full account will scarcely 

" Anne, who states ihese later swavras at 40,000 horse and 100,000 foot, calls 
tliem Normons, ami places at their head two hrothers of Flanders. The Greeks 
were strangely ignoi ant of the names, families, and possessions of the Latin 

'2 William of Tyre, and iNIatthew Paris, reckon 70,000 loricati in each of the 

"^ It was this army of pilgrims, the lirst body of which was headed by the arch- 
hishoi)of Milan ami Count Albert t)f Blandras, which set forth on the wild, yet, 
wiih a more *liscii)hned army, not impolitic, enterprise of striking at the heart 
of the Mahometan power, bv attacking the sultan in Bagdad. For their adveu- 
tares and fate, see Wilkeu.vol. ii. p. 120, &c , or Michaud, book iv.— M. 


be satisfied with four hundred thousand souls. Tlie West, 
from Rome to Britain, was called into action ; the kings of 
Poland and Bohemia obeyed the summons of Conrad; and 
it is affirmed by the Greeks and Latins, that, in the passage 
of a strait or rivei', the Byzantine agents, after a tale of nine 
hundred tliousand, desisted from the endless and formidable 
comjnitation.^^ In the third crusade, as the French and 
English ]ireferred the navigation of the Mediterranean, the 
host of Frederic Barbarossa was less numerous. Fifteen 
thousand knights, and as many squires, were the flower of 
the German chivalry : sixty thousand horse, and one hundred 
thousand foot, were mustered by the emperor in the plains 
of Hungary ; and after such repetitions, we shall no longer 
be startled at the six hundred tliousand pilgrims, which cred- 
ulity has ascribed to this last emigration.^* Such cxti-ava- 
gant reckonings prove only the astonishment of contempo- 
raries ; but their astonishment most sti'ongly bears testimony 
to the existence of an enormous, thougli indefinite, multitude. 
Tlie Greeks might applaud their su]>ei-ior knowledge of the 
arts and strata<j:ems of war, but they confessed the sti'eno;th 
and courao;e of the French cavalry, and the infantry of 
the Germans ; ^* and the strangers are described as an iron 
race, of gigantic stature, who darted fire from their eyes, 
and s|)ilt blood like water on the ground. Under the banners 
of Conrad, a troop of females rode in the attitude and armor 
of men ; and the chief of these Amazons, from her gilt spurs 
and buskins, obtained the epithet of the Golden-footed Dame. 
ir. The numbers and character of the stramxers was an 
object of tei-ror to the effeminate Greeks, and the sentiment 
of fear is nearly allied to that of hatred. This aversion was 

••' The imperfect enumeration is mentioned by Cinnanius {ivv€vy]Kovja. iivpia5e<;), 
and conlirmed by Odoile Dio<;jilo apiid Ducaiige ad ( innamum. with the more 
precise sum of 90(),5r)G. Why must therefore the version and comment suppose 
the modest an«l insufficient reckoning of 90,000? I)o:s not Godfrey of Viterbo 
(Pantheon, p xix. in Muratori, torn. vii. p. 462) exclaim ? 

-Numerum pi poscere quseras, 

Milha millena militis a^men erat, 

1* This extravagant account is given by Albert of Stade (apud Struvium p. 
411); my calculation is borrowed from Godfrey of Viterbo, Arnold of Lubcck, 
apud eundem, and Bernard Thesaur. (c. ICO, p. 804). The original writers are 
silent. The Maliometans gave him 200,000, or 260,000, men (Bohadin, in Vit. 
Saladin, p. 110). 

■'' 1 must observe, that, in the sec<^>nd and third crusades, the subjects of Con- 
rad aiid Fre<lenc are styled by the Greeks and On-wnl^/i'mnavni. The Lechi 
ami Tzechi of Cinnamus are the Poles and Bohemians ; and it is for the French 
thai, h«. resei ves the ancient appellaiion of Gennaiis, He likewise names the 
bpt-Tnui, or Bpirayyoi,* 

♦ He names both— Bpirxtoi rt koi Bonafvoi. — M. 


siispeiidod or soi'tened by the appreliension of tlie Turkish 
power; and tlie invectives of the Latins will not bias our 
more candid belief, that the emperor Alexius dissembled 
their insolence, eluded their hostilities, counselled their rash- 
ness, and opened to their ardor the road of pilgrimage and 
conquest. But when the Turks had been driven from Nice 
and the sea-coast, when the Byzantnie princes no longer 
dreaded the distant sultans of Cogni, they felt with purer 
indignation the free and frequent passage of the western 
Barbarians, who violated the majesty, and endangered the 
safety, of the empire. The second and third crusades were 
undertaken under the reign of Manuel Comnenus and Isaac 
Angelus. Of the foi-mei', the })assions were always bnpet- 
uous, and often malevolent ; and the natural union of a 
cowardly and a mischievous temper was exemplified in the 
latter, who, without merit or mercy, could punish a tyrant, 
and occupy his throne. It was secretly, and j)erhapR tacitly, 
resolved by the prince and jieople to destroy, or at least to 
discourage, the pilgrims, by every species of injury and op- 
pression ; and their want of prudence and discijjline con- 
tinually afforded the pretence or the opportunity. The 
Western monarchs had stipulated a safe passage and fair 
market in the country of their Christian brethren ; the treaty 
had been ratified by oaths and hostages ; and the poorest 
soldier of Frederic's arinv was furnished with three marks 
of silver to defray his expenses on the road. But every en- 
gagement was violated by treachery and injustice; and the 
complaints of the Latins are attested by the honest confes- 
sion of a Greek historian, who has dared to ])refer truth to 
his country. ^^ Instead of a hospitable reception, the gates of 
the cities, both in Europe and Asia, were closely barred 
agninst the crusaders ; and the scanty ])ittance of food was 
let down in baskets from the Avails. Ex])erience or foresight 
might excuse this timid jealousy ; but the common duties of 
humanity prohibited the mixture of chalk, or other poisonous 
ingi-edients, in the bread ; and should Manuel be acquitted 
of any foul connivance, he is guilty of coining base money 
for the ])urpose of trading with the pilgrims. In every step 
of their march they were sto])ped oi* misled : the governors 
had ])rivate orders to fortify the passes and break down the 
bridges against them : the stragglers were pillaged and 

"5 Nicetas was .1 child at the second crusade, but in the third he oomnianded 
acamst tlje Franks the important post of Fiulippopolis. Ciuiiamus is infected 
with national prejvxdice and pride. 


murdered : the soldiers and liorses were pierced in the woods 
bv arrows from an invisible hand ; the sick were burnt in 
tlieir beds; and tlie dead bodies were hung on gibbets along 
the highways. These injuries exasjjerated the champions of 
the cross, who were not endowed witli evangelical patience; 
and tlie Byzantine princes, who had ])ro\oked the unequal 
conflict, promoted the embarkation and march of these for- 
midable guests. On the verge of the Turkish frontier Bar- 
barossa s])ared the guilty Philadelphia,^^ rewarded the hos- 
pitable Laodicea, and de})lored the hai*d necessity that had 
stained his sword with any drops of Christian blood. In 
their intercourse with themonarchs of Germany and France, 
the pride of the Greeks was exposed to an anxious trial. 
They might boast that on the first interview the seat of Louis 
was a low stool, beside the throne of Manuel ; ^^ but no sooner 
had the French king transported his army beyond the Bos- 
phorus, tlian he refused the offer of a second conference, un- 
less his brother would meet him on equal terms, either on 
the sea or land. With Conrad and Frederic, the ceremonial 
was still nicer and more difficult: like the successors of Con- 
stantine, they styled themselves emperors of the Romans ;^^ 
and firmly maintained the purity of their title and dignity. 
The first of these representatives of Charlemagne would only 
converse with Manuel on horseback in the o])en field ; the 
second, by passing the Hellespont rather than the Bosphorus, 
declined tlie view of Constantinople and its sovereign. An 
emperor, who had been crowned at Rome, was reduced in 
the Greek epistles to the humble appelhition of Hex, or 
prince, of the Alemanni; and the vain and feeble Angelus 
affected to be igTJorant of the name of one of the greatest 
men and monarchs of the age. While they viewed with 
hatred and suspicion the Latin j)ilgrims, the Greek emperors 
maintained a strict, though secret, alliance with the Turks 
and Saracens. Isaac Angelus complained, that by his 
friendship for the great Saladin he had incurred the enmity 

" The conduct of the Pliiladelphians is blamed by Nicetas, while the anony- 
mous (Jennan accuses the rudeness of his countrvmon (culpa nosti^V History 
would be pleasant, if we were embarrassed only by s^nrh coutradictions. It is 
likewise from Nicetaa, that we learn tlie pious and humane sorrow of Frederic- 

'* X0a/LiaAr) (Spa, which Cinnamus translates into Latin by the word Sf'AAiof. 
Ducange works very hard to save his king and country from such ignominy 
(sur Joinville, dissertat. xxvii. pp. 317-:320). J^uis afterv.ards insisted on a 
meeting in niari ex a^quo, not ex equo, according to the laugliable readings of 
some MSS. 

1'-' Ego Romanorum imperator sum. ille TJomaniorum (Anonym. Canis. p. 512). 
The public and historical style of the Greeks was Pf/f . . princeps. Yet Cii*- 
lianms owns, that lixntpdrtop is synonymous to BaaiAevs. 

Vol. y._6 


of the Franks ; and a, mosque was founded at Constantinople 
for the public exercise of the religion of Mahomet.^^ 

III. The swarms that followed the first crusade were de- 
stroyed in Anatolia by famine, pestilence, and the lurkish 
arrows; and the princes only escaped with some squadi'ons 
of horse to accomplish their lamentable ])ilgrimage. A just 
opinion may be formed of their knowledge and humanity; 
of their knowledge, from the design of subduing Persia and 
Chorasan in their way to Jerusalem ; * of their humanity, 
from the massacre of the Christian people, a friendly city, 
who came out to meet them with palms and crosses in their 
hands. The arms of Conrad and Louis were less cruel and 
imprudent ; but the event of the second crusade was still 
more ruinous to Christendom ; and the Greek Manuel is 
accused by his own subjects of giving seasonable intelli- 
gence to the sultan, and treacherous guides to the Latin 
princes. Instead of crushing the common foe, by a double 
attack at the same time but on different sides, the Germans 
were urged by emulation, and the French were retarded by 
jealousy. Louis had scarcely passed the Bosphorus Avhen 
he was met by the returning emperor, who had lost the 
greater part of his army in glorious, but unsuccessful, actions 
on the banks of the Maeander. The contrast of the pomp 
of his rival hastened the retreat of Conrad : f the desertion 
of his independent vassals reduced him to his hereditary 
troops ; and he borrowed some Greek vessels to execute by 
sea the pilgrimage of Palestine. Without studying the les- 
sons of experience, or the nature of the war, the king of 
France advanced through the same country to a similar 
fate. The van2:uard, which bore the royal banner and tlie 
oriflamme of St. Denys,^^ had doubled their march with rash 
and inconsiderate speed ; and the rear, which the king com- 

20 Tn the Epistles of Innocent III. (xiii. p. 184), and the History of Bohadin, 
(pp. 129, 130), see the views of a pope ai»d a cadhi on this singular toleration. 

21 As counts of Vexin, the kings of France wei'e the vassals and advocates of 
the monastery of St. Denys. The saint's peculiar hanner, which they received 
from the abbot, was of a square form, and a red or Jtaminfi color. The orijiamme 
appeared at the head of the French armies from the xiith to the xvth century 
(Ducange sur Joinville, Dissert, xviii. pp. 244-253). 

* This was the design of the pilgrims under the archbishop of Milan. See 
note, p. 102.— M. 

t Conrad had advanced with part of his army along a central road, between 
that on the coast and that which led to Iconium. He had been betrayed by the 
Greeks, his army destroyed without a battle. Wilken, vol- iii. p. 1C5. INIichaud, 
vol. ii. p. 156. Conrad advanced again with Louis as far as Ephesus, and from 
thence, at the invitation of Manuel, returned to Constantinople. It was Louis 
who, at the passage of the Ma-ander, was engased in a " glorious action." "Wil- 
ken, vol. iii. p. 179. Michaud, vol. ii. p. 160. Gibbon followed Isicetas.— M. 


manded in person, no longer found tlieir companions in the 
evening camp. In darkness and disorder, they were encom- 
passed, assaulted, and overwhelmed, by the innumerabje 
host of Turks, who, in the art of war, were suj)erior to the 
Christians of the twelfth century.* Louis, wlio climbed a 
tree in tlie general disconititure, was saved by his own valor 
and the iirnorance of his adversaries ; and with the dawn of 
day he escaped alive, but almost alone, to the camp ot the 
vanguard. But instead of pursuing his expedition by land, 
he was rejoiced to shelter the relics of his army in the 
friendly seaport of Satalia. From thence he embarked for 
Antioch ; but so penurious was the supply of Greek vessels,,: 
that they could only afford room for his knights and nobles; 
and the plebeian ci-owd of infantry was left to perish at the 
foot of the Pamphylian hills. The emperor and the king 
embraced and wept at Jerusalem ; their martial trains, the 
remnant of mighty armies, were joined to the Christian pow- 
ers of Syria, and a fruitless siege of Damascus was the final 
effort of the second crusade. Conrad and Louis embarked 
for Europe with the personal fame of piety and courage; but 
the Orientals had braved these potent monarchs of the 
Franks, Avith wJiose names and military forces they had been 
so often threatened.^ Perhaps they had still more to fear 
from the veteran genius of Frederic the First, who in his 
youth had served in Asia under his uncle Conrad. Forty 
campaigns in Germany and Italy had tauglit Barbarossa to 
command ; and his soldiers, even the princes of the empire, 
were accustomed under his reign to obey. As soon as he 
lost sight of Philadelphia and Laodicea, the last cities of the 
Greek frontier, he plunged into the salt and barren desert, 
a land (says the historian) of horror and tribulation.^^ Dur- 
ing twenty days, every step of his fainting and sickly march 
was besieged by the innumerable hordes of Turkmans,*^ 

" Tlie original French histories of the second crusade are the Gesta 3-,udovioi 
VII. publLshed ill the ivtli voluni<3 of Duchesne's collection. The same volume 
contains many original letters of the king, of Suger his minister, &c., the best 
documents of authentic history- 

2^ Teiram horroris et salsuginis, terramsiccam 6terilem,inamcBnam. Anonym, 
Canis. p. 517. The emphatic language of a sufferer. 

-* Gens innumera, sylvestris, indomita, prasdones sine ductore. The Sultan 
of Cogni might sincerely rejoice in their defeat. Anonym. (Janis. pi>. 517, 518. 

•They descended the heights to a beautiful valley which lay beneath them. 
The Tu ks sci/ed th;i heights which separated the two divisions of the army. 
The modern historians represent differently the act to which Louis owed his 
safely, which Gibbon has described by the uiuliguified i)hrase, " he climbed a 
tree." According toMiehand, vol. ii. p. 1G4, the king got upon a rock, with his 
back agaiiisl a tree ; according to V/ilken, v<d. iii. he dragged himself up to the 
top of the rock by the roots of a tree, and continued to defeiul himself till nightr- 


whose numbers and fury seemed after each defeat to multi- 
ply and iniiauie. The emperor continued to struggle and 
to sulfer; and such was the measure of his calamities, that 
when he reached the gates of Iconium, no more than one 
thousand knights were able to serve on horseback. By a 
sudden and resolute assault he defeated the guards, and 
stormed the capital of the sultan,^^ who humbly sued for 
pardon and peace. The road was now open, and Fiederic 
advanced in a career of triumph, till he was unfortunately 
drowned in a petty torrent of Cilicia.-^ The remainder of 
his Germans was consumed by sickness and desertion ; and 
the emperor's son expired with the greatest part of his Swa- 
bian vassals at the siege of Acre. Among the Latin heroes, 
Godfrey of Bouillon and Fredeiic Barbarossa could only 
achieve the passage of the Lesser Asia ; yet even their suc- 
cess was a warning ; and in the last and most experienced 
age of the crusades, every nation preferred the sea to the 
toils and perils of an inland expedition.-' 

The enthusiasm of the first crusade is a natural and sim- 
ple event, Avhile hope was fresh, danger untried, and enter- 
prise congenial to the spirit of the times. But the obstinate 
perseverance of Europe may indeed excite our pity and ad- 
miration; that no instruction should have been drawn from 
constant and adverse experience; that the same confidence 
should have repeatedly grown from the same failures; that 
six Bucceeding generations should have rushed headlong 
down the precipice that was open before them ; and that 
men of every condition should have staked their public and 
private fortunes on the desperate adventure of ])ossessing 
or recovering a tombstone two thousand miles from their 
country. In a period of two centuries after the council of 
Clermont, each spring and summer produced a new emigra- 
tion of pilgrim warriors for the defence of the Holy Land; 
but the seven great armaments or crusades were excited by 

25 See, in the anonymous writer in the Collection of Canisius, Ta:ino. and 
Bohadin (Vit. Saladin pp. 110, 1-0), the ambiguous conduct of Kilidge Arslan, 
sultan of Cogni, who hated and feared both Saladin and Frederic. 

20 The desire of comparing two great men has tempted many writers to drown 
Frederic in the lliver Cydnus, in which Alexander so iinprndenily baihed 
(Q. Curt. 1. iii. c. 4, .5). But, from the march of The emperor, 1 rather judge, that 
his Saleph is the Calycndnus. a stream of less fame, but of a longer course.* 

27 JNIarinus Sanntus, A. D. l:!21, lays it down as a precept, Qu<kI stolus ecclesiai 
per terram nullatenns est ducenda." ITe resolves, by the divine aid, the objec- 
tion, or rather exception, oj the first crusade (Secreta Fidelium Crucis, 1. ii. para 
ii. c. i. p. 37). 

* Jt is now called the Girama : its course is described in M'Douald Kinneir's 
Travels.— M. 


some inipeiuling or recent calamity : tlie nations "were moved 
by tlie authority of their ])ontiffs, and tlie example of their 
kings : their zeal was kindled, and theii* reason was silenced, 
by the voice of their holy orators ; and among these, Ber- 
nard,-^ the monk, or the saint, may claim the most Ijonora- 
ble ])lace.* About eight years before the first conquest of 
Jerusalem, lie was born of a noble family in Burc^undy; at 
the age of three-and-twenty he buried himself in the monas- 
tery of Citeaux, then in the primitive fervor of the institu- 
tion : at the end of two years he led forth her third colony, 
or daughter, to the valley of Clairvaux '^ in Champagne; 
and Avas content, till the hour of his death, with the humble 
station of abbot of his own community. A philosophic age 
lias abolished, with too liberal and indiscriminate disdain, 
the honors of these spii'itual heroes. The meanest among 
them are distinguished by some enei'gies of the mind; they 
were at least superior to their votaries and disci])les; and, 
in the race of superstition, they attained the prize for which 
such numbers contended. In speech, in writing, in action, 
Bernard stood high above his rivals and contemporaries; 
his compositions are not devoid of wit and eloquence; and 
lie seems to have preserved as much reason and humanity 
as may be reconciled with the character of a saint. In a 
secular life, he would have shared the seventh j)art of a pri- 
vate inheritance ; by a vow of iioverty and ])enance, by clos- 
ing his eyes against the visible world,^° by the refusal of all 
ecclesiastical dignities, the abbot of Clairvaux became the 

28 The most authentic information of St. Bernfird mnst he drawn from his 
own wiitines, ptibl slicd in a < orrect edition by Perc l\lai)illon, and reprinted at 
Venice, IToO, in six volumes in folio. Wliatever friendship could recollect, or 
superstition could add, is contained in the two lives, by Ids disciples, in the villi 
vohime: whatever lear7ung and criticism could ascertain, may be found in the 
prefac«-s of tlie Benedictine edi;or. 

2^ (Clairvaux, surnained the yalley of Absynth, is situate among the woods 
near Bar snr Aube in Champagne- St. Bernard would blush at the pomp of tin; 
church and mona-tery ; lie would ask for the library, and 1 know not whether 
he woiihl be much edilied bv a lun of 800 muids (914 1-7 hogsliea<l.s), which almost 
rivals that of Heidelberg (.Melanges tires d'une Grande Bibliothe pie, torn. xlvi. 
pp. ir,-20). 

s'J The di.*.ciple8 of the saint (Vit. i'na. 1. iii. c. 2, p. 12.32. Vit. ii'la, c. 16, No. 4.'), 
p. I.'IH.'',) ri'cord a marvelloMs example of his jiif>us apathy. Juxta lacnm etiam 
Lausannensem totius di<,'i itinere pergens, f)eniius non attendit ant se videre non 
vidit. (junienim vespere facto de eodem lacA .socii colloqiierentur, interrogabat 
eos nbi lacus ille esset : et niirati sunt nnivensi. To admire or despise St. Ber- 
nard as he ought, the reader, like myself, should have before the windows of 
Lis library the beauties of that incomi)arable landscape. 

* Gibbon, whose arco!int of the crusades is perliaps the least accurate and 
Bitisfactory chanter in his Ilisory, has here faihid in that lucid arrangement, 
which in g^'iicral giv.-s perspicuity to his most <ond(Mised and crowdcfl narra- 
tives. He has unaccountably, and lo (ho griMt perplexity f)f the reader, placed 
the preaching of St. Bernard after the eecond crusade, to which it led.— M. 


oracle of Europe, and the founder of one hundred and sixty 
convents. Princes and pontiffs trembled at the freedom of 
his apostolic censures: France, England, and Milan, con- 
sulted and obeyed liis judgment in a schism of the church: 
the debt was repaid by the gratitude of Innocent the Sec- 
ond; and his successor, Eugenius the Third, was the friend 
and disci])le of the holy Bernard. It was in the proclama- 
tion of the second crusade that he shone as the missionary 
and prophet of God, who called the nations to the defence 
of his holy sepulchre.^^ At the parliament of Vezelay lie 
spoke before the king; and Louis tiie Seventh, with Iiis 
nobles, received their crosses from his hand. The abbot of 
Clairvaux then marched to the less easy conquest of the em- 
peror Conrad : * a phlegmatic people, ignorant of his lan- 
guage, was transported by the pathetic vehemence of his 
tone and gestures; and his progress, from Constance to 
Cologne, was the triumph of eloquence and zeal. Bernard 
applauds his own success in the de})opulation of Europe; 
affirms that cities and castles were emptied of their inhab- 
itants; and computes, that only one man was left behind for 
the consolation of seven widows. ^^ The blind fanatics were 
desirous of electing him for tlieir general; but the example 
of the hermit Peter was before his eves ; and while he assured 
the crusaders of the divine favor, lie prudently declined a 
military command, in which failure and victory would have 
been almost equally disgraceful to his character.^^ Yet, after 
the calamitous event, the abbot of Clairvaux was loudly ac- 
cused as a false prophet, the author of the public and private 
mourning; his enemies exulted, his friends blushed, and his 
apology was slow and unsatisfactory. He justifies his obe- 
dience to the commands of the pope ; expatiates on the mys- 
terious Avays of Providence; imputes the misfortunes of the 
pilgrims to their own sins; and modestly insinuates, that his 

•■" Otho Frising. 1. i. c-* 4. Bernard. Epist. 363, ad Francos Orienlales. Opp. 
toui. i. p. 328. Vit. ima, 1. iii. c. 4, torn. vi. p. 1235, 

^'2 Maiidastis et obedivi * * * * miiltiplicati sunt super nunicnim, vaoiiantur 
iirbes et castella : et pf^nv jam non iiivenlunt queni apprehoialant sepleni mu- 
lieres unum virum ; adeo ubique vidure vivis remanent viris Bernard. Epist. 
p. 247. We nmst be careful not to construe pene as a substantive. 

** Quis ego sum ut disponam acies, ut egredia. ante facies armatorum, ant 
quid tam remotum a professione niea, si vires, si periiia, <S:o. Epist. 2r)(), lom. i. 
p. 259. He speaks with contempt of the hermit Peter, vir quidam, Epist. 3G>. 

* Bernard had a nobler object in his expedition into Germany — to arrest the 
fierce and merciless persecution of the Jews, which was prei)a'ing, under tlio 
monk Kadulph, lo renew the frightful scenes which had precedt d the lirst cru- 
sade, in th(^ rtomishiug cities on the banks of the Rliine. The Jews acknowledge 
the Christian intierventiou of St. Bernaid. See the curious extract from the 
History of Joseph beu Meir. Wilken, vol. iii. p. 1, and p. 63.— M- 


mission had been approved by signs and wonders.'* Had the 
fact been certain, the argument wouhl be decisive; and his 
faitliful disci])les, who enumerate twenty or thirty miracles 
in a day, appeal to the public assemblies of France and Ger- 
many, in which they were performed.^^ At the ])resent hour, 
such prodigies will not obtain credit beyond the precincts, 
of Ciairvaux, but in the preternatural cures of the blind, the 
lame, and the sick, who were ])resented to the man of God, 
it is inijiossible for us to ascertain tlie ^separate shares of acci- 
dent, of fancy, of im])Osture, and of fiction. 

Omnipotence itself cannot escai)e the murmurs of its dis- 
cordant votaries; since the same dispensation which was 
applauded as a deliverance in Euro])e, was deplored, and 
perhajis arraigned, as a calamity in Asia. After the loss of 
Jerusalem, the Svrian fugitives diffused their consternation 
and sorrow ; Bagdad mourned in the dust ; the cadhi Zei- 
neddin of Damascus tore his beard in the caliph's presence; 
and the whole divan shed tears at his melancholy tale.'^ 
But the commanders of the faithful could only weep ; they 
"were themselves captives in the hands of the Turks : some 
temporal ])ower was restored to the last age of the Abbas- 
sides ; but their humble ambition was confined to Bagdad 
and the adjacent province. Their tyrants, the Seljukian 
sultans, had followed the common law of the Asiatic dynas- 
ties, the unceasing round of valor, greatness, discord, degen- 
eracy, and decay ; their spirit and power were unequal to 
the defence of religion ; and, in his distant realm of Persia, 
the Christians were strangers to the name and the arms of 
Sangiar, the last hero of his race.^" While the sultans were 
involved in the silken web of the harem, the pious task was 
undertaken by their slaves, the Atabeks,''^ a Turkish name, 

''Sic dicniit forsitan isti, mule Pciimis qu<)d a Domino Bermo egropsiia sit? 
Qnm eijnif^ t'J facis til fn^lanniH tibi ? Is'oii et^t quod jul ista ipso rt;s}ioi)deani ; 
jiancnilinn vei«'cinidi.T' inwf, lespoiidw tu pro me, ct pro to ii>yo, secuiulum qua; 
vidisli ct, audisti, et sei-uuduiu quod le iii.-.piraverit Deus. Coubolat. 1. ii. c. 1. 
Upp. torn. il. pp. 421-423. 

-'•See the testimonies in Vita i'lin, 1. iv. c. 5, G. 0pp. toni. vi. pp. 1258-12G1, 1. 
vi. c. 1-17, pp. 12>G-l;n4. 

30 AbulmaJiasen apud de (luiprus, Ilisl. des Tluns, torn. ii. p, ii. p. 99. 

" see lik< nrticlf in tlic IJildiolh^que Oricntale of D'Herbelot, anrt De Guignes, 
torn. ii. p. 1. pp. L'.30-2f>l . Surh was liis valor, tliat he was styled the Beeond 
Alexander ; and surli the extravaj^ant love of lii.s subjects that they prayed for 
the sultan a year after his derea>e. Vet San[.'iar niiglit liave been nuule prisoner 
by the Frank?, as well as b' tlie Uzes. He, reigned near fifty years (A. D. 1103- 
1152), and was a muniticcnt patron of I*ersian poetry. 

-« .See the rhroiiolo^'y <>f the Atabeks <»f lral< and Syria, in Dc CJuipnes, torn. 
I p. '2')\ ; aixl tl^e rt-igrs of Zen-.-hi and Nonreddin in the same writer (toni. ii. p. 
Ii. i»p. 1 '7-221). who np."s the Arabic text of I?enola1hir. Ben Schouiia ar.d Abiil- 
feda ; the Bibliothequo Orinnlale, under the Ariich-H A /ah/ l:ns a,inl Aourtddin, 
Aiid the Dyuaslies of AbuliJliaraijius, pp. 2oO"2G7, vers. Pocock. 


which, like the Byzantine patricians, may be translated by 
Father of the Prince. Ascansar, a valiant Turk, had been 
the favorite of Malek Shaw, from whom he received the 
privilege of standing on the riglit hand of the throne ; but, 
in the civil Avars that ensued on the monarch's death, lie lost 
his head and the government of Ale])po. His domestic 
emirs ])er.^evercd in their attachment to his son Zenghi, who 
T)roved his lirst arms agjainst the Franks in the defeat of 
Antioch : thirty campaigns in the service of the caliph and 
sultan established his military fame ; and lie was. invested 
with the command of Mosul, as the only cham])ion that 
could avenge the cause of the pro])het. The public hope 
was not disappointed : after a siege of twenty-live days, he 
stormed the city of Edessa, and recovered from the Franks 
their conquests beyond the Euphrates: "^ the martial tribes 
of Curdistan were subdued by the independent sovereign of 
Mosul and Aleppo : his soldiers were tauglit to beliold tlie 
camp as their only country ; they trusted to his liberality 
for their rewards ; and their absent families were protected 
by the vigilance of Zenghi. At the head of these veterans, 
his son Noureddin gradually united the Maliometan pow- 
ers ; ^ added the kingdom of Damascus to that of Aleppo, 
and washed a Ions; and successful war aorainst the Christians 
of Syria; he spread his ample reign from the Tigris to the 
Nile, and the Abbassides I'cwarded their faithful servant 
Avith all the titles and prerogatives of royalty. The Latins 
themselves Avere compelled to OAvn the Avisdom and courage, 
and even the justice and piety, of tliis implacable adver- 
sary.^*^ In his life and government the holy Avarrior revived 
the zeal and simplicity of tlie first caliphs. Gold and silk 
Avere banished from his palace ; the use of wine from liis 
dominions ; the public revenue Avas scrupulously applied to 
the public service ; and the frugal houseliold of Noureddin 
Avas maintained from his legitimate share of the spoil Avhich 
he vested in the purchase of a private estate. His favorite 

^ AA'^illiam of Tyre (1. xvi. o. 4, 5, 7) describes the loss of Edessa, and the death 
of Zenghi. The corru})tion of liis name into Sancjuln, aliorded the LaLiiis a com- 
fortable aUusion to to his sanguinary character and end, tit sanguine banguino- 

♦■^ Noradinus (says AA''illiam of Tyre, L xx. 33) maximus nominis et fidei Chris- 
tianie ]>erse(;ntor ; prinoeps tameii Justus, vafer, providus et secundum gentis 
su:e traditiones religiosus. To Ihis Catholic wimess we may add the primate of 
tlie fJa<!obites (Abulpharag. p. 'Jti.), <lno non alter erat inter reges vilie ratione 
niagis laudabili. aut q.ije plurihus j istitiaj experimentis abundaret. The true 
praise of kings is after their death, and from the mouth of their enemies. 

* On Nonreddin's conquest of Damascus, see extracts from Arabian writers 
prefixed to the second part of the third volume of VVilken.-^M. 


sultana sighed for some female object of expense. " Alas," 
rei)]ie(l the king, "I fear God, and am no more than the 
treasurer of the Moslems. Tiieir ])ro|)erty I cannot alien- 
ate ; but I still ])ossess three shops in the city of Hems ; 
tliese you may take ; and tliese alone can I bestow." His 
chamber of justice was the terror of the great and the refuge 
of the poor. Some years after the sultan's death, an of)- 
pressed subject called aloud in the streets of Damascus, " () 
Noureddin, Xoureddin, where art thou now? Arise, arise, 
to pity and protect us!" A tumult Avas apprehended, and 
a liviuGr tyrant blushed or trembled at the name of a dc- 
parted monarch. 

By the arms of the Turks and Franks, the Fatimites 
had been dej^rived of Syria. In Egypt the decay of their 
character and influence was still more essential. Yet they 
were still revered as the descendants and successors of the 
prophet; they maintained their invisible state in tlie palace 
of Cairo ; and their person was seldom violated by the pro- 
fane eyes of subjects or strangers. The Latin ambassadors^^ 
have described their own introduction, through a series of 
gloomy ])assages, and glittering porticos : the scene was en- 
livened by the warbling of birds and the murmur of foun- 
tains : it was enriched by a disi)lay of rich furniture and rare 
animals ; of the Imperial treasures, something was ^hown, and 
much was su]))>osed ; and the long order of unfolding doors 
was guarded by black soldiers and domestic eunuchs. The 
sanctuary of the ])resence chamber was veiled with a cur- 
tain ; and the vizier, who conducted the ambassadors, laid 
aside his cimeter, and prostrated himself three times on the 
ground ; the veil was then removed ; and they beheld the 
commander of the faithful, who signified his pleasure to the 
first slave of the throne. But this slave was his master: 
the viziers or sultans had usurj)ed the supreme administra- 
tion of Fgypt ; the claims of tlie rival candidates were de- 
cided bv arms : and the name of the most worthy, of the 
strongest, was inserted in the royal patent of command. 
The factions of Dai-gham and Shawer alternately exjjelled 
each other from the ca])ital and country; and the weaker 
side im};lored the dangerous ])rotection of tlie sultan of 
Damascus, or the king of Jerusidem, the perpetual enemies 

<' From the ambapsador, William of Tyro (\. ?tix. o. 17, 1P\ doscribes Ihe 
palace of Cairo. In the (•alii)li'8 {.roasiire v.rre fomxl a j)farl ns larue as a 
liigeon's v^z, a ruby \vci'.'hiii{^soveiitf>eu I"f:y|)ti;ni (Irrims, an cnK^raM a pn'm and 
a half in lengt^b, and many vases of crystal" and porcelain of China (Kcnaadot^ 
p. d36). 


of the sect and mongrchy of tlie Fatimites. By his arms 
and religion the Turk was most formidable ; but the Frank, 
in an easy, direct march, could advance from Gaza to the 
Nile ; -while the intermediate situation of his realm com- 
pelled the troops of Noureddin to wheel round the skirts of 
Arabia, a long and painful circuit, which exposed them to 
thirst, fatigue, and the burning winds of the desert. The 
secret zeal and ambition of the Tui'kish prince aspired to 
reign in Egypt nnder the name of the Abbassides ; but the 
restoration of the suppliant Shawer was the ostensible mo- 
tive of the first expedition ; and the success was intrusted 
to the emir Shiracouh, a valiant and veteran commander. 
Dargham Avas oppressed and slain ; but the ingratitude, the 
jealousy, the just apprehensions, of his more fortunate rival, 
soon provoked him to invite the kmg of Jerusalem to deliver 
Egypt from his insolent benefactors. To this union the 
forces of Shiracouh were unequal: he relinquished the pre- 
mature conquest ; and the evacuation of I3elbeis or Pelu- 
sium was the condition of his safe retreat. As the Turks 
defiled before the enemy, and their general closed the rear, 
with a vigilant eye, and a battle-axe in his hand, a Frank 
presumed to ask him if he were not afraid of an attack. 
"It is doubtless in your power to begin the attack," replied 
the intrepid emir ; "but rest assured, that not one of my 
soldiers will go to paradise till he has sent an infidel to 
hell." His report of the riches of the land, the effeminacy 
of the natives, and the disorders of the government, revived 
the hopes of Noureddin ; the cali})h of Bagdad applauded 
the pious design ; and Shiracouh descended into Egypt a 
second time with twelve thousand Tuiks and eleven thou- 
sand Arabs. Yet his forces were still inferior to the con- 
federate armies of the Franks and Saracens ; and I can dis- 
cern an unusual degree of military art, in his passage of the 
Nile, his retreat into Thebais, liis masterly evolutions in 
the battle of Babain, the surprise of Alexandria, and his 
marches and countermarches in the flats and vallev of 
Egypt, from the tropic to the sea. Plis conduct was sec- 
onded by the courage of his troops, and on the eve of action 
a Mamaluke ^^ exclaimed, " If we cannot wrest Egypt from 
the Christian dogs, why do we not renounce the honors and 

*■ MamJuc, pliir. Mamnlic, is defined by Pocock (Prolegom. ad Abulpharag 
p. 7), and DHerbelot (p. 545), servuin emptitium. seu qui pretio numerato in 
doniini possessionem cedit. Tliey frequently occur in tlie wars of Saladin (Bo- 
hadin, p. 2.36, &c.); and iL was only the Bahartie Mamalukes that were tirst in- 
troduced into Egypt by Lis desceudaiits. 


rewards of the sultan, and retire to labor with the peasants, 
or to spin with the females of tl-e harem ?" Yet, after all 
his efforts in the field, ^^ after the obstinate defence of 
Alexandria ^^ by his nephew Saladin, an honorable ca])ltiila- 
tion and retreat * concluded the second enterprise of Shi- 
racouh ; and Noureddin reserved his abilities for a tiiird 
and more projiitious occasion. It was soon offered by the 
ambition and avarice of Amalric or Amaury, king of .Jeru- 
salem, who had imbibed the pernicious maxim, that no faith 
sliould be kept with the enemies of God.f A religious war- 
rior, the great master of the hospital, encouraged him to 
proceed ; the emperor of Constantinople either gave, or 
promised, a fleet to act with the armies of Syria; and the 
perfldious Christian, unsatisfied with spoil and subsidy, as- 
pired to the conquest of Egypt. In this emergency, the 
JVIoslems turned their eyes towards the sultan of Damascus ; 
the vizier, whom danger encompassed on all sides, yielded 
to their unanimous wislies, and Noureddin seemed to be 
tempted by the fair offer of one-third of the revenue of the 
kingdom. The Franks were already at the gates of Cairo ; 
but the suburbs, the old eity, were burnt on their approach ; 
they were deceived by an insidious negotiation, and tlieir 
vessels were unable to surmount the barriers of the Nile. 
Tliey prudently declined a contest with the Turks in the 
midst of a hostile country ; and Amaury retired into Pales- 
tine with the shame and reproach that always adhere to un- 
successful injustice. After this deliverance, Shiracouh was 
invested with a robe of honor, which he soon stained with 
the blood of the unfortunate Shawer. For a while, the 
Turkish emirs condescended to hold the office of vizier; 
but this foreign conquest preci])itated the fall of the Fati- 
mites themselves; and the bloodless change was accom- 
plished by a message and a word. The caliphs had been 
degraded by their own weakness and the tyranny of the 
viziers : their subjects blushed, when the descendant and 

*5 Jacobiis a Vitriaco (p. 1116) gives the l<lng of Jerusalem no more Uian .374 
l<mghts. Both the Franks and the Moslems report the superior numbers of the 
enemy ; a difference which may be solved by counting or omitting the unwarliko 

" It was the Alexandria of the Arabs, a middle term in extent and riches 
between tlie period of the Greeks and Romans, and that of the Turks (Savary, 
Lettres sur I'Egypte, torn. i. pp. 25, 26). 

* The treaty stipula ed that both the Christians and the Arabs should with- 
draw from Kgypt. Wilken, vol. iii. part. ii. p. 11:!.— IM. 

t 'I he Knifzhts Templars, abhorring (he perlidious breac'i of treaty, partly, 
perhai).-;, out ■ f jealousv of the Hospitallers, refused to join iu this enterprise. 
Will. Tyr. c. xx. p. 5. 'Wilkcn, vol. iii. part. ii. p. 117.— M. 



successor of tlie i)ropliet presented liis naked liand to the 
rude gripe of a Latin ambassador ; tliey we])t when lie sent 
tlie liair of Ins women, a sad emblem of their grief and 
terror, to excite the i)ity of the sultan of Damascus. By 
the command of Nonivddin, and the sentence of the doc- 
tors, the holy names of Abubeker, Omar, and Othman, were 
solemidy restored : the caliph Mosthadi, of Bagdad, was 
acknowledged in the public prayers as the true commander 
of the faithful ; and the green livery of the sons of All was 
exchanged for the black color of the Abbassides. The last 
of his race, the caliph Adhed, who survived only ten days, 
ex|)ired in hapj^y ignorance of his fate ; his treasures secured 
the loyalty of the soldiers, and silenced the murmurs of the 
sectaries ; and in all subsequent revolutions, Egypt has 
never departed from the orthodox tradition of "the Mos- 
lem s.^^ 

The hilly country beyond the Tigris is occupied by the 
pastoral tribes of the Curds ; '^^ a peo])le hardy, strong, sav- 
age, impatient of the yoke, addicted to rapine, and tenacious 
of the government of their national chiefs. The resemblance 
of name, situation, and manners, seems to identify them 
with the Carduchians of the Greeks ; ^' and they still defend 
aga.inst the Ottoman Porte the antique freedom which they 
asserted against the successors of Cyrus. Poverty and am- 
bition ])rompted them to embrace the profession of mer- 
cenary soldiers : the sei'vice of his father and uncle ])rei)ared 
the reign of the great Saladin ; ^^ and the son of Job or Ayud, 
a simple Curd, magnanimously smiled at his pedigree, which 
flattery deduced from the Arabian cali[)hs.'^^ So uncon- 

'if' For tins gfreat revolution of Egypt, see William of Tyre (1. xix. 5, 6, 7, 12-31, 
y.x. 5-12), Boliadin (in Vil Saladin. pp. SO-SO), Abulfeda (in Excerpt. Scliultens, 
pp. 1-12), D'Herbelot (Bibliot. Orient. Adficfl, FafhemnJi, but very incorrect), 
Renaudot (Hist. Patriarch. Alex. pp. 522-52.5, .5.12-537), Vertot (Hist, des Clieva- 
liers de Malthe, torn. i. pp. 141-1G3, in 4to.), and M. de Guignes (tom. ii. pp. 185- 

■"^ For the Curds, see De Guignes. torn. ii. pp. 410, 417, the Index Geogrnplii- 
cns of Schultens and Tavernier, Voyages, p. i. pp. 308, 3"9. The Ayoulites de- 
scoiuled from the tribe of the Rawadia?i, one of the noblesf;; but as tlici/ were 
infected with the heresy of the Metempsychosis, the orthodox sultans insinuated 
thai their descent was only on the motlier's side, and tliat their ancestor was a 
stranger v/ho settled among the Curds. 

^' See the ivth book of the Anabasis of Xenophon. The ten thousand suffered 
more from the arrows of the free Carduchians, tliuii from the splendid weakness 
of the great king. 

^"' We are indebted to the professor Schnltens (l>ugd. Bat. 1755. in folio) for 
the riche-t and most a.utlientic materials, a life of Sala(lin by his friend and min- 
ister the Cadhi I^ohadin, and copious extracts from the history of iiis kinsman 
the prinr-e Abulfeda of Hamah. To these we may add, the article of SaJnhcfhfin 
in the. Bibliotheque Orientale, and all that maybe gleaned from the Dynasties 
of Abulpharagius. 

"•^ Since Abulfeda was himself an Ayoubite, he may sliare tfxe praise, for imi- 
tating, at least tacitly, the modesty of t^lie founder. 


scions was No ii red din of the impending ruin of his house, 
tlmt lie constrained the rehictant youth to follow his uncle 
Siiiracouh into Egypt: his military character was estab- 
lished by the defence of Alexandria; and, if we may believe 
the Latins, he solicited and obtained from the Christian 
general the profane honors of knighthood.^'^ On the death 
of Shiracouh, the office of grand vizier was bestowed on 
Saladin, as the youngest and least powerful of the emirs ; 
but witli the advice of his father, whom he invited to Cairo, 
his genius obtained the ascendant over his equals, and at- 
tached the army to his ])erson and interest. While Noured- 
din lived, these ambitious Curds were the most humble of 
his slaves ; and the indiscreet murmurs of the divan were 
silenced by the prudent Ayiib, who loudly protested ihat at 
the command of the sultan he himself would lead his sou 
in chains to the foot of the throne. *' Such language,^' he 
added in ])rivate, " was prudent and pro}')er in an assembly 
of your rivals ; but we are now above fear and obedience; 
and the threats of Noureddin shall not extort the tribute of 
a sucjar-cane." His seasonable death relieved them from 
the odious and doubtful conflict : his son, a ininoi* of eleven 
years of aG:e, was left for a while to the emirs of Damascus ; 
and the new lord of Egypt was decorated by the caliph Avith 
every title ^^ that could sanctify his usur])ation in the eyes 
of the people. Nor was Saladin long content with the pos- 
session of Egypt ; he despoiled the Christians of Jerusalem, 
and the Atabeks of Damascus, Aleppo, and Diarbekir : 
Mecca and Medina acknowledged him for their temjioral 
protector : his brother subdued the distant regions of Yemen, 
or the happy Arabia ; and at the hour of his death, his em- 
pire was spread from the African Tripoli to the Tigris, 
and from the Indian Ocean to the mountains of Armenia. 
In the judgment of his character, the reproaches of treason 
and ingratitude strike forcibly on our minds, impressed, as 
tliey are, with the principle and experience of law and 
loyalty. But his ambition may in some measure be excused 
by the revolutions of Asia,^^ which had erased every notion 

^ Hist, Hieiosol. in the Gesta Dei per Francos, p. 1152. A similar example 
may be found in fJoinvillt; ''p. A2, edition du Louvre) ; but the pious St. Louis 
refused to dignify inlidels with the order of Christian knighthood (Ducange, Ob- 
servations, p. 70). 

•'■'' Jn these Arabic titles, r^/?y//n??>.<; must always be understood; Noureddin, 
lumen r. ; Ezzod'ni, (\e(\\?> : Ainddorldni, vAAnxwiiw': our hero's proper name was 
Joseph, and he W!)s styled Scthilioddin, salus ; Al Maliclnis, Al Aash'us, rex de- 
fejisor ; A''ii Mod/ijfrf, paler victotiai. Schultens, Prfpfat. 

^- AbulTeda, who descended from a brother of Saladin. observes, from many 
examples, tbut the founders of dynasties look the guilt lor themselves, and left 
the reward to their innocent collaterals (Excerpt, p. 10;. 


of legitimate succession ; by tlie recent example of the Ata^ 
beks themselves ; by liis reverence to tlie son of his bene- 
factor ; his humane and generous beliavior to the collateral 
branches; by their incapacity and his merit; by the ap- 
probation of the caliph, the sole source of all legitimate 
power ; and, above all, by the wishes and interest of the 
people, whose happiness is the first object of government. 
In his virtues, and in those of his patron, they admired th.e 
singular union of the hero and the saint ; for both Noured- 
din and Saladin are ranked among the Mahometan saints ; 
and the constant meditation of the holy war ai)pears to have 
shed a serious and sober color over their lives and actions. 
The youth of the latter ^^ was addicted to wine and women ; 
but his aspiring spirit soon renounced the temptations of 
pleasure for tlie c^raver follies of fame and dominion : the 
garment of Saladin was of coarse Avoollen ; water was his 
only drink ; and, while he emulated the temperance, he sur- 
passed the chastity, of his Arabian prophet. Both in faith 
and practice he Avas a rigid Mussulman : he ever deplored 
that the defence of religion had not allowed him to accom- 
plish the pilgrimage of Mecca; but at tlie stated hours, live 
times each day, the sultan devoutly ])rayed with his brethren : 
the involuntary omission of fasting was scrupulously repaid ; 
and his perusal of the Koran, on horseback between the ap- 
proaching armies, may be quoted as a proof, however osten- 
tatious, of piety and courage/''' The superstitious doctrine 
of the sect of Shafei was the only study that he deigned to 
encourage : the poets were safe in his contempt ; but all 
profane science was the object of his aversion ; and a piiil- 
osopher, who had vented some speculative novelties, was 
seized and strangled by the command of the royal saint. 
The justice of his divan was accessible to the meanest sup- 
pliant against himself and his ministers ; and it was only 
for a kingdom that Saladin would deviate from the rule of 
equity. While the descendants of Seljuk and Zenghi held 
his stirrup and smoothed his garments, he Avas affable and 
patient with the meanest of his servants. So boundless was 
his liberality, that he distributed tw^elve thcjsand horses at 
the siege of Acre; and, at the time of his death, no more 
than forty-seven drams of silver and one piece of gold coin 
were found in the treasury ; yet, in a martial reign, the 

fi-"* See his life and <'haracter in Reiiaudot, pp 53T-543. 

^ His civil ami religious virtues are celebrated in the first chapter of Bohadin 
(pp. 4-30), himself au eye-witness, and an honest biiiot. 


tributes were diminished, and tlie wealthy citizens enjoyed, 
witliout fear or danger, the fruits of their industry. Egypt, 
Syria, and Arabia, were adorned by the royal foundations 
of hospitals, colleges, and moscpies ; and Cairo Avas fortified 
'vvitli a wall and citadel ; but his works were consecrated to 
public use: " nor did the sultan indulge himself in a garden 
or palace of private luxury. In a fanatic age, hipiself a 
fanatic, 'the genuine virtues of Salad in commanded the es- 
teem of the Christians ; the emperor of Germany gloried in 
his friendship ; ^^ the Greek emperor solicited his alliance ; " 
and the conquest of Jerusalem diffused, and perhaps magni- 
fied, his fame both in the East and West. 

During its short existence, the kingdom of Jerusalem^* 
was supported by the discord of the Turks and Saracens j 
and both the Fatimite cali])hs and the sultans of Damascus 
"were tempted to sacrifice the cause of their religion to the 
meaner considerations of private and present advantage. 
But the powers of Egypt, Syria, and Arabia, were now 
united by a hero, whom nature and fortune had armed against 
the Christians. All without now bore the most threaten- 
ing aspect ; and all was feeble and hollow in the internal 
state of Jerusalem. After the two first Baldwins, tlie brother 
and cousin of Godfrey of Bouillon, the sceptre devolved by 
female succession to Melisenda, daughter of the second 
Baldwin, and her husband Fiilk, count of Anjou, the father, 
by a former marriage, of our English Plantagenets. Their 
two sons, Baldwin the Third, and Amaury, waged a 
strenuous, ai\d not unsuccessful, war against the infidels; 
but the son of Amaury, Baldwin the Fourth, was deprived, 
by the leprosy, a gift of the crusades, of the faculties both of 
mind and body. His sister Svbilla, the mother of Baldwin 
the Fifth, was his natural heiress: after the suspicious death 
of her child, she crowned her second husband, Guy of Lusig- 
nan, a prince of a handsome person, but of such base re- 
nown, that his own brother Jei^"rey was heard to exclaim, 
" Since they have made him a king, surely they would have 
made me a god ! " The choice was generally blamed ; and 
the most powerful vassal, Raymond count of Tripoli, who 

■" Tn many works, particularly Joseph's well in the castle of Cairo, Mie Sultan 
and tlie Patiiarch Lave been confounded by the ignorance of naLive;i and Iruvel- 

^j Anonym, f'aninii, torn. ill. p, ii. p. 504. 

^' Uoliadin. pp. 12!>, \'.'.(). 

5^ For llie Latin kingdom of Jerusnlcm, see William of Tyre, from Iho ixth to 
the xxiid book. Ja<-ob k Vilriaco, Hist. Hierosolem, 1. i., and Sanutus, Secreta 
Fideliuni Crucis, 1. iii. p. vi. vii. viii. ix. 


has been excluded from the succession and reirencv, enter- 
tained an implacable hatred against the king, and ex))Osed 
liis honor and conscience to the temptations of the sultan. 
Such were the guardians of the holy (^ity; a leper, a child, a 
woman, a coward, and a traitor; yet its fate was delayed 
twelve years by some supplies from Europe, by the valor of 
the military orders, and by the distant or domestic avoca- 
tions of their great enemy. At length, on every side, the 
sinking state was encircled and pressed by a hostile line ; 
and the truce was violated bv the Franks, whose existence 
it protected. A soldier of fortune, Reginald of Cliatillon, 
had seized a fortress on the edge of the desert, from whence 
he pillaged the caravans, insulted Mahofnet, and threatened 
the cities of Mecca and Medina. Salad in condescended to 
complain; rejoiced in the denial of justice, and at the head 
of fourscore thousand horse and foot invaded the Holy Land. 
The choice of Tiberias for his first siege was suggested by 
the count of Tripoli, to whom it belonged ; and the king of 
Jerusalem was persuaded to drain his garrisons, and to arm 
his people, for the relief of that important ])lace.^^ By the 
advice of the perfidious Raymond, the Christians were be- 
trayed into a camp destitute of water; lie fied on the first 
onset, with the curses of both nations : ^"^ Lusignan was over- 
thrown, with the loss of thirty thousand men ; and the wood 
of the true cross (a dire misfortune !) was left m the power 
of the infidels.* The royal captive was conducted to the 

55* Templarii nt apes bnmbabant et Ho.^pitalarriJ ut vei-.ti stiidebant, et bar- 
ones se exilio olTerebant, et rurcopuli U^e Cl»jist!.4ii light tronps) semet ipsi in 
igiieni injitiebant (Ispahaiii de ExpugDatoiie Kurlslt-CM. p is .apnd Schnlreu? ; 
a specimen of Aiabiau eloquence, bouiewiiat dilieient the style of Xeiio- 
phon ! 

6J The Latins affirm, the Arnbians insinnafe, the treiFon of PaviTiond -. bnt 
had he really embraced tlicir religion, he woaid have been a sainL and a iicio in 
the eyes of the latter. 

* Eaymoiid*s advice would have prevented the abandonment of a secure camp 
aboniidii.g «!lh '^ater n«ar S<ippli<>-is. 1'he lash and insolent va o • of tlie m is- 
ter of the o;derof Kniglits Templars, vv'iiich had before expo.-ied the Christians to 
a fatal defeat at the brook Kishon, forced the feeble king to annul the determina- 
t'Oii of a council of war, and advance to a camp in an enclosed valley among the 
mountains, near Hittin, without water. Raymond did not tly till the battle was 
irietrievably lost, and then the Saracens seem to l-ave opened their ranks to 
allow him free passage. The charge of sngge-ting the siege of Tiherias appears 
ungrounded. Raymond, no do:ibt. played a double p.irt : he was a man of strong 
saaacity, who foresaw the despera e nature of tlie contest with Saladin, endeav 
ored by every means to maintain the treaty, and, though he joined loth liis arms 
anl his still more valuable coansels to the Christian army, yet kept up a kind of 
atnic;ible correspondence with the Mahometans. See Wilken, vol. iii. part ii. p. 
27*>, et seq. Michand. vol. ii. p. 278. et. seq. M. Michaud is still more friendly 
than Wilken to the memory of Count Raymond, wlo died suddenly, sliortly 
afterthe battle of Hit:in. He quotes a letter written in the name of Saladin by 
the caiiph .Alfdel, to slio'.v that Kaymond was con.'-idered by the MahomMans 
tlieir most dangerous and detested enemy. '• No pe-'son of distinction among the 
Cliristians escaped, sxcept the count lof Tiipolii, whom (^od curse. God made 
Lim die shortly af tei wards, and sent hiin from the kifigdom of death to hell."— M. 


tent of Salatlin ; and as he fainted with thirst and terror, 
the nrcnerous victor presented him with a cup of sherbet, 
cooled in snow, without suffering his companion, Reginald 
of Chatillon, to partake of this ])]edge of lios[)itality and 
pardon. '' The person and dignity of a king," said the sul- 
*,an, "arc sacred; but this impious robber must instantly 
acknowledge the prophet, whom he has blasphemed, or meet 
the death which he has so often deserved." On the j)roud 
or conscientious refusal of the Christian warrior, Saladin 
struck him on the head with his cimeter, and Reginald was 
despatched by the guards.*^^ The trembling Lusignan was 
sent to Damascus, to an honorable prison and speedy ran- 
som ; but the victory was stained by the execution of two 
hundred and thirty kniglits of the hos])ital, the intrepid 
champions and martyrs of their faith. The kingdom was 
left without a head ; and of the two grand masters of the 
military orders, the one was slain and the other was a 
prisoner. From all the cities, both of the sea-coast and the 
inland country, the ^^arrisons had been drawn away for this 
fatal field ■ Tyre and Tripoli alone could escape the ra])id 
inroad of Saladin ; and three months after the battle of Ti- 
berias, he a])peared in arms before the gates of Jerusalem.''^ 
He might expect that the siege of a city so ven- 
erable on earth and in heaven, so interesting to Europe 
and Asia, would rekindle the last sparks of enthusiasm ; and 
that, of sixty thousand Christians, every man would be a 
soldier, and every soldier a candidate for martyrdom. But 
Queen Sybilla trembled for lierself and her captive husband ; 
and the barons and knights, who had escaped from the 
sword and chains of the Turks, displayed the same factious 
and selfish spirit in the public ruin. The most numerous 
portion of the inhabitants was composed of the Greek and 
Oriental Christians, whom experience had taught to prefer 
the Mahometan before the Latin yoke ; ''^ and the holy 
sepulchre attracted a base and needy crowd, without arms 
or courage, who subsisted only on the charity of the 

" Renaud, Reginald, or Arnold dc Chatillon, is celebrated by the Latins in his 
lilf and deatli ; but the circuniaUinces «»£ the latter an; more distinctlv related 
bv Bohadin »ud Abulfeda ; and doiuville (Hist, de St. Loiii^i, p. 70) alludes to the 
practice ot Saladin, of never putting to deaih a prisoner who had tasted his 
bread a!id salt Sonie ol the companions of Arnold h:ul been .*;laughtenid, and 
alnjost sacriiiced, in .i valley of JMecea, ubi saeriticia niactantur Mbulfeda, p. 
P 32). 

<i2 Vertot. who well describes the loss of the kingdom and citv (Hist, des Chev- 
aliers <tc Malthe, torn. i. 1. ii pp. 22G-278), inserts two original epistles of a Knight 

^ lienaudot, Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 515. 

Vol. v.— 7 


pilgrims. Some feeble and hasty efforts wore made for the 
defence of Jerusalem : but in the space of fourteen days, a 
victorious army drove back the sallies of the besicuced, 
planted their engines, opened the wall to the breadth of 
fifteen cubits, applied their scahng-laddcrs, and erected on 
the breach twelve banners of the projdiet and the sultan. It 
was in vain that a barefoot procession of the queen, tlie 
women, and the monks, implored the Son of God to save 
his tomb and his inheritance from impious violation. Their 
sole hope was in the mercy of the conqueror, and to the 
first suppliant deputation that mercy was sternly denied. 
" lie had sworn to aveno-e the patience and loncr-sufferinsf of 
the Moslems ; the hour of forgiveness was elapsed, and the 
moment was now arrived to expiate, in blood, tlie innocent 
blood which had been spilt by Godfrey and the first cru- 
saders." But a desperate and successful struggle of the 
Franks admonished the sultan that his triumph was not yet 
secure; he listened with reverence to the solemn adjuration 
in the name of the common Father of mankind ; and a 
sentiment of human sympathy mollified the rigor of fanati- 
cism and conquest. He consented to accept the city, and to 
spare the inhabitants. The Greek and Oriental Christians 
were permitted to live under his dominion, but it was sti])u- 
lated, that in forty days all the Franks and Latins should 
evacuate Jerusalem, and be safely conducted to the seaports 
of Syria and Egypt; that ten pieces of gold should be paid 
for each man, five for each Avoman, and one for every child; 
and that those who were unable to purchase their freedom 
should be detained in perpetual slavery. Of some writers 
it is a favorite and invidious theme to compare the humanity 
of Saladin with the massacre of the first crusade. The dif- 
ference would be merely personal ; but we should not 
forget that the Christians had offered to capitulate, and that 
the Mahometans of Jerusalem sustained the last extremities 
of an assault and storm. Justice is indeed due to the fidelity 
Avith which the Turkish conqueror fulfilled tlie conditions 
of the treaty ; and he may be deservedly praised for the 
glance of pity which he cast on the misery of the vanquished. 
Instead of a rigorous exaction of his debt, he accepted a sum 
of thirty thousand byzants, for the ransom of seven thousand 
poor ; two or three thousand more Avere dismissed by his 
gratuitous clemency ; and the number of slaA^es was reduced 
to eleven or fourteen thousand persons. In his interview 
Av^ith the queen, his Avords, and even ids tears, suggested 


the kindest consolations ; his liberal alms ■were distributed 
amoni; those who had been made orphans or Avidows by the 
fortune of war; and while the knights of the hospital were 
in arms against him, he allowed their more ])ious brethren 
to continue, durin2: the term of a year, the care and seryice 
of the sick. In these acts of mercy the yn*tue of Saladm 
deseryes our admii-ation and loye • he was above the neces- 
sity of dissimulation, and his stern fanaticism would have 
prompted him to dissemble, rather than to affect, tins ])ro- 
fane compassion for the enemies of the Koran. After 
Jerusalem had been delivered from the prijsence of the 
strangers, the sultan made his trium])hal entry, his banners 
waving in the wind, and to the harmony of martial music. 
The great mosque of Omar, which had been converted into a 
church, was again consecrated to one God and his prophet 
Mahomet : the walls and j^avement were purified with 
rose-water; and a pulpit, the labor of Noureddin, was 
erected in the sanctuary. But when the golden cross that 
glittered on the dome was cast down, and dragged through 
the streets, the Christians of every sect uttered a lamentable 
groan, which was answered by the joyful shouts of the 
Moslems. In four ivory chests the patriarch liad collected 
the crosses, the images, the vases, and the relics of the holy 
j)lace ; they were seized by the conqueror, who was desirous 
of ])resenting the cali[)h with the trophies of Christian 
idolatry. He was persuaded, however, to intrust them to 
the patriarch and ])rince of Antioch ; and the i)ious ])ledge 
was redeemed by Richard of England, at the expense of 
fifty-two thousand byzants of gold.^ 

The nations might fear and hope the immediate and final 
exj)ulsion of the Latins from Syria ; which was yet delayed 
above a century after the death of Saladin.^^ In the career 
of victory, he was first checked by the resistance of Tyre ; 
the troops and garrisons, which had capitulated, were im- 
])rudently conducted to the same port : their numbers were 
adequate to the defence of the place ; and the arrival of 
Conrad of Montferrat inspired the disorderly crowd with 
confidence and union. His father, a venerable pilgrim, liad 
been made prisoner in the battle of Tiberias ; but that dis- 

'''* For the fonquest of Jerusalem, Dohadin I'pp. fi7-7r>) and Abulfeda (pp. 40-43^ 
are «^)iir Mosltjrii witnesses Of the Cliristiau, Bernard 'I'ht saurarius (<-. l,0i-lt;7) is 
the moBt copioiiw and anUientic ; see liKewise Matthew Paris (i>p. l'_'()-r24). 

'•' The f«iej:;e9 of 'J'yre and Acre are most oopioiisly described by IJernnrd 'I'lie- 
satirarius (d« Aeqiiisitione Terne Sanetat, c. 1G7 17ft), the author of the Historia 
Hierfwolyinitana (j>p. 1150-1172, in Bongarsius), Abulfeda, (pp. 43-50), and Bob»- 
Uin ([>p. 75-179). 


aster was unknown in Italy and Greece, wlien the son was 
urged by ambition and piety to visit tlie inheritance of his 
royal nepliew, the infant Baklwin. The view of tlie Turk- 
isli banners warned him from the hostile coast of Jaifa ; and 
Conrad was unanimously hailed as the prince and champion 
of Tyre which was already besieged by the conqueror of 
Jerusalem. The firmness of his zeal, and perhaps his 
knowledge of a generous foe, enabled him to brave the 
threats of the sultan, and to declare, that should his aged 
parent be exposed before the walls, he liimself would dis- 
charge the first arrow, and glory in liis descent from a Chris- 
tian martyr.'^^ The Egyptian fieet was allowed to enter the 
liarbor of Tyre ; but the chain w^as suddenly drawn, and five 
galleys were either sunk or taken : a thousand Turks were 
slain in a sally ; and Saladin, after burning his engines, con- 
cluded a glorious campaign by a disgraceful retreat to 
Damascus. He was soon assailed by a more formidable 
tempest. The pathetic narratives, and even the pictures, 
that represented in lively colors the servitude and ]u-ofana- 
tion of Jerusalem, awakened the torpid sensibility of 
Europe : the emperor Frederic Barbarossa, and the kings of 
France and England, assumed the cross ; and the tardy 
magnitude of their armaments was anticipated by the mari- 
time states of the Mediterranean and the Ocean. The 
skilful and provident Italians first embarked in the ships of 
Genoa, Pisa, and Venice. They were speedily followed 
by the most eager pilgrims of France, Normandy, and the 
Western Isles, The joowerful succor of Flanders, P^-ise, and 
Denmark, filled near a hundred vessels : and the Northern 
warriors were distinguished in the field by a lofty stature 
and a ponderous battle-axe.^' Their increasing multitudes 
could no longer be confined within the walls of Tyre, or re- 
main obedient to the voice of Conrad. They pitied the 
misfortunes, and revered the dignity, of Lusignan, who was 
released from prison, perhaps, to divide the army of the 
Franks. He proposed the recovery of Ptolemais, or Acre, 
thirty miles to the south of Tyre; and the place was first 
invested by two thousand horse and tliirty thousand foot 
under his nominal command. I shall not expatiate on the 
storv of tins memorable sieo;e ; which lasted near two vears, 

<"■ I bav"' followed a nioderale and probable representation of the fact ; by 
Vertot, wlio adopts without reliutanoe a romantic tale, tha old marquis is actu- 
ally exposed to the dart- of the boisieiied. 

e7 Nurlhiiianni et Ciothi, et (!:eteii populi insularuni quje inter occidenteni et 
septentrioneni sitsi? sunt, gentes b<>llioos;T?. corporis jiroceri, mortis intrepidce, 
bipennibus armataj, navibus roLundis, qaai Ysnai;hJ£e dicuutur, aUYectae. 


and consamed, in a narrow space, tlie forces of Europe and 
Asia. Never did the liame of enthusiasm burn witli fiercer 
and mote destructive rno-e; nor could the true believers, a 
common appellation, who consecrated their own martyrs, 
refuse some applause to the mistaken zeal and courage of 
their adversaries. At the sound of the holy trumpet, the 
Moslems of Egypt, Syria, Arabia, and the Oriental 
]>rovinces, assembled under the servant of the prophet : ^^ his 
camp was pitched and removed within a few miles of Acre ; 
and he labored, night and day, for the relief of his brethren 
and the annoyance of the Franks. Nine battles, not un- 
worthy of the name, were fought in the neicjhborhood of 
Mount Carmel, with such vicissitude of fortune, that m one 
attack, the sultan forced his way into the city ; that in one 
sally, the Christians ])enetrated to the royal tent. By the 
means of divers and pigeons, a regular correspondence was 
maintained with the besieged ; and, as often as the sea was 
left open, the exhausted garrison was withdrawn, and a fresh 
su])ply was poured into the place. The Latin camp was 
thinned by famine, the sword, and the climate; but the 
tents of the dead were replenished with new pilgrims, who 
exaggerated the strength and speed of their approaching 
countrymen. The vulgar was astonishedby the report, that 
the pope himself, with an innumerable crusade, was ad- 
vanced as far as Constantino|)le. The march of the 
emperor filled the East with more serious alarms : the 
obstacles which he encountered in Asia, and perhaps in 
Greece, wei-e raised by the policy of Saladin : his joy on the 
death of Barbarossa was measured by liis esteem ; and the 
Christians were rather dismayed than encouraged at the 
siglit of the duVe of Swabia and his way-worn remnant of 
five thousand Germans. At length, in the s]")ring of the 
second year, the royal fleets of France and England cast 
anchor in the Bay of Acre, and the siege was more vig- 
orously prosecuted by the youthful emulation of the two 
kings, Philip Augustus and Richard Plantagenet. After 
every resource had been tried, and every hoj)e was exhausted, 
the defenders of Acre submitted to their fate ; a capitula- 
tion was granted, but their lives and liberties were taxed at 
the hard conditions of a ransom of two liundi-ed thousand 
])ieces of gold, the deliverance of one hundred nobles, and 

•* The liistorlan of Jernsalem (p. 1108) a(l<ls llie nalioiis of the East from the 
Tigris lo India, and the .swarlny tribes of iMoorh and (JcLuliaus, so that A.sia and 
Atrica fought against Europe. 


fifteen hundred inferior captives, and the restoration of tlie 
wood of the holy cross. Some doubts in tlie agreement, 
and some delay in the execution, rekindled the fury of the 
Franks, and three thousand Moslems, almost in the sultan's 
view, were beheaded by the command of the sanguinary 
Richard.^^ By the conquest of Acre, the Latin powers 
acquired a strong town and a convenient harbor; but the 
advantage was most dearly purchased. The minister and 
historian of Saladin computes, from the report of the enemy, 
that their numbers, at different periods, amounted to five or 
six hundred thousand ; that more than one hundred thousand 
Christians were slain ; that a far greater number was lost 
by disease or shipwreck ; and that a small portion of this 
mighty host could return in safety to their native countries.'*^ 
Philip Augustus, and Richard the First, are the only 
kinQ;s of France and Encfland who have fou2:ht under the 
same banners ; but the holy service in which they were 
enlisted was incessantly disturbed by their national jeal- 
ousy; and the tvvo factions, which they protected in Pales- 
tine, were more averse to each other than to the common 
enemy. In the eyes of the Orientals, the French monarch 
was superior in dignity and power ; and, in the emperor's 
absence, the Latins revered him as their temporal chief. '^^ 
His exploits were not adequate to his fame. Philip was 
brave, but the statesman predominated in his character; 
he was soon weary of sacrificing his health and interest on 
a barren coast : the surrender of Acre became the sic^ual of 
his departure ; nor could he justify this unpopular deser- 
tion, by leaving the duke of Burgundy with five hundred 
knights and ten thousand foot, for the service of the Holy 
Laud. The kinj? of EnGfland, thoniyh inferior in dionitv, 
surpassed his rival in wealth and military renown ; "'^ and if 

63 Boliadin, p. 180 •, and this massncre is neither denied nor blamed by the 
Christian historians. Alacriter jussa complentes (the Enjilish soldiers), says 
G;ilfridus k Vinesauf (I. iv. c. 4, p. 31G). who tixes at 2700 the number of viclims ; 
who are multiplied to 5000 by Roger Hoveden (pp. GDT, 6!)8). The hunvanity or 
avaiice of Philip Augustus was persuaded to ransom his prisoners (Jacob, ix Vit- 
riaco. 1. i. e. ns, p. 1122). 

'" Bohadin, p. 14. He quotes tlie judgment of Balianus. and the prince of 
Sidon. and adds, ex illo niundo quasi hominum paucissimi redierunt Among 
the tjhristians who died before St. John d'Acre, I find the English name.^ of De 
Ferrers earl of Derby (Dugdale, Baronage, part i. p. itiO), Mowbray (idem, p. 124), 
De Mandevil, De Fiennes, St. John, Serope, Bigot, Talbot, &<•. 

■1 Mai^nus hie apud eos, interque reges eornm turn virtute, turn majestate 
emiuens"" . . summus rerum arbiter (Bohadin, p. 159). lie does notsiem lo 
liavi^ Unown the names either of Philip or Richard. 

72 Rex Anglia?, pra^strenuus . . , . rege (ialloriim minor a]Mid eos censebatur 
ratione regm atque digiiitatis ; sed tum 'divitiis tlorentior, turn belln a virtuto 
ninlto erat <'clcbiior (Bohndm. p. IGl). A st anger nnght admire those riches ; 
the national historians will tell with what lawless and wasteful oppression tbey 
were collected. 


lieroism be confined to brutal and ferocious valor, Richard 
Plantagenet will stand high among the heroes of the age. 
The memory of Coeur de Lion., of the lion-liearted prince, 
was long dear and glorious to his English subjects ; and, at 
the distance of sixty years, it was celebrated in proverbial 
sayings by the grandsons of the Turks and Saracens, against 
whom he had fought : his tremendous name was employed 
by the Syrian mothers to silence their infants ; and if a 
horse suddenly started from the way, his rider was wont to 
exclaim, " Dost thou think King Richard is in that bush ? " '^ 
His cruelty to the Mahometans was the effect of temper 
and zeal ; but I cannot believe that a soldier, so free and 
fearless in the use of his lance, would have descended to 
whet a dasfixer against his valiant brother Conrad of Mont- 
ferrat, who was slain at Tjn'c by some secret assassms."^* 
After the surrender of Acre, and the departure of Philip, 
the king of England led the crusaders to the recovery of 
the sea-coast; and the cities of Caasarea and Jaffa were 
added to the fraoments of the kinodom of Lusicfnan. A 
march of one hundred miles from Acre to Ascalon was a 
great and perpetual battle of eleven days. In the disorder 
of his troops, Saladin remained on the field with seventeen 
guards, without lowering liis standard, or suspending the 
sound of his brazen kettle-drum : he again rallied and re- 
newed the charge ; and ])is preachers or heralds called 
aloud on the unitarians., manfully to stand up against the 
Christian idolaters. But the progress of these idolaters 
was irresistible ; and it was only by demolishing the walls 
and buildings of Ascalon, that the sultan could prevent 
them from occupying an important fortress on the confines 
of Egypt. During a severe winter, the armies slept; but 
in the spring, the Franks advanced within a day's march of 
Jerusalem, under the leading standard of the English king ; 

73 Joinville. p. 17. Cnides-tn qne oe soit le roi RJcliart? 

'* Yet lie was guilty in the opinion of the Moslems, who attest the confession 
of the aj^.sassins, that they were sent by the king of England (Bohadin. j). 225) ; 
and his only defence is an absurd ajid ptilpable nngery (Hist. <le rAcadeniie d( s 
Inscriptions, toui. xv. pp. l";5-l!;."), a pretended letter from the prince of the 
assassins, ih^ Sheich, or old man of the moiintaiji, who justitied Richard, l)y 
assuming to himself the guilt or n)erit of the murder.* 

* Von Hammer (Gescliichte der Assassinen, p. 202) sums up against Richard; 
Wilken (vol. iv. p. 485) as strongly for acquittal. Michaud (vol. ii. p, 420) delivers 
iio decided opinion. This crime was also attributed lo Saladin, who is said, by 
an O iental authority (he contiuuator of Tabaii) to have employed the assassins 
to murder both Conrad and IM; haid. It is a melancholy ailmission. but it must 
be ackiiowledgeil, that such an a( t would bo Ic: s inconsistent with the character 
of the Chribtian than of the Mahometan king.— M. 


and Ilia active spirit intercepted a convoy, or ^.-aravnn, of 
seven thousand camels. Saladin "^ had fixed his station in 
the holy city ; but the city was struck Avith consternation 
and discord : he fasted ; he prayed ; he preached ; lie offered 
to share the dangers of the siege ; but his Mamalukes, who 
remembered the fate of their companions at Acre, pressed 
the sultan with loyal or seditious clamoi's, to reserve his 
person and their courage for the future defence of the re- 
ligion and empireJ^ The Moslems were delivered by the 
sudden, or, as they deemed, the miraculous, retreat of the 
Christians ; " and the laurels of Ivichard were blasted by 
the prudence, or envy, of his companions. The hero, as- 
cending a hill, and veiling his face, exclaimed with an 
indignant voice, "Those who are unwilling to rescue, are 
unworthy to view, the sepulchre of Christ!" After liis 
return to Acre, on the news that Jaffa was surprised by the 
sultan, he sailed with some merchant vessels, and leaped 
foremost on the beach: the castle was relieved by his ])res- 
ence ; and sixty thousand Turks and Saracens fled before 
his arms. The discovery of his weakness provoked them 
to return in the morning; and they found him carelessly 
encamped before the gates with only seventeen knights and 
three hundred archers. Without counting their numbers, 
he sustained their charge ; and we learn from the evidence 
of his enemies, that the king of England, grasping his lance, 
rode furiously along their front, from the right to the left 
wing, without meeting an adversary Avho dared to encoun- 
ter his career."^^ Am I writing the history of Orlando or 
Amadis ? 

Durino: these hostilities, a laniruid and tedious nesroti- 
ation "'^ between the Franks and Moslems was started, and 

T^ See the distress and pioxis firmness of Saladin, as they are described by 
Boliadin (pp. 7-!), 235-237). who himself harangued the defenders of fJeru«alem ; 
their fears were not unknown to the enemy (Jacob, a Vilriaco, 1. i. c. 100, p. 1123. 
Viiiisauf, 1. V. c. 50, p. 3r>9^. 

'"' Vet unless the sultan, or an Ayoubite prince^ remained in Jerusalem, nee 
Curdi Turcis. nee Turoi essent obtemperaturi Cuixlis iBohadin, p. 23G). lie draws 
aside a corner of the political curtain. 

«' Boliadin (p. 237), and even Jeffrey de Vinisnuf (1. vi. c. 1-8, pp. 403-409), as- 
cribe tlie retreat to Richard himself ; and Jacobus a ^■itriaco observes, that iu 
his impatience to depart, in alterum virum mutatus est (p. 1123). Yet .loinville, 
a French knight, accuses the envy of Hugh, duke of Burgundy (p. 11G)> without 
supposing, like ^Matthew Paris, that he \\a,s bribed by Saladin. 

'" The expeditions to Ascalon, rlerusalem, and Jaffa, are related by Bohadiu 
(pp. 184-249) and Abulleda (pp. .'il, K). The author of tlie Itinerary, or the hionk 
of St. Alban's, cannot exaggerate the cadhi's a-count of the prowess of l;icliard 
(Vinisauf, 1. vi. c. 14-24, pp. 412-421. }^is^ Major, pp. 137-143) ; and on the whole 
<of this war, there is a marvelloiis a':;reemeht betwoen the C hristian and Mahom- 
etau writers, who mutually praise the virtues of their enemies. 

^y See the progress of negotiation an<l hosliliryin Bohadin (pp. 2O7-2G0), who 
was himself an actor in the treaty. Ilichard declared his intention of returning 

OF THE ROMAN p:MriRE. 105 

continued, and broken, and again resumed, and again 
broken. Some acts of royal courtesy, the gift of snow and 
fruit, tiie exeliange of Norway liawks and Arabian liorses, 
softened the asperity of rebgious war: from the vicissitude 
of success, tlie monarclis might learn to suspect that Heaven 
was neutral in the quarrel; nor, after the trial of each other, 
could either hope for a decisive victory. ^^ The health both 
of Richard and Saladin appeared to be in a declining state ; 
and they respectively suffered the evils of distant and do- 
mestic warfare. Phintagenet was impatient to punish a 
perfidious rival who jiad invaded Normandy in his a1)sence ; 
and the indefatigable sultan was subdued by tlie cries of the 
peo]>le, who was the victim, and of the sohliers, who were 
the instruments, of his martial zeal. The first demands of 
the king: of Enc^land were th.e restitution of Jerusalem, 
Palestine, and the true cross ; and he firmly declared, that 
hijDself and liis brother ])ilgrims would end their lives in 
the ])ious labor, rather than return to Europe with ignominy 
and remorse. But the conscience of Sahidin refused, with- 
out some weiglity compensation, to restore the idols, or 
promote the idolatry, of the Christians ; he asserted, with 
equal firmness, his religious and civil claim to the sover- 
eignty of Palestine; descanted on the importance and sanc- 
tity of Jeru-salem ; and rejected all terms of the establish- 
ment, or partition of the Latins. The marriage which 
Jvichard pro])osed, of his sister with the sultan's brother, 
was defeated by the difference of faith : the princess ab- 
horred the embraces of a Turk; and Adel, or Saphadin, 
would not easily renounce a plurality of wives. A ])ersonal 
interview was declined by Saladin, who allecred their mutual 
ignorance of each others language; and the negotiation 
was managed with much art and delay by their inter])reters 
and envoys. The final agreement was equally disapproved 
by the zealots of both parties, by th^ Roman pontiff and the 
caliph of Bagdad. It was stipulated that Jerusalem and 
the lioly se|)ulchre shouhl be o])en, without tribute or vex- 
ation, to the pilgrimage of the Latin Christians; that, after 
the demolition of Ascalon, they should inclusively possess 

with new armies to the ronquest of the Holy Land ; and Saladin answered the 
menace wi'h a civil ( Dnipliinent (Vinisauf. I. vi. c. 2x, p. 4Zi). 

*"' 'llie most coiiious and ori;_'inal accoTint of his holy war is Galfridi h Vini- 
sauf. liinerariuni Kejiis Anploruiii Kidiaidi et aliovuin in 'I'eiT.-un llierosolyino- 
r ini. in six hooks, published in the iid volume c)f (iali;'.s Scrij>!oies Hist. Anj^li- 
cana; (;)p. 247-l'jn). Uozcr Hoveden and MatUiew Paris afford likewise maiiy val- 
nahh; m.itenals ; ;ind the foinicr de.icrihe.s, with accuracy, the ditfciplinc and 
navigation of the Kiigli^h flccL. 


the sea-coast from JaiTa to Tyre ; that tlie count of Tripoli 
and tlic prince of Antiocli should be comprised in the truce; 
an^ tliat, during three years and three months, all liostilities 
should cease. The ])rinei|»al chiefs of the two armies swore 
to the observance of the treaty ; hut tlie monp.rclis were 
satisfied with giving their word and their riglit liand ; and 
the royal majesty was excused from an oatli, which always 
implies some suspicion of falsehood and dishonor. Richard 
emV)arked for Europe, to seek a long captivity and a pre- 
mature grave ; and the space of a few months concluded 
the life and glories of Saladin. The Orientals describe his 
edifying death, which happened at Damascus; but they 
seem ignorant of the equal distribution of his alms among 
the three religions,^^ or of the display of a shroud instead 
of a standard, to admonish the East of the instability of 
human greatness. The unity of empire was dissolved by 
his death ; his sons were oppressed by the stronger arm of 
their uncle Saphadin ; the hostile interests of the sultans of 
Egypt, Damascus, and Aleppo,^- were again revived; and 
the Franks or Latins stood, and breathed, and hoped, in 
their fortresses along the Syrian coast. 

Tlie noblest monument of a conqueror's fame, and of 
the terror which he ins])ired, is the Saladine tenth, a general 
tax, which was imposed on the laity, and even the clergy, of 
the Latin church, for the service of the holy war. The prac- 
tice was too lucrative to expire with the occasion: and this 
tribute became the foundation of all the tithes and tenths on 
ecclesiastical benefices, Avhich liave been granted by the Ro- 
man pontiffs to Catholic sovereigns, or reserved for the im- 
mediate use of the apostolic see.^^ This pecuniary emolu- 
ment must have tended to increase the interest of the ])oj)es 
in the recovery of Pal stinc: after the death of Saladin, 
they preached the crusade, by their ei)istles, their legates, 
and their missionaries ; and the accom])lishment of tlie j>ious 
work micrht have been expected from the zeal and talents of 
Innocent the Third.^^ Under that young and ambitious 

81 Even Vertot (tom. i p. 251) adopts the foolish notion of the indifference of 
Saladin, who professed the Koran with his last l)realh. 

<*- See the succession of the Ayonbites, in Al)ulph;uagivis (Dynast, p. 277, fcc"), 
and the tables of M. De Guignes, I'Art de Verifier les Dates, and the Biblio- 
ih^Ljue Orientale. 

8-^ Thomassin (Discipline de I'Ep^lise, torn. iii. pp. 311-374) has copiously treated 
of the oiij^in, abuses, and restrictions of these tenths. A theory \\as started, but 
no', pmsiied, that tbey were rightfully due to the pope, a tenth of the Levite's 
tenth to the high priest (Sehlen on Tillies ; see his Works, vol. iii. p. ii. p. 1083). 

"•• See the Gesta luuoccntii 111. in Murat. Script. Ker. Ital. (torn iii, pp. 486- 


priest, tlie successors of St. Peter attained the full meridian 
of their greatness, and in a reign of eighteen years, lie exer- 
cised a des])0tic command over tlie emperors and kings, 
"Nvliom he raised and deposed ; over tlie nations, whom an 
interdict of months or years deprived, for tlie offence of 
their rulers, of tlie exercise of Christian worsliip. In the 
council of the Lateran he acted as tlie ecclesiastical, almost 
as the temporal, sovereign of the East and West. It was 
at tlie feet of liis leo-ate that John of En^'land surrendered 
liis crown ; and Innocent may hoast of the two most signal 
trium])hs over sense and humanity, the establishment of 
transubstantiation, and the origin of the inquisition. At 
his voice, two crusades, the fourth and the fifth, were under- 
taken ; but, except a king of Hungary, the princes of the 
second order were at the liead of the ])i]grims : the forces 
were inadequate to tlie design; nor did the effects corre- 
s])ond with the hopes and wishes of the j)ope and tlie people. 
The fourth crusade was diverted from Syria to Constai;ti- 
nople ; and the conquest of the Greek or Roman em})ire by 
the Latins will form the proper and important subject of 
the next chajiter. In the fifth,^^'two hundred thousand 
Franks were landed at the eastern mouth of the Nile. They 
reasonably hoped that Palestine must be subdued in Egypt, 
the seat and storehouse of the sultan ; and, after a siege of 
sixteen months, the Moslems dej^lored the loss of Damietta. 
But the Christian army was ruined by the })ride and inso- 
lence of the legate Pelagius, who, in the pope's name, as- 
sumed the character of general : the sickly Franks were en- 
compassed by the waters of the Nile and the Oriental 
•forces ; and it was by the evacuation of Damietta that they 
obtained a safe retreat, some concessions for the ])ilgrims, 
and the tardy restitution of the doubtful relic of the true 
cross. The failure may in some measure be ascribed to 
the abuse and multiplication of the crusades, which were 
})reaclied at the same time against tlie Pagans of Livonia, 
the Moors of Spain, tlie Albigeois of France, and the kings 
of Sicily of the Imperial family. ^° In these meritorious ser- 

^ See llie yth crusade, and tlio siege of Damiotla, in Jacobus k Vitriaro (1. iii. 
pp. 112.")-1140, in the Gf'sta Dei of Hongarsius), an eye-witness, IJernard 'I'liesau- 
rariiis (in Script. Mnratori, toni. vii. pi). 82^)-J^KJ, c. \'M)-'207), a contemporary, and 
Sanntus (Secreta Fidel. Crncis, 1. iii- p. xi. c. 4-0). a dilis^ent compiler ; and of tlio 
Arabians, Abtilpharagius (Dynast, p. 294), and the Extracts at the end of Join- 
ville (Pp. r)3;{, .'')37, 510, 547, &c.). 

s-^ To those who took the cross against ]\Tainfroy, the pope (A. T). 12f;5) granted 
plenissiniain peccatorum remissionem. Hdclcs mirabantiir qn6d tantuni eis 
promitteret pro sanguine C'hristianorum elTimdf'ndo quantum pro cruorc infi<lol- 
lum ali-^vuvudo (Matthew Paris, p. 785). A high lli;iht for the reason of the xiiitU 


vices, the volunteers might acquire at liome the same spiriU 
iial indulgence, and a larger measure of tem])oral rewards; 
and even the popes, in their zeal against a domestic enemy, 
were sometimes tem})ted to forget the distress of their Sy- 
rian brethren. From the last age of the crusades they de- 
rived the occasional command of an armv and revenue, and 
some deep reasoners have sus])ected that the whole enter- 
prise, from tlie first synod of Piacentia, was contrived and 
executed by the policy of Rome. The suspicion is not 
founded, either in nature or in fact. The successors of St. 
Peter a|)pear to have followed, rather than guided, the im- 
pulse of manners and prejudice ; without much foresight of 
the seasons, or cultivation of the soil, they gathered the ripe 
and spontaneous fruits of tlie superstition of the times. 
They gathered these fruits without toil or ])ersonal danger; 
in t!ie council of the Lateran, Innocent the Tliird declared 
an ambiiruous resolution of animatiuG^ the crusaders bv his 
exam])le ; but the pilot of the sacred vessel could not aban- 
don the lielm ; nor was Palestine ever blessed with the pres- 
ence of a Iloman j^ontiff.^" 

Tlie ])ersons5 the families, and estates of the pilgrims, 
were under the immediate protection of tlie poi)es ; and 
these spiritual patrons soon claimed the prerogative of di- 
recting their operations, and enforcing, by commands and 
censures, tlie accomplishment of their vow. Frederic the 
Second, ^'^ the grandson of Barbarossa, was successively the 
pu})il, the enemy, and the victim of the cliurch. At the 
age of twenty-one years, and in obedience to his guardian 
Innocent the Third, he assumed the cross : the same prom- 
ise Avas repeated at his royal and imperial coronations' 
and his marriage with the heiress of Jerusalem forever 
bound him to defend the kimrdom of his son Conrad. But 
as Frederic advanced in age and authority, he repented of 
the rash eno-ao-ements of his youth : his liberal sense and 
knowledge taught him to despise the phantoms of supersti- 
tion and the crowns of Asia : he no lon^jer entertained the 
same reverence for the successors of Innocent : and his am- 
bition was occupied by the restoration of the Italian mon- 

" This simple idea is agreeable to the good sense of Mosheim (Tiistitut. Hist. 
Eccles. p. .'^2), and tlie tine philosophy oT Hume (Hist, of England, vol. i. p. 3o()). 

•"" The original materials lor the crusade of Frederic 11. may be drawn from 
Richard de St. Germano (in ISluratori, Scrii>t. Kerum iTal. torn. vii. pj). l()02-l()K5) 
and Matthew Paris (pp. 286, 201, 300, ;;()_', 304). The most rational moderns are 
Fleury(Hist. Eccles. tom. xvi.), Vertot (("hevaliers de IMaltbc, tom. i. 1. iii.), 
Gimn'one (Istoria Civile di Napoli, tom. ii. 1. xvi), and 31uratori (Annali d' Italia, 
torn. X.). 


archy from Sicily to the Alps. But the success of this pro- 
ject would have reduced the popes to their j)rirnitive siui- 
plicity ; and, after the delays and excuses of twelve years, 
they ui'ijjed the emperor, with entreaties and threats, to fix 
the time and place of his departure for Palestine. In the 
liarbors of Sicily and Apulia, he ])repared a fleet of one liun- 
dred galleys, and of one hundred vessels, that were framed 
to transport and land two thousand five hundred knights, 
with their horses and attendants; liis vassals of Naples and 
Germany formed a pov/erful army ; and the number of 
English crusadei's was magnified to sixty thousand by the 
re])ort of fame. But the inevitable or affected slowness of 
these mighty preparations consumed the strength and pro- 
visions of the more indigent j)ilgrims : the multitude was 
thinned by sickness and desertion ; and the sultry summer 
of Calabria anticipated the mischiefs of a Syrian campaign. 
At length the emperor hoisted sail at Brundiisium, with a 
with a lieet and army of forty thousand men : but he kept 
the sea no more than three da} s ; and his hasty retreat, 
which was ascribed by his friendb to a grievous indisposi- 
tion, was accused by his enemies as a voluntary and obsti- 
nate disobedience. For suspending his vow was Fredeiic 
excommunicated by Gregory the Ninth ; for presuming, the 
next year, to accomplish hiij vow, he was again excommu- 
nicated by the same pope.^^ While lie served imder the 
banner ot' the cross, a crusade was ])reached against him in 
Italy ; and after his return he was compelled to ask ])ardon 
for the injuries which he had suffered. The clergy jind mil- 
itary orders of Palestine were previously instructed to re- 
nounce his communion and dispute his commands; and in 
his own kingdom, the emperor was forced to consent that 
the orders of the camp should be issued in the name of God 
and of the Christian republic. Frederic entered Jerusalem 
in triumph ; and with his own liands ^for no priest would 
perform the office) lie took the crown irom the jdtar of the 
holy sepulchre. But the patriarch cas-t an interdict on the 
church wiiich his presence had j)rofaned; and the knights 
of the hospital and temple informed the sultan how easily 
he might be surprised and slain in his unguarded visit to 
the River Jordan. In such a state of fanaticism and fac- 
tion, victory was hojjeless, and defence was diflicult; but 
the coriChi<?i(>n of an advantageous *; 3ace maybe imi)iited 

''■> Poor IVIuratori knows what to think, but knows not what to say . " Clunc qu 
il capo,'' &.C., li-.iJ^. 


to the discord of tlie Mahometans, and their personal es- 
teem for the cliaracter of Frederic. The enemy of tlie 
church is accused of mamtaiiiinijr with tlie miscreants an in- 
tercourse of liospitality and friendship unworthy of a Chris- 
tian ; of despising the barrenness of the land; and of in- 
dulging a profane thought, that if Jehovah had seen the 
kingdom of Naples he never w^ould have selected Palestine 
for the inheritance of his chosen ])eople. Yet Fiederic 
obtained from the sultan the restitution of Jerusalem, of 
Bethlem and Nazareth, of Tyre and Sidon ; the Latins were 
allowed to inhabit and fortify the city ; an equal code of 
civil and relisfious freedom was ratified for the sectaries of 
Jesus and those of Mahomet; and, while the former wor- 
shipped at the holy sepulchre, the latter might pray and 
preach in the mosque of the temple,^*^ from whence the 
prophet undertook his nocturnal journey to heaven. The 
clergy deplored this scandalous toleration ; and the Aveaker 
Moslems were gradually expelled ; but every rational ob- 
ject of the crusades was accomplished without bloodshed ; 
the churches w^ere restored, the monasteries Avere re])len- 
ished ; and, in the space of iifteen years, the Latins of Jeru- 
salem exceeded the number of six thousand. This peace 
and prosperity, for which they were ungrateful to their ben- 
efactor, was terminated by tlie irruption of the strange and 
savage hordes of Carizmians.^^ Flyiiagfrom the arms of the 
3Ioguls, those shepherds* of the Caspian rolled Readlong 
on Syria; and the union of the Franks with the sultans of 
Aleppo, Ilems, and Damascus, was insufficient to stem the 
yiolence of the torrent. Whatever stood against them was 
cut off by the sword, or dragged into captivity : the military 
orders were almost exterminated in a single battle ; and in 
the pillage of the city, in the profanation of the holy sepul- 
chre, the Latins confess and regret the modesty and disci- 
pline of the Turks and Saracens. 

Of the seven crusades, the two last w^ere undertaken by 
Louis the Ninth, king of France : who lost his liberty in 

00 The clerf^y artftilly oonfmmded tlie mosqne or church of the temple with 
the holy Bepuiciiie, and their vviliiii error has deceived both Vertot and ]\i ura- 
te ri. 

91 The irruption of the Carizipiaiis. or Corasmins, is related by Matthew Paris 
(pp. 540, 547), and by Joinville, Isangis, and the Arabians (pp. Ill, liL', lUJ, 102, 
528, 530). 

* They were in alliance with Eyub, sultan of Syria. Wilken, vol. vi. p. 630, 

— M. 


Egypt, and liis life on the coast of Africa. Twenty-eight 
years after liis death, lie was canonized at Iwonie ; and 
sixty-fiye miracles were readily found, and solemnly attested, 
to justify the claim of the royal saint. '-'-^ The yoice of history 
renders a ip.ore honorable testimony, th;it he united the yir- 
tues of a king, a hero, and a man ; that his martial spirit Ayas 
tempered by the loye of private and ])ublic justice ; and that 
Louis was the father of his people, the friend of his neigh- 
bors, and the terror of the infidels. Superstition alone, in 
all the extent of lier baleful inliuence,^^ corrupted his un- 
derstanding and his heart : his devotion stooped to admire 
and inntate the be2:<>:inGf friars of Francis and Dominic: he 
j)ursued with blind and cruel zeal the enemies of the faith ; 
and the best of kins-s twice descended from his throne to 
seek the adventures of a spiritual knight-errant. A monkish 
liistorian would have been content to applaud the most des- 
]>icable part of his character ; but the noble and gallant 
Joinville,^^ who shared the friendship and captivity of Louis, 
has traced Avith the pencil of nature the free portrait of his 
virtues as well as of his failings. From this intimate knowl- 
edge Ave may learn to suspect the political views of depress- 
ing their great vassals, Avhich are so often imputed to the 
royal authors of the crusades. Above all the princes of the 
middle ages, Louis the Ninth successfully labored to restore 
the prerogatives of the crown ; but it Avas at home, and not 
in the East, that he acquired for himself and his posterity : 
his vow Avas the result of enthusiasm and sickness ; and if 
he Avere the promoter, he was likewise the victim, of tliis holy 
madness. For the invasion of Egypt, Fi-ance A\'as exhausted 
of her troops and treasures; he covered the sea of Cyprus 
Avitli eighteen hundred sails ; the most modest enumeration 
amounts to fifty thousand men ; and if Ave might trust his 
OAvn confession, as it is rei)orted bv Oriental AanitA', he dis- 
embarked nine thousand five hundred horse, and one hundred 

^ Read, if you can, the Life and Miracles of St. Louis, by the confessor of 
Queen Marj^aret (pp. 'J".il-523. Joiuville, du I^ouvre). 

-^ He believed all that mother cliiirch taught (Joinville, p. 10\ but he cautioned 
Joiuville against disputing with inlidels. '' L'uiunie lay (said, lie in his old 
language) qua,.d il oL niedire «le la loi Crestienne, ne doit jas deii'ei.dre la loi 
Cre.stienne ne niajs que de I'espee, dequoi il doit donner parnii le venire Uedeus, 
tant eomine elle y peut entrer " (p. 12). 

'-•' 1 have two editions of .Joinville, the one (Paris, 1GG8) most valuable for tho 
observations of I)ucajige ; tlie otlier (Paris, au Louvre, 17G1) most precious for 
the part; anti authentic text, a MS. of \vhi<di has been receidly discovere<l. The 
last etlition jirovcs tliat the history ()f St. Louis was linished A. I). l.'i()!», witliout 
ex[)laining, or even adniiiing, the age of the author, which must have exceeded 
uinety years (Preface, p. xi. Observations do Ducange, p. 17). 


and thirty thousand foot, Avho jjerformed their pilgrimage 
under the sliadow of Ids ])0\ver.^^ 

Ill conij)lete armor, the orifiamme waving before liim, 
Louis leaped foremost on the beaeh ; and the strong city of 
Dandetta, which had cost his predecessors a siege of sixteen 
months, was abandoned on the first assault by the tremblino; 
Moslems. But Damietta was the first and the last of his 
conquests ; and in the fifth and sixth crusades, the same 
causes, almost on tlie same ground, were productive of simi- 
lar calaniities.^*^ After a ruinous delay, which introduced 
into the camp the seeds of an epidemical disease, the Franks 
advanced from the sea-coast towards the capital of Egypt, 
and strove to surmount the unseasonable inundation of tlie 
Nile, which opposed their progress. Under the eye of their 
intrepid monarch, the barons and knights of France displayed 
their invincible contempt of danger and discipline: his bro- 
ther, the count of Artois, stormed with inconsiderate valor 
the town of Massoura ; and the carrier pigeons announced 
to the inhabitants of Cairo that all was lost. But a soldier, 
who afterwards usurped the sceptre, rallied the flying troops : 
the main body of the Christians was far behind their van- 
guaixl, and Artois was overpowered and slain. A shower 
of Greek fire was incessantly poured on the invaders; the 
Nile Avas commanded by the Egyptian galleys, the open 
country by the Arabs ; all provisions were intercepted; each 
day aggravated the sickness and famine ; and about the 
same time a retreat was found to be necessary and im])rac- 
ticable. The Oriental writers confess, that Louis miHit have 
escaped, if he would have deserted his subjects ; lie w:is 
made prisoner, with the greatest ])art of his nobles ; all who 
could not redeem their lives by service or ransom were in- 
humanly massacred ; and the walls of Cairo were decorated 
with a circle of Christian heads.^' The king of France was 
loaded Avith chains ; but the generous victor, a great-grand- 
son of the brother of Saladin, sent a robe of honor to his 
royal captive, and his deliverance, with that of his soldiers, 

95 Joinville, p. 32. Arabic Extracts, p, 540* 

56 Tlie last editors have enriched Uieir Joinville with large and curious ex- 
tracts from tlie Arabic historians, I\Iacrizi, Abulfcda. Sec. See likev.ise Abul- 
pharagius (Dynast, pp. 322-3^'.")), who cars him by the corrupt name of Refh/rans. 
Matthew Paris (pp. (iH3, 084) lias dt-scribed the rival folly of the French and Eng- 
lish who fought and fell nt ?klassoura. 

'■'^ Savary, iu his agreeable Lettres sur I'Egypte. has given a doscrintion of 
Pamietta (torn, i, lettre xxiii. py. 274-290), anda, iiarralive of the expedition of 
St. Louis (XXV. pp. 3t;C-3r)0). 

♦ Compare Wilken, vol. vii. p. 94. — M. 


was oLtainod by the restitution of Dainietta ^^ and the pay- 
ment of lour liundred tliousand pieces of gold. In a soft and 
luxurious climate, tl»e degenerate cliildren of tlie companions 
of Isoureddin and Saladin were incapable of resisting the 
flower of European cliivalry: tliey trium})lied by tlie arms 
of tlieir slaves or Mamalukes, the hardy natives of Tartary, 
who at a tender age had been ])urchased of the Syrian mer- 
chants, and were educated in tlie camp and palace of the 
sultan. But Egypt soon afforded a new example of tlie 
danger of pra3torian bands ; and the rage of tliese ferocious 
animals, who had been let loose on the strangers, was pro- 
voked to devour their benefactor. In tlie j)ride of conquest, 
Touran Shaw, the last of his race, was murdered by his Ma- 
melukes ; and the most daring of the assassins entered the 
chamber of the ca])tive king, with drawn cimeters, and 
their hands imbrued in the blood of their sultan. The firm- 
ness of Louis commanded their respect ; ^^ their avarice pre- 
vailed over cruelty and zeal, the treaty was accomplished; 
and tlie king of France, with the relics of his army, was per- 
mitted to embark for Palestine. He wasted four years 
within the walls of Acre, unable to visit Jerusalem, and un- 
willing to return without glory to his nati^'e country. 

The memory of his defeat excited Louis, after sixteen 
years of wisdom and repose, to undeilake the seventh and 
last of tlie crusades. His finances were restored, his king- 
dom was enlarged ; a new generation of warriors had arisen, 
and he embarked with fresh coniklence at the head of six 
thousand horse and thirty thousand foot. The loss of x\n- 
tioch had jirovoked the enterprise ; a wild hope of ba])tizing 
the king of Tunis tempted him to steer for the African 
coast ; and the report of an immense treasure reconciled his 
troops to the delay of their voyage to the Holy Land. In- 
stead of a proselyte, he found a siege : the Fiench panted 
and died on the burning sands: St. Louis expired in his 
tent ; and no sooner had he closed his eyes, than his son and 

*' T''or the ransom of St. To-iis, a Tnillion of hyzantf? wns asTrerl and prantod ; 
but the sultan's generosity rediued that sum to ><6r>, 000 byzants, whitth hpo valued 
by Joinvilie at 400.000 French livres of his own time, ajiH expressed by Matthew 
Paris by lOO.OOO marks of silver (Ducanp^^, Pissertation xx. snr Joinvilie"). 

" The idea of the emirs to clioose Louis fo;- their sultan is sf^rioufly attested by 
JoinvilH (nn. 77, 7f<), and do-^s not apnear to me so absurd hs to M. de Voltaire 
( G«^nernle. torn. ii. pn. .S><fi. PHI). The Mamnlukesthomselvps werestranrrers, 
rebi-ls. and « O'lals: thfv had felt his valor, they hoped his conversion : and such 
a motion, which was not s«»conded, might be made, perhaps by a secret Christian 
in their tumultuous assembly.* 

• Wilkpn, vol. vll. p. 257, thinks the proposition could )iot have been made in 
eanjest.— M, 

Vol v.— 8 


successor gave the signal of the retreat.^^*^ " It is thus," says 
a lively writer, " that a Cliristian king died near tlie ruins of 
Cartilage, waging war against the sectaries of Mahomet, in 
a land to which Dido had introduced tlie deities of Syria." ^^^ 
A more unjust and absurd constitution cannot be devised 
than that which condemns the natives of a country to per- 
petual servitude, under the arbitrary dominion of strangers 
and slaves. Yet such has been tlie state of Egypt above five 
hundred years. The most illustrious sultans of the Baharite 
and Borgite dynasties ^°^ were themselves promoted from the 
Tartar and Circassian bands ; and the four-and-twenty beys, 
or military chiefs, have ever been succeeded, not by their 
sons, but by their servants. They produce the great charter 
of their liberties, the treaty of Selim the First with the re- 
public ; '°^ and the Othman emperor still accepts from Egypt 
a slight acknowledgment of tribute and subjection. With 
some breathing intervals of peace and order, the two dynas- 
ties are marked as a period of rapine and bloodshed : ^^^ but 
their throne, however shaken, reposed on the two pillars of 
disci])line and valor: their sway extended over Egypt, Kubia, 
Arabia, and Syria: their Mamelukes were multiplied from 
eight hundred to twenty-five thousand horse ; and their num- 
bers were increased by a provincial militia of one hundred 
and seven thousand foot, and the occasional aid of sixty-six 
thousand Arabs.^^^ Princes of such power and spirit could 
not long endure on their coast a hostile and independent na- 
tion ; and if the ruin of the Franks was postponed about 
forty years, they were indebted to the cares of an unsettled 
reign, to the invasion of the Moguls, and to the occasional 

1™ See the expedition in the annals of St. Louis, by William D. N.inpis, pp, 
270-287 ; and the Arabic Extracts, pp. 545, 555, of the Louvre edition of Join- 

I'l Voltaire, Hist, Gen^rale, torn. ii. p. 391. 

102 The ohrotiolo<:?y of the two dynasties of Mamalukes, the Baharites, TnrkB 
or Tartars of Kipzak, and the Borgites. Circassians, is given by Pocock (Prole- 
goni. :id Abulphunig. pp. 0-31) and De Guignes (toni. i. pp. 264-270) ; iheir liistory 
fiojn Abulfeda, Mrc.izi, &c., to the begiiming of the xvth century, by the eanie 
M. De Guiu;nes (loni. iv. pp. 110-328). 

10! Savary, Lettres siir I'Egypte, torn. ii. lettre xv. pp. 1^9^208. J much ques- 
tion the authenticity of this copy ; yet it is true that Sultan Selim conchuled a 
treatv with the Circassians or Mamelukes of Egypt, and left Uiern in posses^)on 
of arms, riches, and power. See a new Abrege de I'Histoire Ottomane, composed 
in Egypt, jv 1 translated by M. Digcon (tom. i. pp. 55-58, Paris 1781), a curious, 
authentic, and national history. 

1"' Si totum quo regunin occuparnnt tempus respicias. pr?psertim quod fini 
propius, reperies illud bellis, pugnis, injuriis, ac rapinis refertuin (Al Jannabi, 
apud Pocock, p. 31). Tlie reign of Mohammed (A. D. 1311-1341) affords a happy 
exception (De Guignes, tom. iv. pp. 208-210). 

105 They are now reduced to 850O : but the expense of each Mamaluke may bo 
rated at a hundred louis : and Egypt groans under the avarice and insolence of 
these strangers (Voyages de Vohiey, tom. i. pp. 89-187). 


aid of some warlike i:)il2;rims. Amons; tliese, the Enoflisli 
reader Aviil observe the name of our lirst Edward, who as- 
sumed the cross in tlie lifetime of his father Henry. At the 
head of a tliousand soldiers the future conqueror of Wales 
and Scotland delivered Acre from a siege ; marched as far 
as Nazareth wdth an army of nine thousand men ; emulated 
the fame of his uncle Richard ; extorted, by his valor, a ten 
years' truce ; * and escaped, with a dangerous wound, from 
the dagger of a fanatic assassin.^'^'^ f Antioch,^^^ whose situ- 
ation had been less exposed to the calamities of the holy war, 
was finally occupied and ruined by Bondocdar, or Bibars, 
sultan of Egy]it and Syria; the Latin principality was ex- 
tinguished ; and the first seat of the Christian name was dis- 
peopled by the slaughter of seventeen, and the captivity of 
one hundred, thousand of her inhabitants. The maritime 
towns of Laodicea, Gabala, Tripoli, Berytus, Sidon, Tyre, 
and Jaffa, and the stronger castles of the Hospitallers and 
Templars, successively fell ; and the whole existence of the 
Franks was confined to the city and colony of St. John of 
Acre, which is sometimes described by the more classic title 
of Ptolemais. 

After the loss of Jerusalem, Acre,^*^^ which is distant about 
seventy miles, became the metro|)olis of the Latin Christians, 
and was adorned with strong and stately buildings, with aque- 
ducts, an artificial ]>ort, and a double wall. The population 
was increased by the incessant streams of pilgrims and fugi- 
tives: in the pauses of hostility the trade of the East and 
West was attracted to this convenient station ; and the mar- 
ket could offer the produce of every clime and the interpre- 
ters of every tongue. But in this conflux of nations, every 
vice was ])ropagated and ])ractised : of all the disciples of 
Jesus and Mahomet, the male and female inhabitants of 

"^ See Carte's History of England, vol. ii. pp. ]f)5-lT5, and Lis original authors 
Tliomas Wik«s and Walter Hemiiigfoid (1. iii. c. 34, 35', in Gale's Collection 
(loin. ii. pp. 97, r'f>9-592). They are botli ignorant of tin; princess Eleanor's piety 
in sucking the poisoned wound, and saving her husband at the risk of her own 

»'■ SanntnB, Secret. Eideliiim Crucis: ]. iii. p. xii. c. 0, and De Guignes, Hist, 
des Huns, toni. iv. p. 143, from the Ar;ibic historians. 

i«^ The state of Acre is represented in all the chronicles of the times, and 
most accurately in John Villuni, 1. vii. o. 144, in Muratori, Scriptores Kerumltali- 
carum, torn. xiii. pp. 337, 338. 

* Gibbon colors rather liighly the success of Edward. Wilken is more accu- 
rate, vol. vii. p. rifi3, ttc. — M. 

t The sultan Bibars was concerned in this attempt at assassination. Wilken, 
vol. vii. p. GO'J. Ptoleinaus Lucensis is the earliest authority for the devotion of 
Eleanoru. Ibid. U05. — M. 


Acre were esteemed the most corrupt ; nor could tlie abuse 
of religion be corrected by the discipline of law. The city 
had many sovereigns, and no government. The kings of 
Jerusalem and Cyprus, of the house of Lusignan, the princes 
of Antioch, the counts of Trij^oli and Sidon, the great mas- 
ters of the hospital, the temple, and the Teutonic order, the d 
republics of Venice, Genoa, and Pisa, the pope's legate, tlic * 
kings of France and England, assumed an independent com- 
mand : seventeen tribunals exercised the power of life and 
death ; every criminal was protected in tho adjacent quar- 
ter ; and the per]:)etual jealousy of the nations often burst 
forth in acts of violence and blood. Some adventurers, who 
disgraced the ensign of the cross, compensated their want 
of pay by the plunder of the Mahometan villages: nineteen 
Syrian merchants, who traded under the public faith, were 
despoiled and hanged by the Christians; and the denial of 
satisfaction justified the arms of the sultan Khalil. He 
marched against Acre, at the liead of sixty thousand horse 
and one hundred and forty thousand foot: his trnin of artil- 
lery (if I may use the word) was numerous and weighty: 
the separate timbers of a single engine were transported in 
one liundred waa:ons : and tlie royal historian Abulfeda, who 
served with the troops of Hamah, was himself a spectator 
of tlie holv war. Whatever mi<j:lit be the vices of the 
Franks, their courage was rekindled by enthusiasm and 
despair; but they Avere torn by the discord of seventeen 
chiefs, and overwhelmed on all sides by the powers of the 
sultan. After a siege of thirty-three days, tlic double wall 
was forced by the Moslems ; the principal tower yielded to 
their engines ; the Mamelukes made a general assault ; the 
city was storm2d; and death or slavery was the lot of sixty 
thousand Christians. The convent, or rather fortress, of 
the Templars resisted three days longer; but the great mas- 
ter was pierced with an arrow ; and, of five hundred knights, 
only ten were left alive, less happy than the victims of tlie 
sword, if they lived to suffer on a scaffold, in the unjust and 
cruel proscription of the whole order. The king of Jerusa- 
lem, the patriarch, and the great master of the hospital, 
effected their retreat to the shore ; but the sea was rough, 
the vessels were insufficient ; and great numbers of the fugi- 
tives were drowned before they could reach the Isle of Cy- 
prus, which might comfort Lusignan for the loss of Palestine. 
By the command of the sultan, the churches and fortifica- 
tions of the Latin cities were demolished: a motive of avar 


rice or fear still opened the holy sepulchre to some devout 
and defenceless j)ilu^rims ; and a mournful and solitary 
silence prevailed along the coast which had so long re- 
sounded with the world's debate.^°® 

"^5 See the final expulsion of the Franks, in Sanutus, 1. iii. p.xii. c. 11-22; 
Abulfeda, IMacrizi, &c., in De Guignes, torn. iv. pp. 162, 1G4 ; and Vertot, torn. i. 1. 
iii, pp. 407-428. * 

* After these chapters of Gibbon, the masterly prize composition, " Essai stir 
riufluencedesf'roisadessur rEurope,par A. II. L.Heeren : Lraduit de I'Allemand 
par Charles Villars, Paris, 1808," or the orisjinal German, in Heeren's " Ver- 
raischte Schrif ten," may be read with great advantage. — M. 








The restoration of the Western emj)ire by Charlemagne 
was speedily followed by the separation of tlie Greek and 
Latin churches.^ A religions and national animosity still 
divides tlie two largest communions of tlie Christian world, 
and tlie schism of Constantinople, by alienating her most 
useful allies, and provoking her most dangerous enemies, 
has })recipitated the decline and fall of the Roman empire 
in the East. 

In the course of the present history, the aversion of the 
Greeks for the Latins has been often visible and conspicu- 
ous. It was originally derived from tlie disdain of servi- 
tude, inflamed, after the time of Constantine, by the pride 
of equality or dominion; and finally exas])erated by the 
preference which their rebellious subjects had given to the 
alliance of the Franks. In every age the Greeks were proud 
of their superiority in profane and religious knowledge : 
they had first received the light of Christianity; they had 
pronounced the decrees of the seven general councils; they 
alone possessed the language of Scripture and philosophy; 
nor should the Barbarians, immersed in the darkness of the 
West,^ presume to argue on the high and mysterious ques- 
tions of theological science. Those Barbarians despised in 
their turn tlie restless and subtile levity of the Orientals, the 

1 Til the successive centuries, from the ixth to the xviiith, Moshei:^i traces the 
schism of th ^. Greeks with lenruing, clearness, ami impar;iality ; the fiJionue (lu- 
stitiit. Hist. Eccles. p. 277), Leo 111. p. 303. Photius, pp. 307, 308. Michael Ceru- 
lariu^-, pp. 370, 371, «&c. 

2 'Ai'Spe? &v<T<Tefiei<; Kat aTrorpoTraioi, di'Spe? €k (tkotov^ avaSvi'Tec, t^? yap "EcrTre'pioi' 

fio'oaT vTTY)pxov yeuuriixara (Phot. Epist. p. 47, edit. Moutacut). The Oriental patri- 
arch continues to apply the images of thunder, earthquake, hail, wild boar, pre- 
cursors of Antichrist, &c., &c. 


aiitliorvS of every heresy ; and blessed tlieir own sini|)licity, 
wliicli was content to hold the tradition of tlie apostolic 
cimrch. Yet in the seventh century, the synods of Si)ain, 
and after wai-ds of France, improved or corriij)ted the Nicene 
creed, on the mysterious subject of the tliird person of the 
Trinity.^ In the long controversies of the East, the nature 
and generation of the Christ had been scrupulously defined; 
and the well known relation of father and son seemed to 
convey a faint image to the human mind. The idea of birth 
was less analogous to the Holy Spirit, who, instead of a di- 
vine gift or attribute, was considered by the Catholics as a 
suV)stance, a person, a god; he was not begotten, but in the 
orthodox style lie proceeded. Did he jjroceed from the 
Fatlier alone, perhaps hij the Son? or from the Father and 
the Son? The first of these opinions was asserted by the 
Greeks, tlie second by the Latins ; and the addition to the 
Nicene creed of the word Jilioqiie^ kindled the flame of dis- 
cord between the Oriental and the Gallic churches. In the 
origin of the disputes the Roman pontiffs affected a charac- 
ter of neutrality and modera.ion:^ tliey condemned the in- 
novation, but they acquiesced in the sentiment, of their 
Transalpine brethren : they seemed desirous of casting a veil 
of silence and charity over the superfluous research ; and in 
the correspondence of Charlemagne and Leo the Third, the 
pope assumes the liberality of a statesman, and the prince 
descends to t^ie passions and ])rejudices of a priest.^ But 
the orthodoxy of Rome spontaneously obeyed the impulse of 
lier temporal policy; and the filioque^ whi(;h Leo w^ished to 
erase, was transcribed in tlie symbol and chanted in the lit- 
urgy of the Vatican. The Nicene and Athanasian creeds 
are held as the Catholic faith, without which none can be 
saved ; and both Papists and Protestants must now sustain 
and return the anathemas of the Greeks, who deny the pro- 
cession of the Holy Ghost from the Son, as well as from the 
Father. Such articles of faith are not susceptible of treaty; 

3 The mysterious subject of the procession of tlie Holy Ghost is discussed in 
the historical, theological, and controversial sense, or nonsense, of the Jesuit 
Petavius. (Dogmata Theologica, torn. ii. ]. vii. pp. 362-440). 

* Before the shrine of St. Peter he placed two shields of the weight of ^^V^ 
pounds of pure silver; on wliich he inscribed the text of both creeds (utroque 
symbolo). pro amore et caw/t/d orthodoxfe fidei (Anastas. in Leon. IlI.inJMura- 
tori, toin. iii. parsi. J). 208). His language most clearly proves that neither the 
Jilioqiif, nor tiie Atlianasian creed were received at Rome about tli(5 year SoO. 

•'■' Tlie Missi of Clrirlemagiie pressed him to declare, th;it all who rejected the 
filifxinc, or at least the doctrine, must be damned. All, replies the pope, are not 
capableof reachingthe altiora myst(;ria ; <p'i potuerit,etnon volierit, salvus esse 
uon potest (Collect. Concil. torn. ix. pp. 277-2bG). T\\Q jjotucrd would leave alarge 
loophole of salvation ! 


but tlie rules of discipline will vary in remote and indepen- 
dent churches; and the reason, even of divines, might allow, 
that the difference is inevitable and harmless. The craft or 
superstition of Rome lias imposed on her priests and dea- 
cons the rigid obligation of celibacy ; among the Greeks it is 
confined to the bishops; the loss is compensated by dignity 
or annihilated by age; and the parochial clergy, the papas, 
enjoy the conjugal society of the v>'ives whom they have 
married before their entrance into holy orders. A question 
concerning the Azijrus Avas fiercely debated in the eleventh 
century, and the essence of the Eucharist was supposed in 
the East and West to depend on the use of leavened or un- 
leavened bread. Shall I mention in a serious history the 
furious reproaches that were urged against the Latins, who 
for a long while remained on the defensive ? They neg- 
lected to abstain, according to the apostolical decree, fi-om 
things strangled, and from blood : they fasted (a Jewish ob- 
servance!) on the Saturday of each week: during the lirst 
week of Lent they permitted the use of milk and cheese ; ® 
their infirm monks were indulged in the taste of flesh ; and 
animal grease was substituted for the want of vegetable oil : 
the holy chrism or unction in baptism was reserved to the 
episcopal order : the bishops, as the bridegrooms of their 
churches, were decorated Avith rings; their priests shaved 
their faces, and baptized by a single immersion. Such Avere 
the crimes Avhich provoked the zeal of the patriarchs of Con- 
stantinople ; and Avhich Avere justified Avith equal zeal by the 
doctors of the Latin church."^ 

Bigotry and national aversion are poAverful magnifiers 
of CA'ery object of dispute; but the immediate cause of the 
schism of the Creeks may be traced in the emulation of the 
leading prelates, Avho maintained the supremacy of the old 
metropolis superior to all, and of the reigning capital, infe- 
rior to none, in the Christian AA^orld. About the middle of 
the ninth century, Photius,^ an ambitious layman, the ca]> 
tain of the guards and ])rincii)al secretary, Avas promoted 
by merit and faA^or to the more desirable office of patriarch 

* In France, after some harsher laws, the ecclesiastical discipline is now re- 
laxed ; niillc, cheese, and buttrr, are become a perpetual, and eggs an annual, 
indulgence in Lent (Vie privee ds Fraugois, torn. ii. pi-. 2T-0S). 

■^ The original monuments of the s.chism, of the charges of the Greeks against 
the Latins, are deposited in the epistles of Photius (Epist. I'ntyclica, pp. -JT-Gi), 
and Michael Cerularius (Canisii Antiq. Lectiones, torn. iii. pp. 281-321, edit. Bas- 
iiage, with the proUx answer of Cardinal Humbert). 

« The xth volume of the Venice edition of the Councils contains all the acts 
of the synods and history of Photius : they arc abridged with a faint tinge of 
prejudice or prudence, by Dupin and Fleury. 


of Constantinople. In science, even ecclesiastical science, 
he surpassed the clergy of the age ; and tlie purity of his 
morals has never been impeached : but his ordination was 
hasty, his rise was irregular; and Ignatius, his abdicated 
predecessor, was yet suj)ported by the public compassion 
and the obstinacy of his adherents. They appealed to the 
tribunal of Nicholas the First, one of the proudest and 
most aspiring of the Roman pontiffs, who embraced the 
welcome opportunity of judging and condemning his rival 
of tliC East. Their quarrel was imbittered by a conflict of 
jurisdiction over the king and nation of the Bulgarians; nor 
was their recent conversion to Christianity of much avail 
to either prelate, unless he could number the proselytes 
among the subjects of liis power. With the aid of his 
court the Greek patriarch was victorious ; but in the furious 
cor7test lie deposed in his turn the successor of St. Peter, 
and involved the Latin church in the reproach of heresy 
and schism. Photius sacrificed the peace of the world to a 
short and precarious reign : he fell with his patron, the Ca3- 
sar Bardas ; and Basil the Macedonian performed an act of 
justice in the restoration of Ignatius, whose age and dig- 
nity had not been sufficiently respected. From his monas- 
tery, or prison, Photius solicited the favor of tlie emperor 
by pathetic complaints and artful flattery ; and the eyes of 
his rival were scarcely closed, when he was again restored 
to the throne of Constantinople. After the death of Basil 
he experienced the vicissitudes of courts and the ingratitude 
of a royal pupil : the patriarch was again dej)osed, and in 
his last solitary hours he might regret the freedom of a 
secular and studious life. In each revolution the breath, 
the nod, of the sovereign had been accepted by a submis- 
sive clergy; and a synod of three liundred bishoj)s was 
always prepared to hail the trium])h, or to stigmatize the 
fall, of the holy, or the execrable Photius.^ By a delusive 
promise of succor or reward, the popes were tempted to 
countenance these various ])roceedings; and the synods of 
Constantinople were ratified by their e])istles or legates. 
But the court and tlie people, Ignatius and Photius, were 
equally adverse to their claims ; their ministers were insulted 
or imprisoned ; the procession of the Holy Ghost was for- 

9 The Synod of Constantinople, lield in the year 869, is the viiith of the gen- 
eral councils, the last assembly of llie East which is recognized by the Konuin 
churcli. Slie rejects the synods of Constantinople of tlie years K67 and «75), vvliich 
were, however, equally numerous and noisy ; but they were favorable to Pho- 


gotten ; Bulgaria was forever annexed to tlie Byzantine 
tlirone ; and tlie scliism Avas prolonged by their I'igid cen- 
sure of all tlie multiplied ordinations of an irregular patri- 
arch. The darkness and corruption of the tenth century 
suspended the intercourse, without reconciling the minds, 
of the two nations. But when the N^orman sword restored 
the churches of Apulia to the jurisdiction of Rome, the 
departing flock was warned, by a petulant epistle of the 
Greek patriarch, to avoid and abhor the errors of the Latins. 
The rising majesty of Rome could no longer brook the in- 
solence of a rebel ; and Michael Cerularius was excommuni- 
cated in the heart of Constantinojile by the pope's legates. 
Shaking the dust from their feet, they deposited on the al- 
tar of St. Sophia a direful anathema, ^*^ which enumerates 
the seven mortal heresies of the Greeks, and devotes the 
guilty teachers, and their unhappy sectaries, to the eternal 
society of the devil and his angels. According to the emer- 
gencies of the church and state, a friendly correspondence 
was sometimes resumed ; the language of charity and con- 
cord was sometimes affected ; but the Greeks have never re- 
canted their errors; the popes have never repealed their 
sentence; and from this thunderbolt we may date the con- 
summation of the schism. It was enlarged by each am- 
bitious step of the Roman pontiffs: the emperors blushed 
and trembled at the ignominious fate of their royal breth- 
ren of Germany; and the people were scandalized by the 
temporal ])o\ver and military life of the Latin clergy. ^^ 

The aversion of tlie Greeks and Latins was nourished 
and manifested in the three first expeditions to the Holy 
Land. Alexius Comnenus contrived the absence at least of 
the formidable ])ilgrims : his successors, Manuel and Isaac 
Angelus, conspired with the Moslems for the ruin of the 
greatest princes of the Franks ; and their crooked and ma- 
lignant policy was seconded by the active and voluntary 
obedience of every order of their subjects. Of this hostile 
temper, a large portion may doubtless be ascribed to the 
difference of language, dress, ana manners, which severs 
and alienates the nations of. the globe. The pride, as well 
as the prudence, of the sovereign was deeply wounded by 
the intrusion of foreign armies, that claimed a right of 

10 See tliis anathema in the Councils, torn. xi. pp. 1457-1400. 

11 AniiaConinena(Alexia(J, 1. i. pp. 31-33) represents the abliorrence^notonly of 
the cliurch, but of the palace, for Gregory VIL, the popes, and the Latin com- 
munion. Tlie style of Cinnamus and Ni<'etas is still nK>re vehement. Yet liOW 
calm is the voice of history couipaied with that of polemics ! 


traversing his dominions, and passing under the walls of his 
caj^ital : liis subjects were insulted and ])lundered by the 
rude strangers of the West: and the hatred of the pusillani- 
mous Greeks was sharpened by secret envy of tlie bold and 
pious enter])rises of the Franks. But these profane causes 
of national enmity were fortified and inflamed by the venom 
of religious zeal. Instead of a kind embrace, a hospitable 
reception from their Christian brethren of the East, every 
tongue was taught to repeat the names of scliismatic and 
heretic, more odious to an ortliodox ear than those of pagan 
and infidel : instead of being loved for the general conform- 
ity of faith and worshij^, they were abhorred for some rules 
of discipline, some questions of theology, in which them- 
selves or their teachers miGfht differ from the Oriental 
church. In the crusade of Louis the Seventh, the Greek 
clergy washed and ])urified the altars which had been de- 
filed by the sacrifice of a French priest. The com])anions 
of Frederic Barbarossa deplore the injuries which they en- 
dured, both in word and deed, from the peculiar rancor of 
the bishops and monks. Their prayers and sermons excited 
the people against the impious Barbarians; and the patri- 
arch is accused of declaring, that the faithful might obtain 
the redemption of all their sins by the extirpation of the 
schismatics.^^ An enthusiast named Dorotheus alarmed the 
fears, and restored the confidence, of the emperor, by a pro- 
phetic assurance, that the German heretic, after assaulting 
the gate of Blachernes, would be made a signal example of 
the divine vengeance. The passage of these mighty armies 
were rare and perilous events ; but the crusades introduced 
a frequent and familiar intercourse between the two nations 
which enlarged their knowledge without abating their pre- 
judices. The wealth and luxury of Constantinople de- 
manded the productions of every climate : these imports 
were balanced by the art and labor of her numerous inhab- 
itants ; her situation invites the commerce of the world ; 
and, in every period of her existence, that commerce has 

"His anonymous historian (de Expedit. Asiat. Fred. I. in Canisii Lection. 
Antiq. torn. iii. pars ii. p. 511, edit. Ba^nage) nieiitioiis the sermons of the (ireek 
patriarcli. quomodo Gra^cis injmixerat in reniissioneni peecatoriini peregrinos oc- 
cideie et delere de terra. Tagino observe-; (in Scriptores Freher. ton), i. p. 409. 
edit. Struv.), Grfeci haereticos nos ap[»ellant : clerici et monachi dictis et faetis 
persequunter. We may add the declaration of the emi)eror baklwin lifteeu 
yea.s afterwards : Hiec est (f/ois) qu.t* Latinos omnes non hommiim iioiuine, sed 
canum digiiabatur ; (juorum sanguinem ellundete pene iiiLer merita rcputubant 
(Gesia Innocent, ill. c. 'J2, in Muratori. Script. Kerum Ilalicarum, torn. iii. pars 
i. p. ,>W). There may be some' exaggeration, but it was as ellectual for the action 
and relation of hatred. 


been in the liands of forelLniers. After tlie decline of Am- 
alj)hi, the Venetians, Pisans, and Genoese, introduced their 
factories and settlements into the capital of the empire : their 
services were rewarded with honors and immunities ; they 
acquired the possession of lands and houses; their families 
Avere multiplied hy marriages with the natives ; and, after the 
toleration of a IMahometan mosque, it was impossible to in- 
terdict the churches of the Roman rite.^^ The two wives 
of jMinuel Comnenus " were of the race of the Franks : 
the first, a sister-in-law of the emperor Conrad ; the second, 
a daui^hter of the prince of Antioch : he obtained for his 
son Alexius a daughter of Philip Augustus, king of France; 
and he bestowed his own daughter on a marquis of Mont- 
ferrat, who was educated and dignified in the palace of 
Constantino|)le. The Greek encountered the arms, and 
aspired to tlie empire, of the West : he esteemed the valor, 
and trusted the fidelity, of the Franks ; ^^ their military tal- 
ents were unfitly recompensed by the lucrative oflices of 
judges and treasurers ; the policy of Manuel had solicited 
the alliance of the pope; and the popular voice accused him 
of a partial bias to the nation and religion of the Latins. ^^ 
During Ins reign, and that of his successor Alexius, they 
were exposed at Constantinople to the reproach of foreign- 
ers, lieretics, and favorites ; and this triple guilt was severely 
expiated in the tumult, which announced the return and 
elevation of Andronicus.^^ The people rose in arms: from 
the Asiatic shore the tyrant despatched liis trooj)s and gal- 
leys to assist the national revenge ; and the hopeless resist- 
ance of the strangers served only to justify the rage, and 
sharpen the daggers, of the asGascins. Keither age, nor sex, 
nor the ties of friendship or kindred, could save the victims 
of national hatred, and avarice, and religious zeal ; the 

13 See Anna Comnena (Alexiad, 1. vi. pp. 161, 162), and a remarkable passage 
of Nicetas (in Manuel, 1. v. c. D), who observes of the Venetiuus Kara cr/xrjt'rj /cat 
^parpia.- rrju Kcoj^cttjii'tiVou ttoAiv ttj? otKeia? rjWd^avTo, &C. 

14 Ducang3, Fam. Byzant. pp. 186, 187. 

15 Nicetas in Manuel. J. vli. c. 2. Regnante cnim (Manuele) * * * * apud eum 
tantam I.atinns populus repererat gratiani ut iieglectis Gra-clilis suis tan^iiam 
viris inollihuset <>!foemiiiatiR. * * * * solis Latinis grandia connnitteret negotia 
* * * * erga eoa n ofusn liberalitate abundabat * * * * ex omni orbe ad eum 
tanquain ad b3nef;ictorum nobiles et ignobiles concurrebanl. Willelm. Tyr. 
xxii. c 10. 

1^ The snspicions of the Greeks would have been confirmed, if they liael seen 
the political e})is les of JManuel to Pope Alexander III., the enemy of l.i i enemy 
Frederic 1. in wbich tlie emperor declares his wish of uniting the Greeks and 
Latins as one flock under one shepherd, «fcc. (See Fleury, Hist. Eccles. tom. xv. 
pp. 1S7, 21.?, 24;?.) 

17 Se^ the Greek and Latin narratives in Nicetas (in Alexio Comneno, c. 10), 
and William of Tyre (1. xxii. c 10, 11, 12, 13) ; the first soft and concise, the 
end loud, copious, and tragical. 


Latins were slauglitered in their houses and in the streets ; 
their quarter was reduced to aslies; the clergy were burnt 
in tlieir churches, and the sick in their hospitals ; and some 
estimate may be formed of the slain from the clemency 
which sold above four thousand Christians in perpetual 
slavery to the Turks. The priests and monks Avere the 
loudest and most active in the destruction of the schismat- 
ics ; and they chanted a thanksgiving to the Lord, when 
the head of a Roman cardinal, the pope's legate, was severed 
from his body, fastened to tlie tail of a dog, and dragged, 
with savage mockery, through the city. The more diligent 
of the strangers had retreated, on the first alarm, to their 
A'cssels, and escajK^d through the Hellesj^ont from the scene 
of blood. In their fliirht, they burnt and ravaged two hun- 
dred miles of the sea-coast ; inflicted a severe revenge on the 
guiltless subjects of the empire ; marked the priests and 
monks as their peculiar enemies; and compensated, by the 
accumulation of plunder, the loss of their property and 
friends. On their return, they exposed to Italy and Europe 
the wealth and Aveakness, the ])erfidy and malice, of the 
Greeks, whose vices were ])ainted as the genuine characters 
of heresy and schism. The scruples of the first crusaders 
had neglected the fairest opportunities of securing, by the 
possession of Constantinople, the way to the Holy Land ; a 
domestic revolution invited, and almost compelled, the 
French and Venetians to achieve the conquest of the Roman 
empire of the East. 

In the series of the Byzantine princes, I have exhibited 
the hypocrisy and ambition, the tyranny and fall, of Andro- 
nicus, the last male of the Comnenian family who reigned 
at Constantinople. The revolution, which cast him head- 
long from the throne, saved and exalted Isaac Angelus,^^ 
who descended by the females from the same Imperial dy- 
nasty. The successor of a second Nero might have found 
it an easy task to deserve the esteem and affection of his 
subjects; they sometimes had reason to regret the adminis- 
tration of Andronicus. The sound and vigorous mind of 
the tyrant was capable of discerning tlie connection between 
liis own and the public interest ; and Avhile he was feared 
by all who could inspire him with fear, the unsuspected 
people, and tlie remote provinces, might l>less the inexorable 

'" Tlie history of the reign of Isaac Angelas ia composed, in three books, 
by the senator Nicetas (pp. 228-290) ; and his oihces of logothete, or principal Kec- 
ret.iry, and judge of the veil or palace, could not bribe tlie impartiality of the 
liistoi-ian. lie wrote, il is true, after the fall and death of his benefactor. 


justice of their master. But his successor was vain aud 
jeaU)us of the supreme power, which he wanted courage and 
abilities to exercise : his vices were j^ernicious, his virtues 
(if he possessed any virtues) were useless, to mankind ; and 
the Greeks, wlio imputed their calamities to his negligence, 
denied him the merit of any transient or accidental henetits 
of tlie times. Isaac slept on the throne, and was awakened 
only by the sound of pleasure : his vacant hours were amused 
by comedians and buffoons, and even to these buffoons the 
emperor was an object of contempt : his feasts and build- 
ings exceeded the examples of royal luxury: the number of 
his eunuchs and domestics amounted to twenty thousand ; 
and a daily sum of four thousand pounds of silver would 
swell to four millions sterling the annual expense of his house- 
hold and table. His poverty was relieved l)y oppression ; and 
the public discontent was inflamed by equal abuses in the 
collection, and the application, of the revenue. While the 
Greeks numbered the days of their servitude, a flattering 
pro[)het, whom he rewarded with the dignity of patriarch, 
assured him of a lonij and victorious reion of thirtv-two 
years : during which he should extend his sway to Mount 
Libauus, and his conquests beyond the Euphrates. But his 
only step towards the accomplishment of the prediction was 
a s[)lendid and scandalous embassy to Saladin,^^ to demand 
the restitution of the holy sepulchre, and to pro]X)se an of- 
fensive and defensive leaofue with the enemv of the Christian 
name. In these unworthy hands, of Isaac and his brother, 
the remains of the Greek empire crumbled into dust. The 
Island of Cyprus, whose name excites the ideas of elegance 
and pleasure, was usurped by his namesake, a Comnenian 
prince ; and by a strange concatenation of events, the 
sword of our English Richard bestowed that kingdom on 
the house of Lusignan, a rich compensation for the loss of 

The honor of the monarchy and the safety of the capital 
were deeply wounded by the revolt of the Bulgarians and 
Wallachians. Since the victory of the second Basil, they 
had supported, above a hundred and seventy years, the loose 
dominion of the Byzantine princes ; but no effectual meas- 
ures had been adopted to impose the yoke of laws and man- 
ners on these savage tribes. By the command of Isaac, 

13 See Bohaaiii, Vil. Saladin. pp. 129-131, 22(i, vers. Scl)ulteiis. The ambassador 
of Isiac was equally ver. cd iaUie Frei)ch, Greek ar.d Arabic languages ; a rare 
instance in those times. His embassies were received with liouor, dismissed 
without ettect, and reported with scandal in the West. 

OF THE ROMAX EMrillE. 127 

their sole means of subsistence, their flocks and herclfs, wore 
driven away, to contribute towards the pomp of the royal 
nuptials; and their fierce warriors were exasperated by the 
denial of equal rank and pay in the military service. Peter 
and Asan, two powerful chiefs, of the race of the ancient 
kino's,^ asserted their own rig^hts and the national freedom ; 
iheir da3moniac impostors proclaimed to the crowd, that 
their glorious patron St. Demetrius had forever deserted the 
cause of the Greeks; and the conflagration spread from the 
banks of the Danube to the hills of Macedonia and Thrace. 
After some faint efforts, Isaac Angelus and his brother ac- 
quiesced in their independence; and the Imperial troops 
were soon discouraged by the bones of their fellow-soldiers, 
that were scattered along the passes of Mount Haemus. By 
the arras and policy of John or Joannices, the second king- 
dom of Bulgaria was firmly established. The subtle Bar- 
barian sent an embassy to Innocent the Third, to acknowl- 
edge himself a genuine son of Rome in descent and relig- 
ion,-^ and humbly received from the po]:>e the license of 
coining money, the royal title, and a Latin archbishop or 
patriarch. The Vatican exulted in the spiritual conquest of 
Bulo:aria, the first object of the schism; and if the Greeks 
could have preserved the prerogatives of the church, they 
would gladly have resigned the rights of the monarchy. 

The Bulgarians were malicious enough to pray for the 
lonij life of Isaac Ansjelus, the surest pled<;e of their free- 
dom and prosperity. Yet their chiefs could involve in the 
same indiscriminate contempt tlie family and nation of tiie 
emperor. *'In all the Greeks," said Asan to his troops, 
"the same climate, and character, and education, will be 
productive of the same fruits. Behold my lance," continued 
the warrior, "and the long streamers that float in the wind. 
They dilTeronly in color; they are formed of the same silk, 
and fashioned by the same workman ; nor has tiie stripe that 
is stained in purple any superior f)rice or value above its fel- 
lows." ^^ Several of these candidates for the pur])le suc- 

*' Ducaiige, FiiiTiilije Dalmatiraj, pp. 318. 319, 320. The oiiainal correspond- 
ence of the Bulgarian kjiif^ and the Koman i ontilT ib iiist;ribed in the Gesta In- 
nocent. III. c. 6G-82, pp. .513-52.5. 

■■'' The pope ar-knowledgoB his pedigree, a nobili urbisKomse prosapia genitores 
tul originem traxerunt. Tliis tradition and the strong resemblance of tlie 
Latin and Walachian idioms, is explained by M. D'Anville (Etats de rKiuope. pp. 
25H-2<>2). The Italian colonies of the Dacia (<t Trajan were swept away by tlie 
tide of emigration from the Dannbe to the Volga, ami b' ought back by another 
wave from >he N'ol/a to the Danube. Possible, but Htiunge ! 

-^ This p ual)i- i:un lln best suvage style ; but I wish the Walacl) had not intro- 
duced the classic name of Mysians. the experiment of the magnet or loadstone, 
and the passage of au old comic po^it (Nicetas, in Alex. Comueuo, 1. i. pp. 299. 


cessivcly rose and fell Tinder the empire of Isaac ; a general, 
who liad repelled the fleets of Sicdy, was driven to revolt 
and ruin by the ingratitude of the prince; and his luxurious 
repose was disturbed by secret conT^piracies and popular in- 
surrections. The emperor was saved by accident, or the 
merit of his servants .: he was at length oppressed by an 
ambitions brother, wlio, for the hope of a precarious diadem, 
forgot the obligations of nature, of loyalty, and of friend- 
ship.^^ While Isaac in the Thracian valleys pursued the 
idle and solitary pleasures of the chase, liis brother, Alexius 
Angelus, was invested with the purj)le, by the unanimous 
suffrage of the camp ; the capital and the clergy subscribed 
to their choice; and the vanity of the new sovereign re- 
jected the name of his fathers for the lofty and royal appel- 
lation of the Comnenian race. On the despicable character 
of Isaac I have exhausted the language of contempt, and can 
only add, that, in a reign of eight years, the baser Alexius ^* 
Avas supported by the masculine vices of his wife Euphro- 
syne. The first intelligence of his fall Avas conveyed to the 
late emperor by the hostile aspect and pursuit of the guards, 
no longer his own : he fled before them above fifty miles, as 
far as Stagyra, in Macedonia; but the fugitive, without an 
object or a follower, was arrested, brought back to Constan- 
tinople, deprived of his eyes, and confined in a lonesome 
tower, on a scanty allowance of bread and water. At the 
moment of the revolution, his son Alexius, whom he edu- 
cated in the ho])e of empire, was twelve years of age. He 
was spared by the usurper, and reduced to attend his tri- 
umjih both in peace and war; but as the army was encamped 
on the sea-shore, an Italian vessel facilitated the escape of 
the royal youth; and, in the disguise of a common sailor, 
he eluded the search of his enemies, passed the Hellespont, 
and found a secure refu2:e in the Isle of Sicilv. After salut- 
ing the threshold of the a]iostles, and imploring; the protec- 
tion of Pope Innocent the Third, Alexius accepted the kind 
invitation of his sister Irene, the wife of Philip of Swabia, 
king of the Romans. But in his passage through Italy, he 
heard that the flower of Western chivalry was assembled 
at Venice for the deliverance of the Holy Land ; and a ray 

23 The Latins afTc:ravatf^ the inciraHtude of Alexins, bv suppopinc; thnt he had 
been released by liis brother Isaac- from Turkish raptivily. This pathetic tale 
had doubtless been repealed at Venice and Zara ; but I do not readily discover 
its grounds 1:) the Greek historians. 

2i See the reiijn of Alexius Angelus, or Comnenus, in the three books of 
Nicetas, pp. 291-352. 


of hope was kindled in his bosom, tliat their invincible 
swords raiglit be employed in his fatlier's restoration. 

About ten or twelve years after the loss of Jerusalem, 
the nobles of France were asrain summoned to the holy war 
by the voice of a third prophet, less extravagant, perhaps, 
than Peter the hermit, but far below St. Bernard in the 
merit of an orator and a statesman. An illiterate priest of 
the neighborhood of Paris, Fulk of Neuilly,^^ forsook his 
parochial duty, to assume the more flattering character of a 
popular and itinerant missionary. The fame of his sanctity 
and miracles was spread over the land ; he declaimed, with 
severity and vehemence, against the vices of the age ; and 
his sermons, which he preached in the streets of Paris, con- 
verted the robbers, the usurers, the prostitutes, and even 
the doctors and scholars of the university. No sooner did 
Innocent the Third ascend the chjiir of St. Peter, than he 
proclaimed in Italy, Germany, and France, the obligation 
of a new crusade.^^ The eloquent pontiff described the ruin 
of Jerusalem, the triumph of the Pagans, and the shame of 
Christendom ; his liberality proposed the redemption of sins, 
a plenary indulgence to all who should serve in Palestine, 
either a year in person, or two years by a substitute ; ^"^ and 
among liis legates and orators who blew the sacred trumpet, 
Fulk of Neuilly was the loudest and most successful. The 
situation of the principal monarchs was averse to the pious 
summons. The em])eror Frederic the Second was a child ; 
and liis kingdom of Germany was disputed by the rival 
houses of Brunswick and Swabia, the memorable factions of 
the Guelphs and Ghibelmes. Philip Augustus of France 
had performed, and could not be persuaded to renew, the 
])erilous vow ; but as he was not less ambitious of praise 
than of power, he cheerfully instituted a per])etual fund for 
the defence of the Holy Land. Richard of England was 
satiated with the glory and misfortunes of his first adven- 
ture ; and he presumed to deride the exhortations of Fulk 
of Neuilly, who was not abashed in the presence of kings. 

25 SeoFleury, Hist. Eccles. torn. xvi. p, 26, &c.. and Villehardouin, No. 1, with 
the obs«nvalious of Ducange, which I always mean to quote with the original 

''i''-' The contemporary life of Pope Innocent III., published by Baluze and Mu- 
ratori (Scriplores Renini Italic;iriun, torn. iii. pars i. pp. 4>6-568), is most valuable 
for llje iniporlanL and o'is|iiial documents which are inserted in the text. The 
bull of the crusado may be read, c. S4, 85. 

-' J'or-ce que cil pardo'i. fut issi gran, si s'en esmeurent mult li cuersdesgenz, 
et mult K'en croLsierent, porce quo li pardons ere si gran. Villehardouin, No. 1. 
Our philosophers may reline on the causes of the crusades, but such were the 
genuine feelings of a French knight. 

Voi^. v._9 


"You advise me,'* sfiid Plantagenet, "to dismiss my three 
daugliters, pride, avarice, and incontinence : I bequeath 
thoni to tlie most deserving; my pride to the kniglits tem- 
plars, my avarice to tlie monks of Cisteaux, and my incon- 
tinence to the prelates." But the preaclier was lieard and 
obeyed by tiie great vassals, the princes of the second order ; 
and Theobald, or Thibaut, count of Champagne, was the 
foremost in the holy race. Tlie valiant youth, at the age of 
twenty-two years, was encouraged by the domestic ex- 
am |)les of his father, who marched in the second crusade, 
aiul of his elder brother, who had ended his davs in Pales- 
tine witli the title of King of Jerusalem ; two thousand two 
hundred kniglits owed service and homage to his peerage ; -* 
the nobles of Champagne excelled in all the exercises of 
war , '^^ and, by his marriage with the heiress of Navarre, 
Thibaut could draw a band of hardy Gascons from either 
side of the Pyrenaean mountains. His com]>anion in arms 
was Louis, count of Blois and Chartres; likeliimself of regal 
lineage, for both the princes were nephews, at the same 
time, of the kinors of France and Emrland. In a crowd of 
prelates and barons, who imitated their zeal, I distinguish 
the birth and merit of Matthew of Montmorency; the 
famous Simon of Montfort, the scourge of the Albigeois ; 
and a valiant noble, Jeffrey of Villehardouin,^^ marshal of 
Champagne,^^ who has condescended, in the rude idiom of 
his age and country,^^ to write or dictate ^^ an original nar- 
rative of the councils and actions in which he bore a mem- 
orable part. At the same time, Baldwin, count of Flan- 
ders, who had married the sister of Thibaut, assumed the 

28 This number or fifes (of which ISOO owed liege homage) was enrolled in the 
church of St. Stephen at Troyes, and attested A. D. 1213, by the marshal and but- 
ler of Champagne (Ducan^e, Observ p. 254). 

^' Campania * * * * miliiiae privilegio singulariiis excellit * * * * in tyro- 
ciniis * * * * prolusione armorum, &c., Ducange, p. 249, from the old Chion'iclo 
Ot Jerusalem, A. I>. 1117-1199. 

3^' The name of Villehardouin was taken from a village and castle in the dio- 
cese of Troyen, near the River Aube, between Bar and Arcis. Tha family was 
ancient and noble ; the elder branch of our historian existed after tlie year 
14;) ', the younger, which acquired the principality of Achaia, merged in the house 
of Savoy (Ducange, pp. 235-245). 

^' Tliis o!lice was held by hir, father and liis descenrlants ; but Ducange has not 
hunttMl It with his usual sagacity. I tind that, in the year 1:^.56, it w«s in tlie fam- 
ily of Contlans ; but these provincial have been long since eclipsed by the national 
mar-^hals of France. 

"2 This language, of which I shall produce some specimens, is explained by 
Vigenere and Ducange, in a version and glossary. The president Des Brossea 
(Mechanisme des Langues, torn ii. p. 83) gives it a'^ the example of a language 
which lia'j ceased to be French, and is understood only by grammarians. 

^ His age, and his own expression, nioi qui ceste reuvre dicta (So. 62, &c..), 
may iustify tlie suspicion (more probable than Mr. Wood's on Homer) that he 
could neither read nor write. Yet Champagne may boast of the two first histo- 
rians, the noble authors of French prose, Villehaidouiu and Joiuville. 


cross at Bruges, with liis brother Henry, and the principal 
kiiiglits an<l citizens of tliat ricli and industrious province.^* 
The vo\v wliicli tlie cluefs liad ])ronounced in churches, they 
ratified in tournaments; the operations of the war were 
debated in full and frequent assemblies ; and it was re- 
solved to seek the deliverance of Palestine in Egypt, a coun- 
try, since Saladin's death, which was almost ruined by fam- 
ine and civil war. But the fate of so many royal armies 
dis])layed the toils and perils of a land expedition ; and if 
the Flemings dwelt along the ocean, the French barons 
were destitute of ships and ignorant of navigation. They 
embraced the wise resolution of choosing six deputies or 
representatives, of whom Villehardouin was one, with a dis- 
cretionary trust to direct the motions, and to pledge the 
faith, of the whole confederacy. The maritime states of 
Italy were alone possessed of the means of transporting the 
holy warriors with their arms and horses ; and the six depu- 
ties proceeded to Venice, to solicit, on motives of piety or 
interest, the aid of that powerful republic. 

In the invasion of Italy by Attila, I have mentioned ^^ 
the flii2:ht of the Venetians from the fallen cities of the con- 
tinent, and their obscure shelter in the chain of islands that 
line the extremity of the Adriatic Gulf. In the midst of 
the waters, free, indigent, laborious, and inaccessible, they 
gradually coalesced into a republic : the first foundations of 
Venice were laid in the island of Rialto : and the annual 
election of the twelve tribunes was superseded by the per- 
manent office of a duke or doge. On the verge of the two 
empires, the Venetians exult in the belief of primitive and 
perpetual independence.^^ Against the Latins, their antique 
freedom has been asserted by the sword, and may be justi- 
fied by the pen. Charlemaoiie himself resis^ned all claims 
of sovereignty to the islands of the Adriatic Gulf: his son 
Pe))in was repulsed in the attacks of the lagunas or canals, 
too deep for the cavalry, and too shallow for theyessels; 
and in every age, under the German Caesars, the lands of 
the republic have been clearly distinguished from the king- 
s' The cnisade and relG^ns of the counts of Flanders, Baldwin and his brother 
Henrv. are the subject of a particular history by the Jesuit Doutremens (Coii- 
Btaniiiiortolis Belgica ; Turnaci, 1638, in 4to.), which I have only seen with the 
eyes f>f Duf-ange. 

33 History, Sec, vol. iii. pp. 446, 447. 

36 The foundation and independence of Venice, and Pepin's invasion, are dis- 
cussed by Pagi (Critica, torn. iii. A. D. 810, No. 4, &c.) and Beretti (Dissert. Cho- 
rograph.Itali.* Medii .^vi, in Muratori, Script, torn. x. p. 153). The two critics 
have a slight bias, the Frenchman adverse, the Italian favorable, to the republic. 


dom of Italy. But the inhabitants of Venice were consid- 
ered by themselves, by stran2;ers, and bv their sovereic^ns, 
as an inalienable portion of the Greek empire :^'^ in the 
ninth and tenth centuries, the proofs of their subjective are 
numerous and unquestionable ; and tlie vain titles, the ser- 
vile honors, of the Byzantine court, so ambitiously solicited 
by their dukes, would have degraded the magistrates of a 
free people. But the bands of this dependence, which was 
never absolute or rigid, were imperceptibly relaxed by the 
ambition of Venice and the weakness of Constantino])le. 
Obedience was softened into respect, privilege ripened into 
prerogative, and the freedom of domestic government was 
fortified by the independence of foreign dominion. The 
maritime cities of Istria and Dalmatia bowed to the sov- 
ereigns of the Adriatic ; and when they armed against the 
Normans in the cause of Alexius, the emperor apj)lied, not 
to the duty of his subjects, but to the gratitude and gener- 
osity of his faithful allies. The sea was their jiatrimony ; ^ 
the western parts of the Mediterranean, from Tuscany to 
Gibraltar, were indeed abandoned to their rivals of Pisa 
and Genoa; but the Venetians acquired an early and lucr;i- 
tive share of the commerce of Greece and Egypt. Their 
riches increased with the increasing demand of Europe ; 
their manufactures of silk and glass, perhaps the institution 
of their bank, are of high antiquity ; and they enjoyed the 
fruits of their industry in the magnificence of public and 
private life. To assert her flag, to avenge her injuries, to 
protect the freedom of navigation, the rejniblic could launch 
and man a fleet of a hundred galleys ; and the Greeks, the 
Saracens, and the Normans, weie encountered by her naval 
arms. The Franks of Syria were assisted by the Venetians 
in the reduction of the sea-coast; but their zeal was neither 
blind nor disinterested ; and in the conquest of Tyre, they 
shared the sovereignty of a city, th'? first seat of the cora- 

3" When the son of CharleTnagne asserted his right of sovereiarnty, he was an- 
swered by the loyal Venetians, on ) ju. c? fcvKol ,<^eAo^ev e'lyai rov 'Pa)/u.aiii;v faa-tAew? 
( Administrat. Imperii, pars ii. c. 28, p. f^5) , and 
lhe report of the ixth estabii hcs the fact of the xth century, wliich is confirmed 
by th(^ emlassy of Liutprand of Cremon-j. The annual tribute, vhich the empe- 
rorallows them to pay to lhe king of Italv, alleviate.«», by do ;bling. their servi- 
tude : but the hateful word 6oi'Ao( must be tran :date<l. as in the (barter of 827 
Latigier, Hist, de Venice, torn. i. p. C7, &c.), by the softer appellation of subditif 
or Jldeles. 

3s See the xxvth and xxxth dissertations of the Antiqnitates Medii iEvi of 
Muratoi. From Anderson's History (>f Commerce, I understand that tlie Vene- 
tians did not trade to England before the year 1323. The most flourishing state 
of their wealth and commerce, in the beginning of the xvth century, is agree- 
ably described by th j Abb6 Dubus (Hist, de la Ligue de Cambray, torn. ii. pp? 443- 


merce of tlie Avorld. Tlie jiolicy of Venice was markcfl by 
tlie avarice of a trading, and tlie insolence of a maritime, 
power ; yet lier ambition was ])riident : nor did slie often 
forget that if armed galleys were the effect and safeguard, 
merchant vessels were the cause and su])i)ly, of lier great- 
ness. In her religion, she avoided the schism of the Greeks, 
without yielding a servile obedience to the Roman pontiff; 
and a free intercourse with the infidels of every clime aj)- 
pears to have allayed betimes the fever of su])erstition. 
Her primitive government was a loose mixture of democ- 
racy and monarchy ; the doge was elected by the votes of 
the general assembly; as long as he was ])opular and suc- 
cessful, lie reigned with the pump and authority of a prince ; 
but in the frequent revolutions of the state, he was deposed, 
or banished, or slain, by the justice or injustice of the mul- 
titude. The twelfth century ])roduced the first rudiments 
of tlie wise and jealous aristocracy, Avhich has reduced the 
doge to a pageant, and the ])eople to a ci|)her.^® 

When the six ambassadors of the French ])ilgrims arrived 
at Venice, they were }ios])itably entertained in the palace 
of St. Mark, by the reigning duke : his name Avas ITenry 
Dandolo;^^ and he shone in the last period of human life 
as one of tlie most illustrious characters of the times. 
Under the weight of years, and after the loss of his eyes,^^ 
Dandolo retained a sound understanding and a manly cour- 
age : the sj)irit of a hero, ambitious to signalize his reign by 

w The Venetians have bssn slow in writinqj and publishinj; tlieir history. 
Their most ancient nioiiuments are, 1. Tlie rude Chronicle (perhaps) of John 
Sagoriiiinis (Vene/.ia, 1.G5, m oclavo), whh h represens the statt; and manners t)f 
Venice in the year UOS. 2. 'J'he larger history of the doge (134ii-l;'.54), Andrew 
Dandolo, i)ublislied for the lirst time in the xiith torn, of Muratori, A. I>. 1728. 
Tlie History cf Venice by the Abbe Laugier (Paris, 172^), is a work of some merit, 
•which 1 liave chietly used for the constitutional part.* 

•*" Henry Dandolo was eighly-four at his election (A. D. 1102), and ninetj--seven 
at his death (A. D. 120;")). See the Observations of Ducange sur Villcliardojin, 
No. 201. But this extraordinary longevity is not observed by the original writers, 
nor does there exist another example of u hero near a hundred y^ars of age. 
Theophrastns might afford aTi instanc e of a writer of ninety-nine ; but instead of 
ivvevr)Kovri. (Profi.'m. ad Character.), 1 am mncdi inclined to read efibotxriKovTa, with 
his last editor Fischer, and the first thoughts of Casauhon. It is scarcely possible 
that the [lOwers of the mind and body should support themselves till such a period 
of life. 

*i J'he modem Venetians (Laugier. torn. ii. p. 110) accuse the em pemr Manuel ; 
but the columny is refuted by Villchardouin and the older writers, who suppose 
that J>aiidolo loot his eyes by a wound (No, 31, and Ducange). t 

• It is scarcely necessary to mention the valuable work of Count Daru, " His- 
tory de," of wliich I hear that an Italian translation lias been published, 
wit,h notes defensive of the ancient republic. I have not yet seen this work. — M- 

* The accounts differ, both as to the extent and the cause of liis blindness. 
Acatrdin:^ to Vilieliardouin and others, the sight was totally lost ; according to 
tlie Clironicle of Andrew Oandolo (Marat, toni. xii. p. 322), he was visu debilis. 
See Wilken, vol. v. p. H3.— M. 


some memorable exploits ; and the "vvisdom of a patriot, 
anxious to build his fame on the Mory and advantage of his 
countiy. He ])raised the bold enthusiasm and liberal con- 
fidence of the barons and their deputies: in such a cause, 
and with such associates, lie should aspire, were he a 
private man, to terminate his life ; but he was the servant 
of the republic, and some delay was requisite to consult, on 
this arduous business, the judgment of his colleagues. The 
proposal of the French was first debated by the six sages 
who had been recently appointed to control the administra- 
tion of the doge : it was next disclosed to the forty mem- 
bers of the council of state, and finally communicated to the 
legislative assembly of four hundred and fifty representa- 
tives, who were annually chosen m the six quarters of the 
city. In peace and war, the doge was still the chief of the 
republic ; his legal authority was sup])orted by the personal 
rej)utation of Dandolo : his arguments of public interest 
were balanced and ap})roved ; and he was authorized to 
inform the ambassadors of the followiuG; conditions of the 
treaty. ^^ It was pro])osed that the crusaders should assem- 
ble at Venice, on the feast of St. John of the ensuing year ; 
that flat-bottomed vessels should be prepared for four thou- 
sand five hundred horses, and nine thousand squires, with a 
number of ships sufiicient for the embarkation of four thou- 
sand five hundred knights, and twenty thousand foot ; that 
during a term of nine months they should be supjdied Avith 
provisions, and trans])orted to whatsoever coast the service 
of God and Christendom should require ; and that the 
republic should join the arman ent Avith a squadron of fifty 
galleys. It was required, that the pilgrims should pay, 
before their dej^arture, a sum of eighty-five thousand marks 
of silver ; and that all conquests, by sea and land, should 
be equally divided between the confederates. The terms 
were hard ; but the emergency was pressing, and the French 
barons were not less profuse of money than of blood. A 
general assembly was convened to ratify the treaty: the 
stately chapel and place of St. Mark were filled with ten 
thousand citizens ; and the noble de))uties were taught a 
ne\v lesson of humblinGf themselves before tlie maiesty of 
the ])eo])le. " Illustrious Venetians," said the mai'shal of 
Champagne, " Ave ai-e sent by the greatest and most poAverful 
barons of France to implore the aid of the masters of the 
sea for the deliverance of Jerusalem. They have enjoined 

*2 See the original treaty in the Cli)onicle of Andrew Dandolo, pp. 323-326. 


lis to fall ])rostrnte at your feet ; nor will we rise from the 
ground till you have promised to avenc^e with \is the injuries 
of Christ." The eloquence of their words and tears,^^ their 
martial aspect, and su])pliant attitude, were ap})lauded by 
a universal shout ; as it were, says Jeffrey, by the sound of 
an earthquake. The venerable doge ascended the pulpit to 
urge their request by those motives of honor and virtue, 
which alone can be offered to a })opular assembly: the 
treaty was transcribed on parchment, attested with oaths 
and seals, mutually accepted by the weeping and joyful 
representatives of France and Venice ; and despatched to 
Rome for the ap])robation of Pope Innocent the Third. 
Two thousand marks were borrowed of the merchants for 
the fii'st ex]>enses of the armament. Of the six deputies, 
two re])assed the Alps to announce their success, while their 
four cojuj^anions made a fruitless trird of the zeal and emu- 
lation of the republics of Genoa and Pisa. 

The execution of the treaty was still opposed by unfore- 
seen difUculties and delays. The marshal, on his return to 
Troyes, was embraced and approved by Thibaut count of 
Champagne, who had been unanimously chosen general of 
the confederates. But the health of that valiant youth 
already declined, and soon became hopeless : and he de- 
])lored the untimely fate, which condemned him to expire, 
not in a field of battle, but on a bed of sickness. To his 
brave and numerous vassals, the dying ]>rince distributed his 
treasures: they swore in Ids presence to accomplish his 
vow and their own ; but some there were, says the marshal, 
who accepted his gifts and forfeited their word. The more 
resolute champions of the cross held a parliament at Sois- 
sons for the election of a new general ; but such was the 
incapacity, or jealousy, or reluctance, of the princes of 
France, that none could be found both able and willing to 
assume the conduct of the enterprise. They acquiesced in 
in the choice of a stranger, of Boniface marquis of Mont- 
ferrat, descended of a race of heroes, and himself of con- 
spicuous fame in the wars and negotiations of the times:** 
nor could the piety or ambition of the Italian chief decline 

** A reader of Villehardonin m-'st observe the frequent tears of the marshal 
and his brother kuifibts. Sacbi 'Z que la ot inaiiitelerme ploree <le pit <^ (No. 17); 
null iilorant (ibi«l.) ; maiiite lerrne i)loret! (No. .';4) ; si oreiit iimlt pilii'; et plore- 
rent iiiull (liiremeiit (No. r;0); 1 ot niaiiite lerine ploi6e de piti6 (No. 202). They 
weep on every occasion of f^rief, joy, or «lovotioii. 

** Hy a victory (A. D. 1191) over the citizens of Asti, by a crusade to Palestine, 
and bv an euibassv from the pope to the Germau princes. (Muratori, Anuali 
d'ltaJia, torn. x. pp. 163, 202.) 


this honorable invitation. After visitln-^ tlie French court, 
where he was received as a friend and kinsman, the marquis, 
in the churcli of Soissons, was invested Avitli tlie cross of a 
pilgrim and the staff of a general ; and immediately re- 
passed the Alps, to prepare for the distant exj^edition of 
the East. About the festival of the Pentecost he displayed 
his banner, and marched towards Venice at the head of the 
Italians : he was preceded or followed by the counts of 
Flanders and Blois, and the most respectable barons of 
France; and their numbers were swelled by the pilgrims of 
German}^^^ whose object and motives were similar to their 
own. The Venetians had fuliilled, and even surpassed, 
their ens^ao-ements : stables were constructed for the horses, 
and barracks for the trooi)S : the magazines were abundantly 
replenished with forage and provisions : and the fleet of 
transports, ships, and galleys, was ready to hoist sail, as 
soon as the republic had received the price of the freight 
and armament. But that price far exceeded the wealth of 
the crusaders who were assembled at Venice. The Flem- 
ings, whose obedience to their count was voluntary and 
precarious, had embarked in their vessels for the long nav- 
igation of the ocean and Mediterranean ; and many of tlie 
French and Italians had preferred a cheaper and more con- 
venient passage from Marseilles and Apulia to the Holy 
Land. Each pilgrim might conijilain, that after he had 
furnished his own contribution, he was made responsible 
for the deficiency of his absent brethren : the gold and silver 
plate of the chiefs, which they freely delivered to the treas- 
ury of St. Mark, was a generous but inadequate sacrifice; 
and after all their efforts, thii'ty-four thousan<i marks were 
still wanting to complete the stipulated sum. The obstacle 
was removed by the policy and patriotism of the doge, Avho 
proposed to the barons, that if they would join their arms 
in reducing some revolted cities of Dalmatia, he would ex- 
pose his person in the holy war, and obtain from the repub- 
lic a long indulgence, till some wealthy conquest should 
afford the means of satisfying the debt. After much 
scruple and hesitation, they chose rather to accept the offer 
than to relinquish the enterprise; and the first hostilities of 
the fleet and army were directed against Zara,^^ a strong 

*5 See the crusade of the Germans in the Historia C. P. of Gimther (Caiiisii 
Antiq. Lect. torn. iv. p. v.— viii.t, who celebrates tlie pilgrimat^e of his al)bot 
Martin, one of the preacliing rivals of Fulk of Neuilly. iiis monastery, of the 
Cistercian order, was situate in the diocese of Basil. 

*'' Jadera, now Zara, was a Roman colony, which acknowledged Angnsttis for 
its parent. It is now only two milen round, and contains hve or six thousand iu- 


city of tlie Sclavonian coast, wliich had renounced its alle- 
giance to Yenico, an«l implored the protection of the kino^ 
of Hungary.'*" The ci'usaders burst tlie chain or boom of 
the harbor ; landed their horses, troops, and military en- 
gines ; and compelled the inhabitants, after a defence of 
live days, to surrender at discretion : their lives were spared, 
but the revolt was punished by the pillage of their liouses 
and the demolition of their walls. The season was far 
advanced ; the Frencli and Venetians resolved to jjass the 
winter in a secure harbor and plentiful country ; but their 
repose was disturbed by national and tumultuous quarrels 
of the soldiers and mariners. The conquest of Zara had 
scattered the seeds of discord and scandal: the arms of the 
allies had been stained in their outset Avith the blood, not 
of infidels, but of Christians : the kins; of Iluns^arv and his 
new subjects were themselves enlisted under the banner of 
the cross ; and tlie scru])les of the devout Avere magnified 
l)y the fear or lassitude of the reluctant pilgrims. The ])ope 
had excommunicated the false crusadei's who had ])illaged 
and massacred their brethren,^^ and only the marquis Boni- 
face and Simon of Montfort * escaped these spiritual thun- 
ders ; the one by his absence from the siege, the other by 
his final departure from the camp. Innocent might absolve 
the simple and submissive penitents of France ; but he was 
provoked by the stul)born reason of the Venetians, who 
refused to confess their guilt, to accept their ])ardon, or to 
allow, in their temporal concerns, the interposition of a 

The assembly of such formidable j)Owers by sea and land 
had revived the hopes of young ^^ Alexius ; and both at Ven- 

habitants ; but the fortifications are strong, and it is joined to the main land by a 
brid;^e. See the travels of the two companions, Spon and Wheeler (Voyage de 
Oalmatie, de Grece, &c., toni. i. pp. 04-70. Journey into Greece, pp. 8-14) ; the of wljom, by niintaking Stisfi^rfia for Sestertii, values an arch with Blatues 
and columns at twelve pounds. If, in his time, there weie no trees near Zara, the 
cherry trees were not yet planted which produce our incomparable mitrasquin- 

"" Katona (His;. Crili< a Ueg. llungari.c, Stirpis Arpad. torn. iv. pp. .')3G-558) 
coUecls all ihe fads and U'stiraonies most advtrrfe lo the conquerors of Zara. 

^■i See the whole tran^ac.ion, and the Beniiments of the pope, in the Epistles 
of Innocent III. Gesta. c. ?G, 87. 8S. 

" A modern reader i.s surpised to hear of the valet de Constantinnnle, as ap- 
plied to young Alexius, on nccountof his yr)Ulh. like the /)'/n/'.v of S aii',and the 
nnhi'issi'mnft piifr ot the Komans. Tlr; padres anrl va'eta'oi tlie knights were as 
noble a.s themselves (Villebardouin and Ducange, No. 36). 

• Montfort pro'esteil a<?a'nst tlie sie-re. Ouido, the nhhot of Vaux de Sernay, 
in tlie name of the pofte. interdicted the attack on u Christian citv ; ix^^\^\ the im- 
mi^diate surrender of the town was thus delayed for five ds\s of fruithsr* rcpist- 
ance. Wilken, vol. v. p. 107. See likewise, at length, the hi-story of the interdict 
issued by the pope. Ibid. — M. . * 


ice and Zara, he solicited the arms of the crusaders for his 
own restoration and his fatlier's^° deliverance. Tlie royrd 
youth was recommended by Pliilip king of Germany : h-s 
]:)rayers and pi-esence excited the compassion of tlie cam]v, 
and liis cause was embraced and pleaded by tlie marquis li 
Montfei'rat and the doge of Venice. A double alliance, and 
the dignity of Caesar, had connected with the Imjierial 
family the tAvo elder brothers of Boniface :^^ he expected to 
derive a kingdom from the important service ; and the more 
generous ambition of Dandolo was eager to secure the in- 
estimable benefits of trade and dominion that mi^fht accrue 
to his country. ^^ Their influence procured a favorable 
audience for tlie ambassadors of Alexius ; and if the 
magnitude of Iiis offers excited some suspicion, the motives 
and rewards which he displayed might justify the delay and 
di\'ersion of those forces which had been consecrated to the 
deliverance of Jerusalem. He promised in liis own and his 
father's name, that as soon as they should be seated on the 
throne of Constantinople, they would terminate the long 
schism of the Greeks, and submit themselves and their ])eo])le 
to the lawful supremacy of the Roman church. He enscnired 
to recom])ense the labors and merits of the crusaders, by 
the immediate payment of two hundred thousand marks of 
silver; to accompany them in person to Egypt; or, if it 
should be judged more advantageous, to maintain, during a 
year, ten thousand men, and, during his life, five hundred 
kniiijhts, for the service of the Holv Land. These temptingr 
conditions were accepted by the republic of Venice; and 
the eloquence of the doge and marquis persuaded the counts 
of Flanders, Blois, and St. Pol, with eiglit barons of France, 
to join in the glorious enterprise. A treaty of offensive and 
.defensive alliance was confirmed by their oaths and seals ; 

f"^ The emperor Isaac is styled by Yillehardouin, Sarsac (No. 35. Szc.\ which 
may be derived lioni the French Sire, or the Greek Kvp (jcupio?) melted into hia 
proper na lie ; the further corruptions of Tnrsac and C 'iiserac will instruct us 
what license may have been used in the old dynasties of Assyria and Fgypt. 

^1 Reinier and Conrad: the former married Mnria, dnuiihter of the emperor 
Manuel Comnenns; the latter was the luishand of Theodora Angela, sister of the 
emperors Isaac and Alexia-*. Conrad abandoned the Greek court and princess 
fn- the glory of defending Tvre against Saladin (Ducange, Fam. Byzant. pp. 187, 
£0 ). 

-- Nioetas (in Alexio Comneno, 1. iii. c. 9) accuses the dose and Venetians as 
the first authors of the war acraiiist Constantinople, and considers only as a Kv^a 
cTTt Kv/xaTi, the arrival and shameful offers of the royal exile.* 

* He admit=, however, that the Angeli had corr.mitted depredations on the 
Veneliajj trade ; auu the emperor himself had refused the payment of part of s 
stipulated compensiition for the seizure of the Venetian merchandise by the em- 
f)eror Manuel, Xicetas, in loc— M. 


and each iudividual, according to his situation and cliaracter, 
was swayed by tlie lioj)© of i)nblic or 2)rivate advantage ; by 
the lionor of restoring an exiled monarch ; or by llic sincere 
and probable ojnnion, that their efforts in Palestine would 
be fruitless and unavailing, and that the acquisition of 
Constantino])le must precede and ]n-epare the recovery of 
Jerusalem. But they were the chiefs or equals of a valiant 
band of freemen and volunteers, who thought and acted for 
themselves : the soldiers and clergy were divided ; and, if a 
large majority subscribed to the alliance, the numbers and 
arguments of the dissidents were strong and respectable.^^ 
The boldest hearts were appalled by the report of the naval 
power and impregnable strength of Constantinople: and 
their apj^rehensions were disguised to the world, and per- 
liaps to themselves, by the more decent objections of religion 
and duty. They alleged the sanctity of a vow, which had 
drawn them from their families and liomes to the rescue of 
the holy sepulchre; nor should the dark and crooked coun- 
sels of human ])olicy divert them from a pursuit, the event 
of which was in the hands of the Almighty. Their first 
offence, the attack of Zara, had been severely punished by 
the re*')'"oach of their conscience and the censures of the 
pope ; >r would they again imbrue their hands in the blood 
of their fe]l:^w-Christians. The apostle of Rome had pro- 
nounced ; nor would they usurp the right of avenging with 
tlic sword the scliism of the Greeks and the doubtful usur- 
|)ation of the Dyz mtine m.onarch. On these ]>rinci])les or 
pretences, many julgrims, the most distinguished for their 
valor and i)iety, withdrew from the camj); and their retreat 
was less ])ernicious than the open or secret opposition of a 
discontented party, that labored, on every occasion, to 
separate the army and disappoint the enterprise. 

Notwithstanding this defection, the departure of the fleet 
and army was vigorously pressed by the Venetians, whose 
zeal for the service of the royal youth concealed a just resent- 
ment to liis nation and family. They were mortified by the 
rc'cent preference which had been given to Pisa, the rival of 
their tra'le ; tliey had a long arrear of debt and injury to 
liquidate with the Byzantine court ; an<l Dandolo might not 
discourage the po})ular tale, that he had been de]>rived of his 
eyes by tlie emperor Manuel, who pe«-fidiously violated the 

" \'i]lejnrdouiii and Guntlier rfpresent the sentiments of tlie two parties. 
The abbo: Martin left the army at Zara, proceede<l to Pale.-,tine, was sent anioaa- 
sador to Constantinople, and became a reluctant witness of the second siege. 


sanctity of an ambassador. A similar armament, for ages, 
had not rode the Adriatic: it Avas composed of one linndred 
and twenty flat-bottomed vessels ov palanders for the horses ; 
two linndred and forty transports fiiled with men and arras ; 
seventy store ships laden with provisions ; and fifty stout 
galle3^s, well prepared for the encounter of an enemy.^* 
While the wind was favorable, the sky serene, and the water 
smooth, every eye was fixed with wonder and delielit on the 
scene of military and naval pomp which overspread the sea."* 
The shields of the knights and squires, at once an ornament 
and a defence, Avere arranged on cither side of the ships ; the 
banners of the nations and families were displayed from the 
stern ; our modern artillery was supplied by three hundred 
engines for casting stones and darts : tlie fatigues of the way 
were cheered wiili the sound of music ; and the spirits of 
the adventurers were raised by the mutual assurance, that 
forty thousand Cliristian heroes Avere equal to the conquest 
of the Avorld.^^ In the navigation ''''' from Yenice and Zara, 
the fleet was successfully steered by tlie skill ;jnd experience 
of the Venetian pilots : at Durazzo, the confederates first 
landed on the territories of the Greek em])ire: the Isle of 
Corfu afforded a station and repose; they doubled, without 
accident, the ])eriious cape of Malea, the southern point of 
Peloponnesus or the Morea ; made a descent in tlic islands 
of Negro|)ont and Andros; and cast anchor at Abydus on 
tlie Asiatic side of the Hellespont. These j^reludes of con- 
quest Avere easy and bloodless : the Greeks of tiie ])i'OA'inces, 
Avitliout patriotism or courage, Avei-e crushed by an iri-esist- 
ible force : the ])resence of the hiAvful heir might justify their 
obedience ; and it Avas rewarded by the modesty and dis- 
cipline of the Latins. As they ])enetrated through the 
Hellespont, the magnitude of their navy Avas compressed in 
a*narrow channel, and the face of the Avaters Avas darkened 

5< The birth and clisnity of Andrew Dandolo gave him the motive and the 
means of t^earching in the archives of A'enice the niemonible story of liis ances- 
tor. His brevity seems to accnse the copious and more recent narratives of 
Sanndo (in Muratori, Script, llerum Italicarum, tom. xxii.), Blondus, Sabellicus, 
and lUiamnnsins. 

■"■'•> ViUehardonin. No. 62. His feeliiisjs and expressions are ori<iinal : he often 
weep.s. b t he rejoices in the glories and perils of war with a spirit unknown to a 
sedentary writer. 

5'j 111 this voyajje. almost all the geograpliical names are oorrunted bv the 
Latins. Tlie modern appellation of cTialcis. and all Eulxpa. is derived from iis 
FuriptiP!, Erripo, Ncfirl-pn. N grnpont, which dishonors our maps (D'Auville, 
Geographic Ancionne, tom. i- p. 263). 

* Th's description rather belongs to the first setting sail of the expedition from 
Venice, before the siege of Zara. The armament did not return to Venice. — M. 


witli innumerable sails. They again expanded in the basin 
of the Proponlis, and traversed that placid sea, till they 
approached the European shore, at the abbey of St. Stej)hen, 
three leagues to the west of Constantinople. The prudent 
doge dissuaded them from dispersing themselves in a popu- 
lous and hostile land ; and, as their stock of provisions was 
reduced, it was resolved, in tlie season of harvest, to rejilenish 
their store-ships in the fertile islands of the Propontis. With 
this resolution, they directed their course : but a strong g;de, 
and their own impatience, drove them to the eastward ; and 
so near did they run to the shore and the city, that some 
vollevs of stones and darts were exchanc^ed between the shi|)S 
and the rampart. As they ])assed along, they gazed wiih 
admiration on the cajiital of the East, or, as it should seem, 
of the enrth ; rising fi-om her seven hills, and towering over 
the continents of Europe and Asia. The swelling domes 
and lofty spires of five hundred palaces and churches were 
gilded by the sun and reflected in the waters : the walls 
were crowded with soldiers and spectators, whose numbers 
they beheld, of whose temper they were ignorant; and each 
lieart was chilled by the reflection, that, since the beginning 
of the world, such an enter})rise had never been undertaken 
by such a handful of warriors. But the momentary appre- 
liension was dispelled by ho])e and valor ; and every man, 
says the marshal of Champagne, glanced his eye on the 
sword or lance which he must speedily use in the glorious 
conflict.^^ The Latins cast anchor before Clialcedon ; the 
mariners only were left in the vessels : the soldiei's, liorses, 
and arms, were safely landed ; and, in the luxury of an Im- 
perial palace, the barons tasted the fii-st fruits of their suc- 
cess. On the third day, the fleet and army moved towards 
Scutari, the Asiatic suburb of Constantinople : a detachment 
of five hundred Greek horse was surprised and defeated by 
fourscore French knights; and in a halt of nine days, the 
camp was plentifully supplied with forage and provisions. 

In relating the invasion of a great empire, it may seem 
strange that I have not described the obstacles whicth should 
have checked the pi-ogress of the strangei's. The Greeks, 
in truth, were an unwarlike people ; but they were rich, in- 
dustrious, and subject to the will of a single man : had that 
man been capable of fear, when liis enemies were at a dis- 


5^ Et sachiez que il ni ot si hanli ciii le cuer iic f remist (c. 66). . . Cliascuns 
rejrardoit ses amies .... que par terns eii aious inesLier (c. CT). Such is tlie 
honesty of courage. - i 


tance, or of courage, ivhen they apj^roached his person. The 
first minor of liis nephew's alliance with the French and 
Venetians was despised by the nsurper Alexius : his flatter- 
ers |)ersuaded him, that in this contempt he Avas bold and 
sincere ; and each evening, in the close of the, he 
thrice discomfited the Barbarians of the West. These 
Barbarians had been justly terrified by the report of liis 
naval power; and the sixteen hundred fishing boats of Con- 
stantinople^^ could have manned a fleet, to sink them in the 
Adriatic, or stop their entrance in the mouth of the Helles- 
])ont. But all force may be annihilated by the negligence 
of the prince and the venality of his ministers. The great 
duke, or admiral, made a scandalous, almost a public, auc- 
tion of the sails, the masts, and the rigging: the royal 
forests were reserved for tlie more important ])urpose of the 
chase ; and the trees, says Nicetas, were guarded by the 
eunuchs, like the groves of religious worship. ^^ From his 
dream of ])ride, Alexius Avns awakened by the siege of Zara, 
and the rapid advances of the Latins ; as soon as he saw 
the dano'er was real, he thoucjht it ine\itable, and his vain 
])resum])tion was lost in abject des]>ondency and despair. 
He suffered these contemptible Barbarians to jntch their 
camp in the sight of the palace ; and his aj^prehensions 
were thinly disguised by the j^omp and menace of a sup- 
])liant embassy. The sovereign of tlie Romans Avas aston- 
ished (his ambassadors wei-e instructed to say) at the hos- 
tile appearance of the strangers. If these pilgrims were 
sincere in their vow for the deliverance of Jerusalem, his 
voice must appl aid, and his treasures should assist, their 
pious design ; but should they dare to invade the sanctuary 
of empire, their numbers, were they ten times more consid- 
erable, should not protect them from his just resentment. 
Tlie answer of the doge and barons was simple and magnan- 
imous. " In the cause of honor and justice," they said, 
" we despise the usurper of Greece, his threats and his 
offers. Our friendshij) and his allegiance ai-e due to the 
lawful heir, to the young ])rince, who is seated aniong us, 
and to his father the emperor Isaac, wlio has been deprived 
of his sceptre, his freedom, and his eyes, by the crime of an 

58 Eandem urbem pins in solis navibuR pipcatonim abuiidare, quam illos in 

into navigio. Habebat enim niille et sexceiitas piscatorias naves Bel- 

lieas autem sive mercatonne habebant intinitae Diultiiiuliuis et portum lulis- 
simum. Gunther, Hist. C P. c. 8, p. 10. 

^* KaflaTrep (fp-ii' aXtriuiv, mrelv 6e Kai ^eo(f>VTevT*tiv napa^eiaav iifmhovTO tovtwh. 

Klcetas in Alex, Comneuo, 1. iii. c. 9, p. 34S. 


ungrateful brother. Let that brother confess his guilt, and 
im])lore forgiveness, and we ourselves will intercede that he 
may be })erniitted to live in affluence and security. But let 
him not insult us by a second message ; our reply will be 
made in arms, in the palace of Constantinople." 

On the tenth day of their encampment at Scutari, the 
crusaders prepared themselves, as soldiers and as Catholics, 
for the passage of the Bosphorus. Perilous indeed was the 
adventure ; the stream was broad and rapid : in a calm the 
current of the Euxine might drive down the liquid and un- 
extinguishable fires of the Greeks ; and the opposite shores 
of Euro])e were defended by seventy thousand horse and 
foot in formidable arrav. On this memorable dav, which 
hap])ened to be bright and pleasant, the Latins were dis- 
tributed in six battles or divisions; the first, or vanguard, 
was led by tlie count of Flanders, one of the most powerful 
of tlie Christian pi'inces in the skill and number of liis 
crossbows. The four successive battles of the Frencli were 
commanded by liis brother Henry, the counts of St. Pol 
and Blois, and Matthew of Montmoreiici ; the last of whom 
was lionored by the voluntary service of tlie marshal and 
nobles of Champagne. The sixth division, the rear-guard 
nnd reserve of the army, was conducted by tlie Marquis of 
Montferrat, at the head of the Germans and Lombards. 
The clinrgers, saddled, with their long caparisons dragging 
on tlie ground, were embarked in the ^?X palanders ; ^^ and 
the knights stood by tlie side of their horses, in complete 
armor, their lielmets laced, rmd their Innces in their hands. 
Their numerous train of sercjeants^^ ^w(\ archers occupied 
the transports ; and each transport was towed by the 
strength and swiftness of a galley. Tlie six divisions trav- 
ersed the Bosphorus, without encountering an enemy or 
an obstacle ; to land the foremost was tliC wish, to conquer 
or die was the resolution, of every division and of every 
soldier. Jealous of the preeminence of danger, the knights 
in their heavy armor leaped into the sea, when it rose as 

*" From the version of Vigriere I adopt the well-sounding word palancler, which 
is still used, I believe, in the Mediterranean. But had I wiitten in French, I 
should have prefeired the original and exiiressive denomination of vcssk'rs or 
huissiers, I'roni lhe/iM(.s,or door, which was let down as a draw-bridge ; but which, 
at sea, was closed into the sideof theslilp (see Ducange au Villehardouin, No. 14, 
and Joinville, pp. 27,2><, edit, dti Louvre). 

•-1 To avoid the vague exprepsions of followers. &c., I use, after Viiienardouin, 
the word serf/eanfs for all horsemen who were notkni lit;. Tliere were sergeants 
at arms, and seigeants at law ; and if v.e visit the jiarade and W'.stminster Hall, 
we may observe the strange result of the distinction (Ducange, Glossar. Latin, 
Servitntca, &c., torn. vi. pp. 22G-231). 


high as tlieir girdle ; the sergeants and archers were ani- 
mated by tlieir valor; and the squires, letting down the 
draw-bridges of the palanders, led the horses to the shore. 
Before their squadrons could mount, and form, and couch 
their lances, the seventy thousand Greeks had vanislied from 
their sight : the timid Alexius gave the example to liis 
troops ; and it was only by the plunder of his rich pavih'ons 
that the Latins were informed that they had fought against 
an emperor. In the first consternation of the flying enemy, 
they resolved, by a double attack, to open the entrance of 
the liarbor. The tower of Galata,*^^ in the suburb of Pera, 
was attacked and stormed by the French, while the Vene- 
tians assumed the more difficult task of forcinsf the boom or 
chain that was stretched from that tower to the Bvzantine 
shore. After some fruitless attempts, their intrepid perse- 
verance prevailed : twenty ships of war, the relics of the 
Grecian navy, Avere either sunk or taken : the enormous and 
massy links of iron were cut asunder by tlie sheai'S, or bro- 
ken by the weight, o' the galleys ; ^^ and the Venetian fleet, 
safe and triumphant, rode at anchor in the port of Constan- 
tinople. By these daring achievements, a remnant of 
twenty thousand Latins solicited the license of besieging a 
capital wliich contained above four hundred thousand in- 
hal;itants,^^ able, though not willing, to bear arms in de- 
fence of their countrv. Such an account would indeed 
su])pose a population of near two millions ; but whatever 
abatement may be required in the numbers of the Greeks, 
the belief oi those numbers will equally ex;,.lt the fearless 
spirit of their assailants. 

In the choice of the attack, the French and Venetians 
were divided by their habits of life and warfare. The former 
aftirmed with truth, that Constantinople was most accessible 

c2 It is needless to observe, that on the s ibjert of Galata, the chain, etc.. Du- 
cange is accurat-j and full. Consult likewise the proper chapters of the C. P. 
Christiana of the same author. The inhabitants of Galata were so a ain and ig- 
norant, that they applied to themselves St. PauVs epistle to the Galatians. 

^■i The vessel that broke the chain was named the Eagle, jUjiuia (Dandolo, 
Chronicon, p. 322). which Blondus {de Gestis Venet.) has changed Jquilo, 
the north wind. Ducange (Observations, No. ^3) maintains the latter reading: 
but lie had not seen the respectable text of Dar.dolo. nor did he enough con- 
sider the topography of the harbor. The south-east would have been a more ef- 
fectual wind. [Note to Wilken, vol. v. p. 125.] 

ci Quatre cens mil homes ou plus (Villeharduuin, No. 134), must be understood 
of 7??c?i of a military a^je. Le Beau (Hist. duBns Empire, lorn. xx. p. 411) allows 
Constantinople a million of inhabitants, of v.hom C(),Oon horse, and an infinite 
number of foot-soldiers. In its present decav. the c.Mpital of the Ottoman empire 
may contain 400,00a souls (Bell's Travels, vol. ii. pr^. 401. 402^ : but as the Turks 
keep no rerfisters. and as circumstances are fallncious, it is impossible to ascer- 
tain (Niebvilir, Voyage en Arable, torn. i. pp. 18, 19) the real populousiiets of their 


on the side of the sea and the harbor. The latter might 
assert with honor, that the}' had long enough trusted their 
lives and fortunes to a frail bark and a precarious element, 
and loudly demanded a trial of knighthood, a firm ground, 
and a close onset, either on foot or on horseback. After a 
prudent compromise, of employing the two nations by sea 
and land, in the service best suited to their character, the 
fleet covering the army, they both proceeded from the en- 
trance to the extremity of the harbor : the stone bridge of 
the river was hastily repaired; and the six battles of the 
French formed their encampment against the front of tlie 
capital, tlie basis of the ti'iangle which runs about four miles 
from the port to the Propontis.^^ On the edge of a broad 
ditch, at the foot of a lofty rampart, they had leisure to con- 
template the difficulties of their enterprise. The gates to the 
right and left of their narrow camp poured forth frequent 
sallies of cavalry and lio;]it-infantry, wliich cut off their strag- 
glers, swept the country of j^rovisions, sounded the alarm 
five or six times in the course of each day, and compelled 
them to plant a palisade, and sink an intrenchment, for their 
immediate safety- In the su|)])lies and convoys the Vene- 
tians had been too spai-ing, or the Franks too voracious : the 
usual complaints of hunger and scarcity were lieard, and per- 
haps felt: their stock of flour would be exhausted in three 
weeks; and their disgust of salt meat tempted them to taste 
the flesh of their horses. The trembling usurper was sup- 
ported by Theodore Lascaris, liis son-in-law, a valiant youth, 
who as])ired to save and to rule his country ; the Greeks, re- 
gardless of that country, were awakened to tlie defence of 
their religion ; but their firmest hope was in the strength 
and spirit of the Varangian guards, of tlie Danes and Eng- 
lish, as they are named in the writers of the times.^^ After 
tan days' incessant labor, the ground was levelled, the ditch 
filled, the approaches of the besiegers were regularly made, 
and two hundred and fiftv eni^ines of assault exercised their 
various powers to clear the rampart, to batter the walls, and 
to sap the foundations. On tlie first appearance of a breach, 
the scaling-ladders were applied: the numbers that defended 

«5 On the most correct plans of Constantinople, 1 know not how to measure 
more than 400rt ])aces. Yet Villehardouin <iompute3 the epace at three lea^uea 
(No. 8G). If his eye were not deceived, he must reckon by the old Gallic league 
of 1500 paces, which niifrht etill be used in Champa-rne. 

65 The guards, the Varangi, are styled by Villehardouin CNo, HO, 05, &c.\ En- 
glois et Danois avec leuis haches. Whatever had been thrir origin, a French 
pilfjrim could not be mistaken in the nations of which they were at that time 

Vol. v.— 10 


the vantage ground repulsed and oppressed the adventurous 
Latins; but they admii-ed the resohition of fifteen knights 
and sergeants, who had gained the ascent, and ni;iintained 
their perilous station till they were precipitated or made 
prisoners by the Imperial guards. On the side of the har- 
bor the naval attack was more successfully conducted by the 
Venetians; and that industrious people employed every re- 
source that was known and practised befoi'e the invention of 
gunpowder. A double line, three bow-shots in front, was 
formed by the galleys and ships; and the swift motion of 
the former was supported by the weight and loftiness of the 
latter, whose decks, and poops, and turret, were the platforms 
of military engines, that discharged their shot over the heads 
of the first line. The soldiers, who leaped from the galleys 
on shore, immediately planted and ascended their scaling- 
ladders, while the large ships, advancing more slowly into the 
intervals, and lowering a draw-bridge, opened a way through 
the air from their masts to the rampart. In the midst of the 
conflict, the doge, a venerable and conspicuous form, stood 
aloft in complete armor on the prow of his galley. The 
great standard of St. Mark was displayed before him; his 
threats, promises, and exhortations, urged the diligence of 
the rowers ; his vessel was the first that struck ; and Dandolo 
was the first warrior on the shore. The nations admired the 
magnanimity of the blind old man, without reflecting that his 
age and infirmities diminished the price of life, and enhanced 
the value of immortal glory. On a sudden, by an invisible 
liand (for the standard-bearer wns probably slain), the banner 
of the republic was fixed on the rampart : twenty-five towers 
were rapidly occupied ; and, by the cruel expedient of fire, 
the Greeks were driven from the adjacent quarter. The 
doge had despatched the intelligence of his success, when 
he was checked by the danger of his confederates. Nobly 
declaring that he would rather die with the pilgrims than 
gain a victory by their destruction, Dandolo relinquished his 
advantage, recalled his troops, and hastened to the scene of 
action. He found the six weary diminutive battles of the 
French encompassed by sixty squadrons of the Greek cav- 
alry, the least of Avhich was more numerous than the largest 
of tlieir divisions. Shan)e and des|)air had provoked Alex- 
ius to the last effort of a general sally ; but he was aAved by 
the firm order and manty aspect of the Latins; and, after 
skirmishing at a distance, withdrew his troops in the close 
of the evening. The silence or tumult of the night exasper- 


ated liis fears; and the timid usurper, collecting a treasure 
of ten tliousand pounds of gold, basely deserted his wife. 
Ills people, and liis fortune; threw liiniself into a bark; stole 
through the Bosphoriis ; and landed in shameful safety in 
an obscure h<arbor of Thrace. As soon as they were apprized 
of his flight, the Greek nobles sought pardon and peace in 
the dungeon where the blind Isaac expected each hour the 
A'isit of the executioner. Again saved and exalted by the 
vicissitudes of fortune, the captive in his Imperial robes was 
replaced on the throne, and surrounded with prostrate 
slaves, whose real terror and affected joy he was inca])able 
of discerning. At the dawn of day, hostilities were sus- 
]iended, and the Latin cliiefs were surprised by a message 
from the lawful and reigning emperor, who was impatient 
to embrace his son, and to reward his generous deliverers.*"^ 
But these generous delixerers wei-e unwilling to release 
their hostage, till they had obtained from liis father the pay- 
ment, or at least the promise, of their recompense. They 
chose four ambassadors, Matthew of Montmorency, our his- 
torian the marshal of Champagne, and two Venetians, to con- 
gratulate the emperor. The gates were thrown open on their 
approach, the streets on both sides were lined with the bat- 
tle-axes of the Danish and English guard : the presence- 
chamber glittered with gold and jewels, the false substitutes 
of virtue and power: by the side of the blind Isaac his wife 
was seated, the sister of the king of Hungary : and by her 
appearance, the noble matrons of Greece were drawn from 
their domestic rearement, and mingled with the circle of 
senators and soldiers. The Latins, by the mouth of the mar- 
shal, spoke like men conscious of their merits, but who re- 
s])ected the work of their own hands ; and the emperor 
clearly understood, that his son's engagements with Venice 
and the pilgrims must be ratified without hesitation or de- 
lay. Withdrawing into a private chamber with the empress, 
a chamberlain, an inter2:)reter, ard the four ambassadors, the 
father of young Alexius inquired with some anxiety into the 
nature of his stipulations. The submission of the Eastern 
empire to the po])e, the succor of the Holy Land, and a pres- 
ent contribution of two hundred thousand marks of silver. — 

" For the firnt siege and conquest of Constantinople, we may read the original 
lettei- of tlie crufejideis to liuiocent 111.,,c. (>i,pp.53u, ."34. Villehai(louii>, 
No. 75-99. Nicelas, in A\e\io ( oinnen. 1- iii. c. 1(», pp. ?A0-?>^2. JJandolo. in 
Chroi. p. 322. Guntlier, and liis abbot Martin, were not yet retnrned from tlieir 
obstinate pilfrrimajie to Jerusalem, or St. John d'Acre, where the greatest part of 
the company had died of the plague. 


"Tliese conditions are weighty," was his prudent reply; 
"they are liard to accept, and difficult to perform. But no 
conditions can exceed the measure of your services and de- 
serts." After this satisfactory assurance, the barons mounted 
on horseback, and introduced the heir of Constantinople to 
the city and palace ; his youth and marvellous adventures 
engaged every heart in his favor, and Alexius was solemnly 
crowned with his father in the dome of St. Sophia. In the 
first days of his reign, the people, already blessed with the 
restoration of plenty and peace, was delighted by the joyful 
catastrophe of the tragedy; and the discontent of the nobles, 
their regret, and their fears, were covered by the polished 
surface of pleasure and loyalty. The mixture of two dis- 
cordant nations in tlie same capital might have been preg- 
nant with mischief and danger; and the suburb of Galata, 
or Pera, was assigned for the quarters of the French and 
Venetians. But the liberty of trade and familiar inter- 
course was allowed between the friendly nations : and each 
day the pilgrims were tempted by devotion or curiosity to 
visit the churches and palaces of Constantinople. Their 
rude minds, insensible perhaps of the finer arts, were aston- 
ished by the magnificent scenery : and the poverty of their 
native towns enhanced the populousness and riches of the 
first metropolis of Christendom.^^ Descending from his 
state, young Alexius was prompted by interest and grati- 
tude to repeat his frequent and familiar visits to his Latin 
allies ; and in the freedom of the table, the gay petulance 
of the French sometimes forgot tlie emneror of tlie East.^^ 
In their most serious conferences, it was agreed, that the 
reunion of the two churches must be the result of patience 
and time; but avarice av as less tractable than zeal; and a 
large sum Avas instantly disbursed to appease the wants, and 
silence the importunity, of the crusaders.''^ Alexius was 
alarmed by the apj^roaching hour of their departure : their 
absence might have relieved him from the engagement 

^^ Compare, in the rude energy of Villehardouin (No. 66, 100), the inside and 
outside views of Constantinople, and their impression on tlie minds of the pil- 
grims : cette ville (says he) que de toutes les autre.-; ere souveraine. See the par- 
allel passages of FulcheriusCarnot«nsis, Hist. Ilierosol. 1. i. c. 4, and Will. Tyr. 
ii. 3, XX. 2G. 

6J As thev played at dice, the Latins took off his diadem, and clapped on his 

head a woollen or hairy cap, t6 /me ayo—pe—^.<; Kal TrayKAeiaToy KaTeppvTTaiucu ai'Ofia 

(Nicetas, p. ^58). If these merry companions were Venetians, it was the inso- 
lence of trade and a commonwealth. 

■^ Villehardouin, No. 101. Dandolo, p. 322. The doge affirms, that the Vene- 
tians were paid more slowly than the French ; but he owns, that the histories of 
the two nations differed on that subject. Had he read Villeiiardouin ? The 
Greeks complained, however, ciuod t^tius Grjpcine opes transtulisset (Guuther, 
Hist. C. P. c. 13). See the lamentations and invectives of Nicetas (p. 355). 


which he was yet incnpable of performing; but his friends 
would liave left him, naked and alone, to the caprice and 
prejudice of a perfidious nation. He wished to bribe their 
stay, the delay of a year, by undertaking to defray their 
expense, and to satisfy, in their name, the freight of the Ve- 
netian vessels. The offer was agitated in the council of the 
barons ; and, after a repetition of their debates and scruples, 
a majoi'ity of votes again acquiesced in the advice of the 
doge and the prayer of the young em])eror. At the price 
of sixteen hundred pounds of gold, lie prevailed on the mar- 
quis of Montfcrrat to lead him with an army round, the 
provinces of Europe; to establish his authority, and pursue 
his uncle, while Constantinople was awed by the presence 
of Baldwiu and his confederates of France and Flanders. 
Tiie ex])edition was successful : the blind emperor exulted 
in the success of his arms, and listened to the predictions of 
his flatterers, that the same Providence which had raised 
him from the dungeon to the throne, would heal his gout, 
restore his sight, and watch over the long prosperity of his 
reign. Yet the mind of the suspicious old man was tor- 
mented by the rising glories of his son ; nor could his pride 
conceal from his envy, that, while his own name was pro- 
nounced in faint and reluctant acclamations, the royal youth 
was the theme of spontaneous and universal praise.'^^ 

By the recent invasion, the Greeks were awakened from 
a dream of nine centuries ; from the vain presumption that 
the capital of the Roman empire was impregnable to for- 
eimi arms. The stranjxers of the West had violated the 
city, and bestowed the sceptre, of Constantine: their Im- 
perial clients soon became as unpopular as themselves : the 
'well-known vices of Isaac were rendered still more con- 
temptible by his infirmities, and the young Alexius was 
hated as an apostate, who had renounced the manners and 
religion of his coun^try. His secret covenant with the Latins 
was divulged or suspected ; the people, and especially the 
clergy, were devoutly attached to their faith and supersti- 
tion ; and every convent, and every shop, resounded Avith 
the danger of the church and the tyranny of the pope."^"^ An 

71 Tlie reA^n of Alexius Comncnns ooonpies three books in Nicetas, pp. 291- 
352. The short restoration of Isaac and liis son is despatched in five chapters, pp, 

'•- When Nicetas reproaches Alexins for his impious league, he bestows the 
harshest names on the pope's i\ew rohiiicm, fj-el^of Kal aronuiTaroi' 

napeKTponriu ni.(TT€io<; . , . Ttov rov UaTra npovoixidjv Kaiviaixov .... fj era- 
Berriv T€ Ka\ (i.fTanoiy](Tiv ro>v ira\oiMV 'PofjuaioK; e'(9d>i'(p. 318J. Such VVaS the sincere 

language of every Greek to the last gasp of the emjnre. 


empty treasury could ill supply the demands of rega^ luxury 
and foreign extortion : the Greeks refused to avert, by a 
general tax, the impending evils of servitude and pillage; 
the oppression of the rich excited a more dangerous and 
personal resentment; and if the emperor melted the plate, 
and despoiled the images, of the sanctuary, he seemed to 
justify the complaints of heresy and sacrilege. During the 
absence of Marquis Bonifiice and his Imperi .1 pupil, Con- 
stantinople was visited with a calamity which might be justly 
imputed to the zeal and indiscretion of tlie Flemish pil- 
grims.'^^ In one of their visits to the city, they were scan- 
dalized by the aspect of a mosque or synagogue, in v.hich 
one God was worshipped, without a partner or a son. Their 
effectual mode of controversy was to attack the infidels with 
the sword, and their habitation with fire : but tlie infidels, 
and some Christian neiglibors, presumed to defend their 
lives and properties; and the flames wliich bigotry had kin- 
dled, consumed the most orthodox and innocent structures. 
During eight days and nights, tlie conflagration spread above 
a league in front, from the harbor to tlie Propontis, over 
the thickest and most populous regions of the city. It is 
not easy to count the stately churches and palaces that were 
reduced to a smoking ruin, to value the merchandise that 
perished in tlie trading streets, or to number the families 
that were involved in the common destruction. Bv this 
outrage, which the doge and the barons in vain affected to 
disclaim, the name of the Latins became still more unpop- 
ular; and the colony of that nation, above fifteen thousand 
persons, consulted their safety in a hasty retreat from the 
city to the protection of their standard in the suburb of 
Pera. Tlie emperor returned in triumph ; but the firmest 
and most dexterous policy would have been insufticient to 
steer him through the tempest, which overwhelmed the per- 
son and government of that unhappy youth. His own in- 
clination, and his father's advice, attached him to his bene- 
factors; but Alexius hesitated between gratitude and 
patriotism, between the fear of his subjects and of his 
allies.'^* By his feeble and fluctuating conduct he lost the 
esteem and confidence of both ; and, while he invited the 

" Nieetas (p. 355) is positive in the charge, and specifies the Fleniiiips (^Aaat'ore?) 
though he is wi'Oiig in supposing it an ancient name. V'illehaidouin (No. 107) 
exculpates the barons, and is ignorant (perhaps affectedly ignorant) of the nameii 
of the guilty. 

'•* Compare the suspicions and complaints of Nieetas (pp. 359—362) with the 
hlunt charges of Baldwi-i of Flanders (Gesta Innocent III., c. 92, p. 534), cum 
patriareba et mole uobilium, nobis proraissis perjurus et moudax. 


marquis of Montferrat to occupy the palace, lie suffered the 
nobles to conspire, and tlie people to arm, for the deliver- 
ance of their country. Regardless of his painful situation, 
the Latin chiefs repeated their demands, resented his delays, 
suspected his intentions, and exacted a decisive answer of 
peace or war. Tlie haughty summons was delivered by 
three French knights and three Venetian deputies, who 
girded tlieir swords, mounted their horses, pierced througli 
the angry multitude, and entered, with a fearless counte- 
nance, the palace and presence of the Greek emperor. In a 
peremptory tone, they recapitulated their services and his 
engagements ; and boldly declared, tliat unless their just 
claims were fully and immediately satisfied, they should no 
longer hold him either as a sovereign or a friend. After 
this defiance, the first tliat had ever wounded an Imperial 
ear, they depai'ted witliout betraying any symptoms of fear; 
but their escape from a servile palace and a furious city 
astonislied the ambassadors themselves; and their return to 
the camp was tlie signal of mutual hostility. 

Among the Greeks, all authority and wisdom were over- 
borne by the impetuous multitude, who mistook their rage 
for valor, their numbers for strength, and their fanaticism 
for the support and inspiration of Heaven. In the eyes of 
both nations Alexius was false and contemptible; the base 
and spurious race of the Aiigeli was rejected with clamor- 
ous disdain ; and the ])eo])le of Constantinople encompassed 
the senate, to demand at tlieir hands a more worthy em- 
peror. To every senator, conspicuous by liis birth or dignity, 
they successively presented the purple: by each senator the 
deadly garment was rej)ulsed: the contest lasted three days ; 
and we may learn from the historian Nicetas, one of the 
members of the assembly, that fear and weakness w^ere 
the guardians of tlieir loyalty. A phantom, who vanished 
in oblivion, was forcibly proclaimed by the crowd : '" but 
the author of the tumult, and the leader of the war, Avas a 
prince of the house of Ducas; and liis common apj)ellation 
of Alexius must be discriminated by the ej)ithet of Mour- 
zoiifie,"^ which in the vulgar idiom expressed the close junc- 
tion of his black and shaggy eyebrows. At once a patriot 
and a courtier, the ])erfidious Mourzoufle, who wasnot desti- 

^5 His name was Nicholas Cauabus : be deserved the praise of Nicetas and the 
vengeance of Mourzoiifle (j). 3G2). 

•■^ Villehardo liu (No. HO) speaks of liim as a favorite, without knowing that 
he was a prince of the llood, Angclus and J)itcas. Ducanrje, who pries into every 
corner, bclicvos hin to be the sou of Isaac Ducas Scbastocrator, and second 
cousiu of young Alexius. 


tute of cunning and courage, opposed the Latins both in 
speech and action, inflamed the passions and prejudices of 
the Greeks, and insinuated himself into the favor and con- 
fidence of Alexius, who trusted him Avith the office of great 
chamberlain, and tinged his buskins with the colors of 
royalty. At tlie dead of night, he rushed into tlie bed- 
chamber with an affrighted aspect, exclaiming, that the 
palace wna attacked by the people and betrayed by the 
guards. Starting from his couch, the unsuspecting prince 
threw himself mto the arms of his enemy, Avho had con- 
trived his escape by a private staircase. But that staircase 
terminated in a prison : Alexius was seized, stripped, and 
loaded with chains ; and, after tasting some days the bitter- 
ness of death, he Avas poisoned, or strangled, or beaten with 
clubs, at the command, or in the presence, of the tyrant. 
The emperor Isaac Angelus soon followed his son to the 
grave ; and Mourzoufle, perhaps, might sj^are the superflu- 
ous crime of hastening the extinction of impotence and 

The death of the emperors, and the usurpation of Mour- 
zoufle, had changed the nature of the quarrel. It was no 
lon2:er the disa2:i'eement of allies who overvalued their ser- 
vices, or neglected their obligations: the French and Vene- 
tians forgot their complaints against Alexius, dropped a 
tear on the untimely fate of their companion, and swore 
revenge against the perfidious nation who had crowned his 
assassin. Yet the prudent doge was still inclined to nego- 
tiate : he asked as a debt, a subsidy, or a fine, fifty thousand 
pounds of gold, about two millions sterling; nor would the 
conference have been abruptly broken, if the zeal, or policy, 
of Mourzoufle had not refused to sacrifice the Greek church 
to the safety of the state.'^ Amidst the invectives of his 
foreign and domestic enemies, we may discern, that he was 
not unworthy of the character which he had assumed, of the 
public champion : the second siege of Constantinople was 
far more laborious than the first ; the treasury was replen- 
ished, and disci])line was restored, by a severe inquisition 
into the abuses of the former reign ; and Mourzoufle, an iron 
mace in his hand, visiting the posts, and affecting the port 
and aspect of a Avarrior, was an obj- c' of terror to bis sol- 

'''' Tliis negotiation, probable in itself, and attested by Nicetas (p. 365), is 
omitted as scandalous by the delicacy of Dandolo antl Yillebardouin.* 

* Wilken places it before the death of Alexius, vol. v. p. 276. — M. 


diers, at least, and to liis kinsmen. Before and after the 
death of Alexins, the Greeks made two vigorous and well- 
conducted attempts to burn the navy in the harbor ; but 
the skill and courage of the Venetians repulsed the fire- 
ships; and the vagrant flames wasted themselves ^^itllout 
injury in the sea.''* In a nocturnal sally the Greek enu 
peror was vanquished by Henry, brother of the count of 
Flanders: the advantages of number and surprise ag- 
gravated the shame of his defeat: his buckler was found 
on the field of battle; and the Imj)erial standard,''^ a divine 
image of the Virgin, was presented, as a trophy and a 
relic, to the Cistercian monks, the disciples of St. Bernard. 
Near three months, without excepting the holy season of 
Lent, were consumed in skirmishes and pre])aiations, be- 
fore the Latins were ready or resolved for a general as- 
sault. The land fortifications had been found impregnable; 
and the Venetian })ilots rejn-esented, that, on the shore of 
the Propontis, the anchorage was nnsafe, and the sliips 
must be driven by the current far away to the straits of 
the Hellespont ; a ]>rosj)ect not nnpleasing to the reluctant 
pilgrims, who sought every o])port unity of breaking the 
army. From the harbor, therefoi'e, the assault was deter- 
mined by the assailants, and expected by the besieged ; and 
the emperor had placed his scai"let pavilions on a neigh- 
boring height, to direct and animate the efforts of his 
troops. A fearless spectator, whose mind could entertain 
the ideas of pomp and pleasure, might have admii*ed the 
long array of two embattled armies, which extended above 
half a league, the one on the shi])s and galleys, tlie other 
on the walls and towers raised above the ordinary level 
by several stages of wooden turrets. Their first fury was 
spent m the discharge of darts, stones, and fire, from 
the engines ; but the Avater was deep ; the French were 
bold ; the Venetians were skilful ; they a])proached the 
walls; and a desperate conflict of swords, spears, and battle- 
axes, Avas fought on the trembling bridges that gra])])led 
the floating, to the stable, batteries. In more than a hun- 
dred ])laces, the assault was urged, and the defence was sus- 
tained ; till the superiority of ground and numbers finally 

" Baldwin mentions hotli attpnipts to lire tiic fleet (Hest. c. 92, pp. 534, 535); 
Till lianlouin (No. li;{-ll.'S")oiily des<nbes tlie fir-t. It is remarkable that neither 
of tlicse warriors observes any pecnliar properties in the Greek lire. 

'''■> Duoannre (No. 110) pour> foith a torreiit of ioaruing on the Govfannn Jmr' 
peria/. TJiis banner of the Virgin is sliown at Venice as a tropliy and relic : if it 
De genuine, the pious doge must have cheated the monks of Cit«aux. 


prevailed, and the Latin trumpets sounded a retreat. On 
the ensuing' days, the attack was renewed with equal vigor, 
and a similar event; and, in the niglit, tlie doge and the 
barons held a council, apprehensive only for the public dan- 
ger: not a voice pronounced the words of escape or treaty; 
and each warrior, according to his temper, embraced the 
hope of victory, or the assurance of a glorious death. ^° By 
the experience of the former siege, the Greeks were in- 
structed, but the Latins were animated ; and the knowledge 
that Constai>tinople might be taken, was of more avail than 
the local precautions which th it knowledge had inspired 
for its defence. In the third assault, two ships were linked 
tojrether to double their streii<2:th ; a strouGf north wind 
drove them on the shore; tlie bishops of Troyes and Sois- 
sons led the van ; and tl e a ispicious names of the Pilgrim 
and the Paradise resounded along the line.^^ The episcopal 
banners were displayed on the walls : a hundred marks of 
silver had been promised to the first adventurers ; and if 
their reward was intercepted by death, their names have 
been immortalized by fame.* Four towers were scaled ; 
three gates were burst open ; and the French knights, who 
might tremble on the weaves, felt themselves invincible on 
horseback on the solid ground. Shall I relate that the 
thousands who guarded the emperor's person fled on the 
approach, and before the lance, of a single Avarrior? Their 
ignominious flight is attested by their countryman Nicetas; 
an army of phantoms marched with the French hero, and 
he was magnified to a giant in the eyes of the Greeks. ^'-^ 
While the fugitives deserted their posts and cast away their 
arms, the Latins entered the city under the banners of their 
leaders: the streets and gates opened for their passage; 
and either design or accident kindled a third conflagration, 
which consumed in a few hours the measure of three of 

80 Villehardouin (No. 126) confesses, that mult ere grant peril ; and Guntherus 
(Hist. C. P. c. 13) attirnis, that nulla spes victorias arridere poterat. Yet the knight 
despises those who tliought of flight, and the monk praises his countrymen who 
were resolved on dr'atli. 

«' Baldwin, and all the writers, honor the names of those two galleys, felici 

"^ With an allusion to Homer, Nicetas calls him ei/t'eopYvio?, nine orgyae. or 
eighteen yards high, a stature which would, in.leed, have excused the terror of 
the Greeks. On this occasion, the historian seems fonder of the marvellous, than 
of his country, or perhaps of truth. Baldwin exclaims in the words of the psalm- 
ist, persequitur uiius ex nobis centum alienos. 

* Pietro Albert!, a Venetian noble, and Andrew d' Amboise, a French knight. 
— M, 


the larsccst cities of France.^^ In the close of evenino; the 
barons checked tlicir troops and fortilied their stations : 
they were awed by tlie extent and ])0]ndousness of tlie cap- 
ital, which miglit yet require the labor of a month, if 
the churches and y)alaces were conscious of their internal 
strength. But in the morning, a suppliant procession, with 
crosses and images, announced the submission of the Greeks, 
and deprecated the wrath of the conquerors : the usurper 
escaped through the golden gate: the palaces of Blach- 
e:-na3 and Boucoleon Avere occujued by the count of Flan- 
ders and the marquis of Montferrat ; and the empire, Avhich 
still bore the name of Con stan tine, and the title of Roman, 
was subverted by the arms of the Latin pilgrims.^'* 

Constantinople had been taken by storm ; and no re- 
straints, except those of religion and humanity, Avere im- 
posed on the conquerors by the laws of Avar. Boniface, 
marquis of Montferrat, stdl acted as their general ; and the 
Greeks, Avho revered his name as that of their future soa'- 
ereign, Avere heard to exclann in a lamentable tone, "Holy 
marquis-king, have mercy upon us ! " His prudence or com- 
passion opened the gates of the city to the fugitives; and 
he exhorted the soldiers of the cross to spare the lives of 
their fellow-Christians. The streams of blood that flowed 
down the i)aaes of Kicetas may be reduced to the slau2:hter 
of two thousand of his unresisting countrymen ; ^^ and the 
greater part Avas massacred, not by the strangers, but by the 
Latins, avIio had been driven from the city, and Avlio exer- 
cised the revenge of a triumphant faction. Yet of tliese 
exiles, some were less mindful of injuries than of benefits; 
and Nicetas himself Avas indebted for liis safety to the 
generosity of a Venetian merchant. Pope Linocent the 
Third accuses the pilgrims of rcsi)ecting, in their lust, 
neither age nor sex, nor religious profession ; and bitterly 
laments that the deeds of darkness, fornication, adultery, 
and incest, were perpetrated in open day; and that no- 

" A^illehardonin (No. 130) is ajrain icmorant of llir; authors of this more legiti- 
mate lire, wliicli is ascribed by Guiilher to a quidam conies Teutonicus (c. 14). 
They seem ashamed, tlie inceiicliaries ! 

*^ For the second siege and conquest of Constantinople, see A'iUehardouin (No. 
113-132), Baldwin's lid Epistle to Innocent III. (Gesta, <: U2, pp. 534-537), with the 
V'hole reign of Mourzoi;fle,ln Nicetas (pp. 303-375) , and borrow some hints from 
Paiidolo (Chron. A>net. pp. 323-3-0) and r4unther (Hist. C. P. c. 14-lP), who add 
the decorations of prophecy and vision. The former produces an ora'^lc of the 
Erytlirrran sibvl, of a great armament on the Adriatic, under a blind chief, 
against Bv/.antium. <%^c. Curious enoutrh. were the prrdi^tion anterior to the fact. 

'•'' Ceciderunt tamen eA die civium quasi duo mi'lia. ^'c. (Gunther. c. 1>*). 
Arithmetic is an excellent touchstone to try the amplifications oi passion and 


ble matrons and holy nuns Aveve poUutocI by the grooms 
and peasants of tlie Catholic camp.^^ It is indeed prob- 
able that the license of victory prompted and covered a 
multitude of sins: but it is certain, that the capital of the 
East contained a stock of venal or willing beauty, suflicient 
to satiate the desires of twenty thousand pilgrims; and fe- 
male ]:)risoners were no longer subject to the right or abuse 
of domestic slavery. The marquis of Montferrat was the 
patron of disciphne and decency ; the count of Flanders 
was th.e mirror of chastity : they had forbidden, under pam 
of death, the rape of married women, or virgins, or nuns ; 
and the proclamation was sometimes invoked by the van- 
quished ^" and respected by the victors. Their cruelty and 
lust were moderated by the authority of the chiefs, and 
feelings of the soldiers ; for we are no longer describing an 
irru]>tion of the northern savages; and however ferocious 
they might still appear, time, ])olicy, and religion had civ- 
ilized the manners of the French, and still more of the Ital- 
ians. But a free scope was allowed to their avarice, wliich 
was glutted even in the holy week, by the pillage of Con- 
stantinople. The right of victory, unshackled by any prom- 
ise or treaty, had confiscated the public and private wealth 
of the Greeks ; and every hand, according to its size and 
strenirth, niio'ht lawfully execute the sentence and seize the 
forfeiture. A portable raid universal standard of exchange 
was found in the coined and uncoined metals of gold and 
silver, which each captor, at home or abroad, might convert 
into the possessions most suitable to his tem]ier and situation. 
Of the treasures, which trade and luxury had accumulated, 
the silks, velvets, furs, the gems, spices, and rich movables, 
Avere the most precious, as they could not be procured for 
money in the ruder countries of Europe. An order of ra- 
])ine was instituted; nor Avas the share of each individual 
abandoned to industry or chance. Under the tremendous 
penalties of perjury, excommunication, and death, the 
Latins were bound to deliver their ])lunder into the com- 
mon stock : three churches were selected for the dej)Osit 
and distribution of the spoil : a single share was allotted to 


Quidam (savs Iiniocent TTl.. Gesta, c. 04, p. 538> nee religioni, nee jRtati, nee 
sexui nepercernnt • sed for7iieationes, adulteria. et incestua in oeulis omnium 
exerrentes non solum niantatns et vidnus, ^ed et niatronas et virgines Deoque 
dKatns. exposueruntspurcitiisgarcionuui. Villeharduum laktsno notice ot these 

common iiifidents. ... _„„. , „„i 

»^ Nicetas saved, and afterwards mained. a nobie virgin (p. 380) whom a sol- 
dier, cTTi laapTueri ttoAAoi? bi'7]6bi'e7rt/3pajMa.M€i'os. liad almost Violated in spite of the 


a foot-soldier ; two for a sergeant on liorseback ; four to a 
knight : and larger proportions according to the i-ank and 
merit of the barons and princes. For violating this sacred 
en^^af^einent, a kni<dit beloniifins: to tlie count of St. Paul 
was hanged with his shield and coat of arms round his 
neck; his example might render pimihir offenders more 
artful and discreet; but avarice was more powerful than 
fear; and it is generally believed, that the secret far ex- 
ceeded the acknowledged plunder. Yet tiie mngnitude of 
the prize surpassed the largest scale of experience or expec- 
tation.^^ After the wdiole had been equally divided between 
the Fi-ench and Venetians, fifty thousand marks were de- 
ducted to satisfv the debts of the former and the demands 
of the latter. The residue of the French amounted to four 
hundred thousand marks of silver,^^ aljout eight hundred 
thousand ])ounds sterling ; nor can I better ap])reciate the 
value of that sum in the ])ublic and private transactions of 
the ao'o, than bv delinino: it as seven times the annual rev- 
enue of the kinoxlom of EnMand.^'^ 

In this great revolution we enjoy the singular felicity of 
comparing the narratives of Villehardouin and Nicetas, the 
opposite feelings of the marshal of Champagne and the 
Byzantine senator.'-*^ At the first view it should seem that 
the wealth of Constantino])le was only transferred from one 
nation to another; and that the loss ard sorrow of the Greeks 
is exactly balanced by the joy and advantage of the Latins. 
But in the miserable account of war, the gain is never 
equivalent to the loss, the pleasure to the pain ; the smiles of 
the Latins were transient and fallacious ; the Greeks forever 
wept over the ruins of their country ; and their real 
calamities were aggravated by sacrilege and mockery. 
What benefits accrued to the conquerors from the three 
fires which annihilated so vast a i)ortion of the buildings and 

83 Of the general mass of wealth. Gunther ohseivcp, ut de paupeiibus et ad- 
veiiiscives ditissiiui redderent,ur(Hist. C. 1*. c. lb); ^'illcliiirdoT.iu (No. lo2), that 
Bince tlie cieiitioii, ii;; f u tuiit paaigiiie dar..s luie ville ; Baldwin (Gesta, c. U2), ut 
tantnin toLa iiou videatur possiderc Laliiiilas. 

»•' Villeliardouiii, No. l.'i.'MiJ.i. Inslead f»f 100,000, there is a various reading of 
500,000. The Venetians had ofTercd to lake the ^vhole booty, ; ]:vl to give '100 
marks to e;ieh knight, 200 to eaoh priest and horsemaii, and 100 to each foot- 
Boldier : tliiv would ha\ e been great losers (Le Bean, Hist, du Bas I nipire, torn. 
XX. p. ">)">. i know not from whence). 

y-At the eouneil of Lvons (A 1). 124.") theEngli.'^h ambassadors stated the 
revenue of thi crown as below that of the foreign cle-fv, v,hi(li aiv.ounted to 
60.000 marks a year (Matthew Paris, p. 451. Hume's Hist, of England, vol. ii- p. 

"• The disorders of the sack of Constantinople, find his own adventures, are 
feelin'^lv de.sciil»cd by Nicetas, pp. ':n-:'A)'.\ and m llio Status I'rb, ('. P. pp. .376- 
381. His complaints, even of sacrilege, are justified by Innocent III. (Gesta, c 
92) ; but Villehardouin does not betray a symptom of pity or remorse. 


riches of the city? What a stock of such tliinors, as could 
neither be used nor transported, was maliciously or wantonly 
destroyed! How much treasure was idly wasted in gam- 
ing, debauchery, and riot ! And what precious objects were 
bartered for a vile price by the impatience or ignorance of 
the soldiers, whose reward was stolen by the base industry 
of the last of the Greeks! These alone, who had nothing to 
lose, might derive some profit from the revolution ; but the 
misery of the upper ranks of society is strongly painted in 
the personal adventures of Nicetas himself. Ilis stately 
palace had been reduced to ashes in the second conflagra- 
tion ; and the senator, and his family and friends, found an 
obscure shelter in another house which he possessed near the 
church of St. Sophia. It was the door of this mean habita- 
tion that his friend, the Venetian merchant, guarded in the 
disguise of a soldier, till Nicetas could save, by a ])reci})itate 
fliidit, the relics of his fortune and the chastity of his 
daughter. In a cold, wintry season, tliese lugitives, nursed 
in the lap of pj'os])erity, departed on foot ; his wife was with 
child ; the desertion of their slaves compelled them to cai-ry 
their baggage on their own shoulders; and their women, 
whom they placed in the centre, were exhorted to conceal 
their beauty with dirt, instead of adorning it with paint and 
jewels. Every step was exposed to insult and danger : the 
threats of the strangers were less painful than the taunts of 
the plebeians, with whom they were now levelled ; nor did 
the exiles breathe in safety till their mournful pilgrimage 
was concluded at Selymbria, above f'Uly miles from the 
capital. On the way tliey overtook the patriarch, without 
attendance and almost without apparel, riding on an ass, 
and reduced to a state of apostolical poverty, which, had it 
been voluntary, might perhaps have been meritorious. In 
the mean while, his desolate churches were profaned by the 
licentiousness and party zeal of the Latins. After stripping 
the gems and pearls, they converted the chalices into drink- 
ing-cups ; their tables, on whicli they gamed and feasted, 
were covered with the pictures of Christ and the saints ; and 
they trampled under foot the most venerable objects of tlie 
Christian worship. In the cathedral of St. Sophia, the 
ample veil of the sanctuary was rent asunder for the sake of 
the golden fringe ; and the altar, a monument of art and 
riches, was broken in pieces and shared among the captors. 
Their mules and horses Avere laden with the wrought silver 
and gilt carvings, which they tore down from the doors and 


pulpit ; nnd if the beasts stumbled under the burden, they 
were stabbed by their impatient drivers, and tlie holy pave- 
ment streamed with their im))ure blood. A ])rostitute was 
seated on the throne of the patriarch ; and that daughter of 
Bf^lial, as she is styled, sung and danced in the cluirch, to 
ridicule the hymns and processions of the Orientals. Nor 
were the repositories of the royal dead secure from viola- 
tion : in the church of the Apostles, the tombs of the 
emperors were rided; and it is said, that after six centuries 
the corpse of Justinian was found Avithout any signs of 
decay or ]:>utrefaction. In the streets, the French and Flem- 
ings clothed themselves and their horses in painted robes 
and flowing head-dresses of linen ; and the coarse intem- 
perance of their feasts^- insulted the splendid sobriety of the 
East. To expose the arms of a people of scribes and 
scholars, they affected to dis|)lay a ))en, an inkhorn, and a 
sheet of ])aper, without discerning that the instruments of 
science and valor were alike feeble and useless in the hands 
of the modern Greeks. 

Their rejnitation and their language encouraged them, 
however, to des])ise the ignorance and to overlook the prog- 
ress of tho Latins.^^ In the love of tlie arts, the national 
difference was still more obvious and real ; tiie Greeks pre- 
served with reverence the works of their ancestors, which 
they could not imitate ; and, in the destruction of the 
statues of Constantinople, we are provoked to join in the 
com])laints and invectives of the Byzantine historian.^* 
We have seen how the rising city Avas adorned by the van- 
ity and despotism of the Imperial founder: in the ruins of 
paganism, some gods and heroes were saved from .the axe 
of superstition ; and the forum and hi])])odrome were 
dignified with the relics of a better age. Several of these 
are described by Nicetas,^^ in a florid and affected style; 

92 If I rightly apprelieud tlie Greek of Nicetas's receipts, their favorite;he3 were boiled buttocks of beef, salt pork and peas, and soup made of garlic 
and sharx^ or sour herbs (p. ;JS2). 

'•'^ Nicetas uses very harsh expret^sions, Trap' avpa/ji/iAaTot? Bop^apot? »cat reAfo*' 
ai'aA.>a,J//Toi9 (Fra^^nieut. apud F.ibric. Bibliot. Griec. torn. vi. p. 414). This re- 
proach, it is true, applies most strongly to their i-^uorance of Greek aiulof Homer. 
lu their own language, the Latins of the xiith ami xiiith centuries were not 
destitute of literature. See Harris's Philological Inquiries p. iii. c. 1), 10, 11. 

'-* ^^acctas w;:8 of Chon.^; in Phrygia (the old <..oloss;e of St. Paul : lie raised 
himself to ihe ho:.ors of senator, judge of the veil, and great logothete ; beheld 
the fall of the empire, retired to Nif'e, and composed an elaboiale liislory from 
the death of Alexius C'omnenus to the reign of Henry. 

'•^j A manuscript of Nieet;ts in the Bodleian library contains this curious frag- 
ment on the statues of Constantinople, which fraiid. or shame, or raher cnelt ss- 
iiess, has droppe<l in the connnon editions. It is published by Pa ri< ins (Pitdiot. 
Gr£EC, tom. vi. pp. 40.'>-41G), and immoderately prais<'d by the late ingenious Mi'. 
Harris of Salisbury (Philological Inquiries, p. iii. c. 5, pp. yol-:}12). 


and from his descriptions I shall select some interesting 
particulars. 1. The victorious charioteers were cnst in 
bronze, at their own or tlie ])ublic charge, and fitly placed 
in the hippodrome: they stood aloft in their cliariots, 
wheeling round the goal : the s])ectators could admire their 
attitude, and judge of the resemblance ; and of these figures, 
tlie most perfect might have been transported from the 
Olympic stadium. 2. The s])hinx, riv^er-horse, and croco- 
dile, denote the climate and manufacture of Egypt and the 
spoils of that ancient province. 3. The she-wolf suckling 
Romulus and Remus, a subject alike pleasing to the old and 
the new Romans, but which could rarely be treated before the 
decline of the Greek sculpture. 4. An eagle holding and 
tearing a serpent m his talons, a domestic monument of the 
Byzantines, which they ascribed, not to a human artist, but 
to the magic power of the philosopher Apollonius, who, by 
this talisman, delivered the city from such venomous rep- 
tiles. 5. An ass and his driver, which were erected by 
Augustus in his colony of Nicojiolis, to commemorate a 
verbal omen of the victory of Actium. 6. An equestrian 
statue which passed, in the vulgar opinion, for Josliua, the 
Jewish conqueror, stretching out his hand to stop the course 
of the descendimx sun. A more classical tradition recooi:nized 
the figures of Bellerophon and Pegasus ; and the free 
attitude of the steed seemed to mark that lie trod on air, 
rather than on the earth. 7. A square and lofty obelisk of 
brass ; the sides were embossed with a variety of pictu- 
resque and rural scenes : birds singing ; rustics laboring, or 
])laying on their pipes; sheep bleating; lambs skipping; 
the sea,, and a scene of fish and fishing; little np.ked cupids 
laughing, playiiig, and pelting each other with apples ; and, 
on the summit, a female figure, turning with the slightest 
breath, and tlience denominated the loincVs attendant. 8. 
The Phrygian shepherd pi-esenting to Venus the prize of 
beauty, the a])ple of discord. 9. The incomparable statue of 
Helen, which is delineated by Nicetas in the words of 
admiration and love ; her well-turned feet, snowy arms, 
rosy lips, bewitching smiles, swimming eyes, arched eye- 
brows, the harmony of her shape, the liglUness of her 
drapery, and her flowing locks that waved in the wind ; a 
beauty t'lat might have moved lier Barbarian destroyers to 
picy and remorse. 10. The manly or divine form of Her- 
cules,^^ as ho was restored to life by the master-hand of 

w To illustrate the statue of Hercules, Mr. Harris quotes a Greek epigram, and 


Lysippus ; of sucli magnitude, that liis thumb was equal to 
the waist, his leg to the stature, of a common man i^'^ his 
chest ample, liis shoulders broad, liis limbs strong and 
muscular, his hair curled, his aspect commanding. With- 
out his bow, or quiver, or club, his lion's skin carelessly 
thrown over him, he was seated on an osier basket, his right 
leg and arm stretched to the utmost, his left knee bent, and 
supporting his elbow, his head reclining on his left hand, his 
countenance indignant and pensive. 11. A colossal statue 
of Juno, which had once adorned her temple of Samos, the 
enormous head by four yoke of oxen was laboriously drawn 
to the ])alace. 12. Another colossus, of Pallas or Minerva, 
thirty feet in height, and representing with admirable spirit 
the attributes and character of the martial maid. Before 
we accuse the Latins, it is just to remark, that this Pallas 
was destroyed after the first siege, by the fear and supersti- 
tion of the Greeks themselves.^^ The other statues of brass 
which I have enumerated were broken and melted by the 
unfeeling avarice of the crusaders : the cost and labor were 
consumed in a moment ; the soul of genius eva]>orated in 
smoke; and the remnant of base metal was coined into 
money for the payment of the troops. Bronze is not the 
most durable of monuments : from the marble forms of 
Phidias and Praxiteles, tlie Latins might turn aside with 
stupid contem])t;^^ but unless they were crushed by some 
accidental injury, those useless stones stood secure on their 
])edestals.^°*^ The most enlightened of the strangers, above 
the gross and sensual pursuits of their countrymen, more 
piously exercised the right of conquest in the search and 
seizure of tlie relics of the sahits.^*^^ Immense was the sup- 
ply of heads and bones, crosses and images, that were 

engraves a beautiful gem, which does not, however, copy the attitude of the 
staiue : in the latter, Hercules had not his club, and his right leg and arm were 

'•>^ 1 transcribe these proportions, which appear to me. inconsistent with each 
otlier ; and may possibly show, that the boasted taste of Nicetas was no more than 
affectation and vanity. 

'•'8 Nicei.'is in Isaaco Angelo et Alexio, c. 3, p. 350. The Latin editor veiy 
properly observes, that the historian, in his bombast style, produces ex pulico 

'■^■> 111 two passages of Nicetas (edit, Paris, p. 360, Fabric, p. 408) the latins are 
branded with tlie lively reproach of oi tou KaXov afepaaroi fiapfiapoi, and their 
avarice of brass is clearly expressed. Yet the Venetians had tlie merit of remov- 
ing four bronze horses from Constantinople to the place of St. Mark (Sanuto, 
Vite del Dogi, in Murutori, Script. Rerum Italicarum. tom. xxii. p. 531). 

'w Winckelman, Hist, de I'Art, lorn. lii. pp. 2(59, 270. 

""'* See the pious robbery of the abbot Martin, who transferred a rich cargo to 
liis monaster^' of Paris, <iiocesc of Basil <Gnntbcr, Hist. (.'. P. c. 19, 23,21). Yet 
jn secreting tliis booty, the saint incurred an excommunication, and perhaps 
broke his oath. [Compare Wilkciis, vol. v. p. 308.— M.] 

Vol. v.— U 


scattered by this revolution over the churches of Europe ; 
and such was the increase of pilgrimnge and oblation, that 
no branch, perhaps, of more lucrative plunder was imported 
from the East.^*^^ Of the writings of antiquity, many that 
still existed in the twelfth century are now lost. But the 
pilgrims were not solicitous to save or transport the vol- 
umes of an unknown tongue : the perishable substance of 
paper or parchment can only be preserved by the multi- 
plicity of copies; the literature of the Greeks had almost 
centred in the metropolis ; and, without computing the 
extent of our loss, we may drop a tear over the libraries that 
have perished in the triple fire of Constantinople.^'^^ 

102 Fleury, Hist. Eccles. torn. xvi. pp. 139-145. 

loa I sliall conclude this chapter with the notice of a modern history, wliich 
illustrates the taking of Constantinople by the Latins; but wliieh has fallen 
somewhat late into my hands. Paolo Kaniusio, the son of the compiler of Voy- 
ages, was directed by the senate of Venice to write the history of the conquest: 
and this order, wliich he received in his youth, he execute*! in a mature nge, by 
an elegant Latin work, de Bello Constantinopolitano et Lnperatoribus Comnenia 
per Gallos et Venetos restitutis (Venet. 1G35, in folio). Rannisio, or Rhamnusus, 
transcribes and translate&i, sequitur ad unguf>m. a MS. of Villehardouin. which 
he possessed ; but he enriches his narrative with Greek and Latin materials, and 
■we are indebted to him for a correct state of the fleet, the names of the lifty 
Venetian nobles who commanded the galleys of the republic, and the patriot 
opposition of Pantaleon Barbus to the choice of the doge for emperor. 









After the death of the lawful princes, the French and 
Venetians, confident of justice and victory, agreed to divide 
and regulate their future possessions.^ It was stipulated by 
treaty, that twelve electors, six of either nation, should be 
nominated ; that a majority should choose the emperor of 
the East ; and tiiat, if the votes were equal, the decision of 
chance should ascertain the successful candidate. To him, 
with all the titles and prerogatives of the Byzantine throne, 
they assigned the two palaces of Boucoleon and Blachernae, 
with a fourth part of the Greek monarchy. It was defined 
that the three remaining portions should be equally shared 
between the republic of Venice and tlie barons of France; 
that each feudatory, with an honorable exception for the 
doge, should acknowledge and perform the duties of homage 
and military service to the supreme head of the empire ; that 
the nation which gave an emperor, should resign to their 
brethren the choice of a patriarch ; and that the pilgrims, 
Avhatever might be their impatience to visit the Holy Land, 
should devote another year to the conquest and defence of 
the Greek provinces. After the conquest of Constantinople 
by the Latins, the treaty was confirmed and executed ; and 
the first and most important step w^as the creation of an em- 
peror. The six electors of the French nation were all ec- 
clesiastics, the abbot of Loces, the archbishop elect of Acre 
in Palestine, and the bishops of Troyes, Soissons, Halber- 
stadt, and Bethlehem, the last of whom exercised in the camp 
the ofiSce of pope's legate : their profession and knowledge 

J See the original treaty of partition, in the Venetian Chronicle of Andrew 
DanJolo. pp. iV2i\-:v.\o, and the subsequent election in Villehardouin, No. IHC-HO, 
with Ducanj?>' iu liis Observations, and the Ist book of his Histoire de Constanti- 
nople sous I'Empire des Francois. 


were respectable ; and as they could not be the objects, they 
were best qualilied to be the authors, of the choice. The 
six Venetians were the principal servants of the state, and 
in this list the noble families of Querini and Contarini are 
still proud to discover their ancestors. The twelve assembled 
in the chapel of the palace ; and after the solemn invocation 
of the Holy Ghost, they proceeded to deliberate and vote. 
A just impulse of respect and gratitude prompted them to 
crown the virtues of the doge ; his wisdom had inspired their 
enterprise ; and the most youthful knights might envy and 
applaud the exploits of blindness and age. But the patriot 
Dandolo was devoid of all personal ambition, and fully satis- 
fied that he had been judged worthy lo reign. His nomina- 
tion was overruled by the Venetians themselves : his coun- 
trymen, and perhaps iiis friends,^ represented, with the elo- 
quence of truth, the mischiefs that miglit arise to national 
freedom and the common cause, from the union of two in- 
compatible characters, of the first magistrate of a republic 
and the emperor of the East. The exclusion of the doge 
left room for the more equal merits of Boniface and Bald- 
win ; and at their names all meaner candidates respectfully 
withdrew. The marquis of Montferrat Avas recommerided 
by his mature age and fair reputation, by the choice of the 
adventurers, and the wishes of the Greeks ; nor can I believe 
that Venice, the mistress of the sea, could be seriously ap- 
prehensive of a petty lord at the foot of the AIps.^ But the 
count of Flanders was tlie chief of a wealthy and warlike 
people : he was valiant, pious, and chaste ; in the prime of 
life, since he was only thirty-two years of age ; a descendant 
of Charlemagne, a cousin of the king of France, and a com- 
peer of the prelates and barons who had yielded with reluc- 
tance to the command of a foreigner. VVithout the chapel, 
these barons, with the doge and marquis at their head, ex- 
pected the decision of the twelve electors. It was announced 
by the bishop of Soissons, in the name of his collengues; 
" Ye have sworn to obey the prince Avhom we should choose : 
by our unanimous suffrage, Baldwin count ot Flanders and 
Hainault is now your sovereign, and the emperor of the 

2 After mentioiuTig the nomination of the doge by a French elector, his kins- 
man Andrew Dandolo approves his exelu-ion, quidam Vcnetorum lidclis et 
nobilis senex, ustis oralione satis probabili, &c., which has been embroidered by 
modern writers from JJiondus toLe Beau. 

^ Nicelas (p. 384), with the vain ignorance of a Gi-eek, describes the marquis of 
Montferrat as a 7??ar/7(me power. AaM7rap61af hk o\.Ki[(j6ai iraaaXiov. Was he de- 
ceived by the Byzaiitiue theme of Lombardy, which extended along the coast of 
Calabria '/ 


East." He was saluted with loud applause, and the proc- 
lamation was reechoed through the city by the joy of the 
Latins, and the trembling adulation of the Greeks. Boniface 
was the first to kiss the hand of his rival, and to raise him 
on the buckler ; and Baldwin was transported to the cathedral, 
and solemnly invested with the ])urple buskins. At the end 
of three weeks he was crowned by the legate, in the vacancy 
of the patriarch ; but the Venetian clergy soon filled the 
cha])ter of St. Sophia, seated Thomas Morosini on the eccle- 
siastical throne, and employed every art to perpetuate in 
their own nation the honors and benefices of the Greek 
church.^ AVithout delay the successor of Constantine in- 
structed Palestine, France, and Kome, of this memorable 
revolution. To Palestine he sent, as a trophy, the gates of 
Constantinople, and the chain of the harbor ; ^ and adopted, 
from the Assise of Jerusalem, the laws or customs best ad- 
apted to a French colony and conquest in the East. In his 
epistles, the nati\es of France are encouraged to swell that 
colony, and to secure that conquest, to peo])le a magnificent 
city and a fertile land, which will reward the labors both of 
the priest and the soldier. He congratulates the Roman 
pontiff on the restoration of his authority in the East ; in- 
vites him to extinguish the Greek schism by his presence in 
a general council ; and implores his blessing and forgiveness 
for the disobedient pilgrims. Prudence and dignity arc 
blended in the answer of Innocent. "^ In the subversion of 
the Byzantine empire, he arraigns the vices of man, and 
adores the providence of God ; the conquerors will be ab- 
solved or condemned by their future conduct ; the validity 
of their treaty depends on the judgment of St. Peter; but 
he inculcates their most sacred duty of establishing a just 
subordination of obedience and tribute, from the Greeks to 
the Latins, from the magistrate to the clergy, and from the 
clergy to the ])ope. 

In the division of the Greek provinces,^ the share of the 

* Theycxacted an oath from Thomas Morosini to appoint no canons of St. 
Sophia tl»*i lawful electors, except Vendians wlio had livcil ten years, at A'enicc, 
&c. But the foreign cler^^y w;is envious, the pope dibapprovcd tlii;^ national 
monopoly, and of the six Latin patriarclis of Constantinople, only the tiret and 
last wore Venetians. 

•^ Nicctas, p. Sfi'.'y. 

•■'The ICpistles of Innocent TTT. are a rich fund for the ecclesiastical and civil 
institution of the Latin empire of Constantinoi)le ; and the most important of 
these epistles (.of which the collection in 2 vols, in folio is published by Stcplien 
BaLize) are inserted in his Gcsta, in Muratori, Script. Kerum Italicarum, torn. iii. 
p. 1, c. ni-105. 

^ Jn the treaty of partition, most of the names are corrupted by the scribes : 
they mi^dit be restored, an I a good map, snite<l to the Iri-t a e of tiie Lyy:;uitiiio 
empire, would be an improvement of geography. But, alas ! D'AnviilQ h:, no 
more ! 


Venetians was more ample than that of the Latin emperor. 
No more than one-fourth was appropriated to his domain • 
a clear moiety of tlie remainder was reserved for Venice ; 
and the other moiety was distributed among the adventurers 
of France and Lombardy. Tlie venerable l)andolo was pro- 
claimed despot of Romania, and invested after the Greek 
fashion Avith the purple buskins. He ended at Constanti- 
nople his long and glorious life ; and if the prerogative was 
personal, the title was used by his successors till tlie middle 
of the fourteenth century, with the singular, tliougli true, 
addition of lords of one-fourth and a half of the Roman 
empire.* The doge, a slave of state, was seldom permitted 
to depart from the helm of the republic ; but his i:»lace was 
supplied by the bail^ or regent, who exercised a supreme 
jurisdiction over the colony of Venetians ; they possessed 
three of the eight quarters of the city ; and his independent 
tribunal was composed of six judges, four counsellors, two 
chamberlains, two fiscal advocates, and a constable. Their 
long experience of the Eastern trade enabled them to select 
their portion with discernment : they had rashly accepted 
the dominion and defence of Adrianople ; but it was the 
more reasonable aim of their policy to form a chain of fac- 
tories, and cities, and islands, along the maritime coast, from 
the neighborhood of Ragusa to the IIellcs])ont and the Bos- 
phorus. The labor and cost of such extensive conquests ex- 
hausted their treasury : they abandoned their maxims of 
government, adopted a feudal system, and contented them- 
selves with the homage of their nobles,^ for the possessions 
which these private vassals undertook to reduce and main- 
tain. And thus it was that the family of Sanut acquired 
the duchy ot Naxos, which involved the greatest part of the 
archipelago. For the price of ten thousand marks, the re- 
public purchased of the marquis of Montferrat the fertile 
Island of Crete or Candia, with the ruins of a hundred 
cities ; ^^ but its improvement Avas stinted by the proud and 
narrow spirit of an aristocracy ; ^^ and the wisest senators 

* Their style was dominus quartse partis et dimidise imperii Romanl, till 
Giovanni DoKino, wlio was elected doge in the year looG (Sanuto, pp. 5;«), Gil) 
For the government of Constantinople, see Ducange, Ilistoire de C. P. i. 37. 

9 Diicange (Hist, de C. P. ii. G) has marked the conquests made by the state or 
nobles of Venice of the Islands of Candia, Corfu, Cephalonia, Zante, Naxos, 
Paros, Melos, Andios, Mycone, Syro, Cea, and Lemnos. 

10 Boniface sold the Isle of Candia, August 12, A. D. 12(V1. See the act in 
Sanuto, p, 533 : but I cannot understand how it could be his mother's portion, or 
how she could be the daughter of an emperor Alexius. 

11 In the year 1212, the doge Peter Zani sent a colony to Candia, drawn from 
every quarter of Venice. But in their savage manners and frequent rebellions, 


would confess that the sea, not tlie land, was the treasury 
of St. Mark. In the moiety of the adventurers, tlio marquis 
Boniface might claim the most liberal reward ; and, besides 
the Isle of Crete, his exclusion from tlie throne was compen- 
sated by the royal title and the provinces beyond the Helles- 
pont. But he prudently exchanged that distant and difhcult 
conquest for the kingdom of Thessalonica or Macedonia, twelve 
days' journey from the capiial, where he might be supported 
by the neighboring powers of his brother-in-law the king of 
Hungary. His progress was hailed by the voluntary or re- 
luctant acclamations of the natives ; and Greece, the proper 
and ancient Greece, again received a Latin conqueror, ^^ who 
trod with indifference that classic ground. He viewed with 
a careless eye the beauties of the valley of Tempe ; traversed 
with a cautious step the straits of Thermopylae ; occupied the 
unknown cities of Thebes, Athens, and Argos ; and assaulted 
the fortifications of Corinth and Napoli,^^ which resisted his 
arms. The lots of the Latin Pilgrims were regulated by 
chance, or choice, or subsequent exchange ; and they abused, 
with intemperate joy, their triumph over the lives and for- 
tunes of a great people. After a minute survey of the prov- 
inces, they weighed in the scale of avarice the revenue of 
each district, the advantage of the situation, and the ample 
or scanty supplies for the maintenance of soldiers and horses. 
Their presumption claimed and divided the long-lost de- 
pendencies of the Roman sceptre : the Nile and Euphrates 
rolled through their imaginary realms ; and happy was the 
warrior who drew for his prize the palace of the Turkish 
sultan of Iconium.^^ I shall not descend to the pedigree of 
families and the rent-roll of estates, but I wish to specify 
that the counts of Blois and St. Pol were invested with the 
duchy of Nice and the lordship of Demotica: ^^ the principal 

the Candiots may be compared to Ihe Coisicaus under the yoke of Genoa ; and 
"When I compare the accounts of Belon and Tourncfort, I cannot discern much 
difference between the ^'enetian and the Turkisli island. 

12 Villehardouin (No. 159, 160, 173-177) and Nicetas (pp. 387-394) describe the 
expedition into Greece of the marquis Boniface. The Choniate miglit derive his 
information from his broth ;r Micliael, arclibishop of Athens, whom he paints as 
an orator, a statesman, an<l a saint. Hi-; encomium of Atliens, and the descri};- 
tioii of Tempe, should be published from the Bodleian MS. of Nicetas (Fabric. 
Bibliot. Gr?ec torn. vi. p. 405), and W()uld liave deserved Mr. Hanis s iu'iuiries. 

1^ Napoli di Komania. o • Nauplia, the ancient seaport ()f Argos, is still a place 
of strength and consideration, situate on a rocky peninsula, with a good liarbor 
(Chandler's Travels into Greece, p. 227). 

1* I have softened tlie expression of Nicetas, who strives to expose the pre- 
sumption of the Franks. See de Kebus post. C. P. expugnatam, pp. 375-384. 

15 A city surrounded by the River H"bras, and six leagu( s to the south of 
Adrianople, received from its double wall tlie Gr^ek name of Didymoteichos, 
insensiblv co rupted into Demotica and Dimot. i l)ave prefe red the more con- 
venient and modern appellation of Demotica. This place was the last Turkish 
residence of Charles Xll. 


fiefs were held by the service of constable, chamberlain, cup- 
bearer, butler, and chief cook; and our historian, Jeffrey 
of Villehardouin, obtained a fair establishment on the banks 
of the Hebrus, and united the double office of marshal of 
Champagne and Romania. At the head of his knights and 
archers, each baron mounted on horseback to secure the 
possession of his share, and their first efforts were generally 
successful. But the public force was weakened by their dis- 
persion ; and a thousand quarrels must arise under a law, 
and among men, whose sole umj^ire was tlie sword. Within 
three months after the conquest of Constantinople, the em- 
peror and the king of Thessalonica drew their hostile fol- 
lowers into the field ; they were reconciled by the authority 
of the doge, the advice of tlie marshal, and the firm freedom 
of their peers. ^* 

Two fugitives, who had reigned at Constantinople, still 
asserted the title of emperor ; and the subjects of their 
fallen throne might be moved to pity by the misfortunes 
of the elder Alexius, or excited to revenge by the spirit of 
Mourzoufle. A domestic alliance, a common interest, ;i 
similar guilt, and the merit of extinguishing his enemies, a 
brother and a nephew, induced the more recent usurper to 
unite with the former the relics of his power. Mourzoufle 
was received with smiles and honors in the camp of his 
father Alexius ; but tlie wicked can never love, and should 
rarely trust, their fellow-criminals ; he was seized in the 
bath, deprived of his eyes, strijiped of his troops and treas- 
ures, and turned out to wander an object of horror and 
contempt to those who with more propriety could hate, and 
with more justice could punish, the assassin of the emperor 
Isaac and his son. As the tyrant, pursued by fear or re- 
morse, was stealing over to Asia, he was seized by the Latins 
of Constantinople, and condemned, after an open trial, to 

^6 Their quarrel is told by Villehardouin (No. 146-158) with the spirit of free- 
dom. The merit and reputation of the marshal are acknowledged by the Greek 

historian (p. 387) l-i-^ya napa. ror'; Tojj' AaTU'iDi/ dwa/xeuov crTpaTeiifxacri .' unlike SOme 

modern heroes, whose exploits are only visible in their own memoirs.* 

* William de Champlite, brother of the count of Dijon, assumed the title of 
Prince of Achaia : on the death of his brother, lie returned, with regret, to 
France, to assume his paternal inheritance, and left Villehardouin his •' bailli," 
on condition that if he did not return within a year, Villehardouin was to retain 
the investiture. Brosset's Add to Le Beau. vol. xvii. p. 200. M. Brosset adds, 
from the (3rreek chronicler edited by M. Biichon, the somewhat unknightly trick 
by which Villehardouin disembarrassed liiniself from the troublesome claim of 
Robert, the cousin of tlie count of Dijon, to the succession. He contrived tliat 
Kobert shouM arrive just tifteen days too late ; and with the general concurrence 
of the assembled knights was himself invested with the principality. Ibid. p. 
283.— M. 


an ignominious death. His judges debated the mode of liis 
execution, the axe, the wheel, or the stake; and it was re- 
solved that Mourzouiie ^' shoukl ascend tlie Tlieodosian col- 
umn, a pillar of white marble of one hundred and forty-seven 
feet m heiMit.-'^ From the summit he was cast down head- 
long, and dashed in pieces on the pavement, in the pi-esence 
of innumerable spectators, who filled the forum of Taurus, 
and admired the accomplishment of an old prediction, 
which was explained by this singular event. ^^ The fate of 
Alexius is less tragical : he was sent by the marquis a cap- 
tive to Italy, and a gift to the king of the Romans ; but he 
had not much to applaud his fortune, if the sentence of 
imprisonment and exile were changed from a fortress in the 
Alps to a monastery in Asia. But his daughter, before tlie 
national calamity, had been given in marriage to a young 
hero who continued the succession, and restored the throne, 
of the Greek princes."^ The valor of Theodore Lascaris was 
si2:nalized in the two sicoes of Constantinople. After the 
flight of Mourzoufie, when the Latins were already in the 
city, he offered himself as their emperor to the soldiers and 
people; and his ambition, which might be virtuous, was 
undoubtedly brave. Could he have infused a soul into the 
multitude, they might have crushed tlie strangers under 
their feet : tlieir abject despair refused his aid; and Theo- 
dore retired to breathe the air of freedom in Anatolia, be- 
yond the immediate view and pursuit of the conquerors. 

"See the fate of Mourzoufle in Nicetas (p. 393), Villehardouin (^o. 141-145, 
163). and Guntherus (c. 20, 21). Neither the marshal nor the luoiik altoni a grain 
of pity for a tyrant or a rebel, Whose punishment, however, was more unexampled 
than bis crime. 

i** The column of Arcadius, which represents in basso relievo his victories, or 
those of his father Theodosius, is still extant at Constantinople. It is descriued 
and measured, Gyllius (,Topoj,'ra[)h. iv. 7), Banduri (ad 1. i. Antiqiiit. C. P. p. 507, 
&c.), and Tournefort (Voyage du J^evaut, tom. ii. lettre xli. p. 231). [Compare 
Wilken, note, vol. v. p. 388.— M.] 

1^ The nonsense of Gunther and the modern Greeks concerning this columna 
fa'idic'i, is unworthy of notice ; bui it is singular enough, that lifty years before 
the Latin conquest, tlie poet Tzetzes (Chiliad, ix. 277) relates the dream of a 
ina roll, who saw an army in ibe forum, and a man sitting on the column, clap- 
ping his hands, and uttering a loud exclamation.* 

^'J The dynasties of Nice, Trebizond, and Epirns (of which Nicetas saw the 
origin without much pleasure or liope) are learnedly explored, and clearly repre- 
sented, iii the Familias Byzantinae of Ducange. 

* We read in the " Chronicle of the Conquest of Constantinople, and of the 
Establishment of the French in the Morea," translated by J. A. Buchon. Paris, 
18J5, p. 64, that J^eo VI., calhjd the Philosopher, liad proi)hesied that a perfidious 
emperor should be precipitated from the top of this column. The crusaders 
considered themselves under an obligation to fiiltil this prophecy. Brosset, note 
on Le Beau, vol. xvii. p. 180. M. Brosset announces that a complete edition of 
this work, of whi(di the original Greek of the tiist book only has been published 
by M. Buchon, ia in preparation, to form part of the new series of the Byzantine 
lustoiiaiid.— M. 


Under the title, at first of despot, and afterwards of empe- 
ror, lie drew to lii.s standard liie bolder spirits, who were 
fortified against slavery by tlie contempt of hie ; and as 
every means was hiwfulfor the pnblie salety, inj]>lored with- 
out scruple the alliance of the Turkish sultan. Nice, where 
Theodore established his residence, Prusa and Philadelphia, 
Smyrna and Ephesus, oj)ened tlieir gates to their deliverer: 
lie derived strength and reputation from his victories, and 
even from liis defeats ; and the successor of Constantine 
preserved a fragment of the empire from the banks of the 
Magander to the suburbs of Nicomedia, and at length of 
Constantinople. Another portion, distant and obscure, was 
possessed by the lineal heir of the Comneni, a son of the 
virtuous Manuel, a grandson of the Tyrant Andronicus. 
His name was Alexius; and the epithet of great* was ap- 
plied ])erhaps to his stature, rather than to his exploits. By 
tlie indulgence of the Angeli, lie was appointed governor or 
duke of Trebizond : ^^ f his birth gave him ambition, the 
revolution independence; and, without clianging his title, 
he reigned in peace from Sinope to the Phasis, along the 
coast of the Black Sea. His nameless son and successor t 
is described as the vassal of the sultan, whom he served 

21 Except some facts in Pachymer and Nicephorus Gregoras, which will here- 
after be used, th-:^ Byzantine writers disdain to speak of the empire of Trebi- 
zond, or principality of the Lazi; and among the Latins, it is conspicuous only 
in the romances of the xivth or xvtli centuries. Vet the indefatigable Ducange 
has dug out (Film. liyz. p. 192) two authentic passages in Vincent of Beauvais 
(1. xxxi. c. 144) and the prothonotary Ogeiius (apud Wading, A. D. 1279, No. 4). 

* This was a title, not 9 personal appellation. Joinville speaks of the " Grant 
Comnenie, et sire de Tratfezzontt'S." Fallmerayer, p. 82. — jM. 

t On the revolutions of Tiebizond under the later empire down to this period, 
see Fallmerayer, Geschichte des Kaiserth urns von Trapezunt, ch. iii. The wife 
of Manuel fled with her infant sons and her treasure from the relentless enmity 
of Isaac Angelus. Fallmerayer conjectures that her arrival enabled the Greeks of 
that reign to make head against the formidable Thamar, the Georgian queen of 
Tetli^, p. 42. They gradually formed a dominion on the banks of the Phasis, 
which the distracted government of the Angeli neglected or were unable to sup- 
press. On the capture of Constantinople by the Latins, Alexius was joined by 
many noble fugitives from Constantinople. He had ahvays retained the name of 
Ca-sar and Bao-tAei;?. He now fixed the seat of his empire at Trebizond ; hut he 
had never abandoned his pretensions to the Byzantine throne, ch. iii Fallmer- 
ayer appears to make out a triumphant case as to the assumption of the royal 
title of Alexius the First. Since the publication of M Fallmeraver's work 
(MUncheji, 1827), M. Tafel has pnbli.shed,atthe end of Iheopusculaof Eustalhius, 
a curious chronicle of Trebizond by Michael Panaretas (Frankfort, 1832). It gives 
the succession of the emperors, and some other curious circumstances of their 
wars witli the several Mahometan powers. — M. 

t The succes-or of Alexius was his son-in-law Andronicus I., of the Comnenian 
family, surnamed Gi<lon. There were five succession?* bet ween Alexins and John, 
according to Fallmerayer, p. 103. The troops of Tiebizond tonght in the army of 
D.schelaleddin, the Karismian, against Alai-eddin, the Seljukian sultan of Koura, 
but as allies rather than vassals, p. 107 It was after the defeat of Dschelaleddin 
that tliey furnished their contingent to Alai-eildin. Fallmerayer struggles in vain 
to uiiti^atd this mark of Uxq subjectiou of the Comueni to the bultan, p. UG. — M. 


with two hundred Lances : that Comnenian prince was no 
more than duke of Trebizond, and the title of eni])er(jr was 
first assumed by the pride and envy of the grandson of 
Alexius. In the West, a tliird fragment was saved from 
the common shijnvreck by Michael, a bastard of the house 
of Aiigeli, Avho, before the revolution, had been known as a 
hostage, a soldier, and a rebel. His flight from the cam}) 
of the marquis Boniface secured his freedom ; by his mar- 
riage with the governor's daugliter, he commanded the 
important ])lace of Durazzo, assumed the title of despot, 
and founded a strong and conspicuous principality in 
Epirus, ^tolia, and Tliessaly, which have ever been peo'jiled 
by a warlike race. The Greeks, who had offered their ser- 
vice to their new sovereigns, were excluded by the liaughty 
Latins '^- from all civil and military honors, as a nation born 
to tremble and obey. Their resentment prompted them to 
show that they might have been useful friends, since they 
could be dangerous enemies: their nerves were braced by 
ad\ersityr whatever was learned or holy, whatever was 
noble or valiant, roiled away into the independent states of 
Trebizond, Epirus, and Nice; and a single patrician is 
marked by the ambiguous praise of attachment and loyalty 
to tho Franks. The vulij^ar herd of the cities and the coun- 
try would have gladly submitted to a mild and regular ser- 
vitude ; and the transient disorders of war would have 
been obliterated by some years of industry and peace. But 
peace was banij^hed, and industry was crushed, in the dis- 
orders of the feudal system. The Roman emperoi'S of 
Constantinople, if they were endowed with abilities, were 
armed with power for the protection of their subjects: their 
laws were wise, and their administration was sim])le. The 
Latin throne was filled by a titular prince, the chief, and 
often the servant, of liis licentious confederates; the fiefs of 
the empire, from a kingdom to a castle, were held and ruled 
by tl)e sword of the barons ; and their discord, poverty, and 
ignorance, extended the ramifications of tyranny to the 
most sequestered villnges. The Greeks were opj)ressed by 
the double weight of the priest, who was invested Avith 
temporal power, and of the soldier, who was inflamed by 
fanatic hatred ; and the insuperable bar of religion and laii- 

*2 The portrait of the French Latins is drawn in Nioetas bj' the hand of preju- 
dice and resentment ; ovhkv liav aAAwi/ iOfoiu ei9 Apco? epya- napacrvix^t(i^yia6ai 
a<f>ifTii' Yiffi^ofTO aW ovSe T15 TWf xapirtoy fi tCjv fxovaoji' napa tc? ^ap^apoi.<; tovtoi.% 
inf^rvi^cTO, (Cat irapa rovro oluai Tqv <^v<tlv 1]<jo.v dftj/xepoi, K.a.i TOV y^oKov (.i\ov tov 
koyov npoTpex^ovTa. [P. 791, Ed. Bek.] 


giiage forever separated the stranger and the native. As 
long as the crusaders were united at Constantinople, tlie 
memory of their conquest, and the terror of tlieir arms, im- 
posed silence on tlie captive land : their dispei-sion betrayed 
the smaUness of their numbers and the defects of their dis- 
cipline; and some failures aiid mischances revealed tlie 
secret, that they were not invincible. As the fear of the 
Greeks abated, their liatred increased. They murdered; 
ihey conspired ; and before a year of slavery had elapsed, 
tliey imi)lored, or accepted, the succor of a Barbarian, 
wliose power they had felt, and whose gratitude they 
trust ed.'^^ 

The Latin conquerors had been saluted with a solemn 
and early embassy from John, or Joannice, or Calo-Jolm, 
the revolted chief of the Buh^arians and Walachians. Ife 
deemed himself their brother, as tlie votary of the Romnn 
pontiff, from whom he had received the legal title and a 
holy banner; and in the subversion of the Greek monarchy, 
he might aspire to the name of their friend and accomj)lice. 
But Calo-John was astonished to find, that the count of 
Flanders had assumed the pomp and ]>ride of the successors 
of Constantine ; and his ambassadors were dismissed with a 
haughty message, that the rebel must deserve a pardon, by 
touchingwith his forehead the footstool of the Imperial throne.. 
His resentment '^^ would have exhaled in acts of violence and 
blood : his cooler ])olicy watched the rising discontent of 
the Greeks ; affected a tender concern for their sufferings ; 
and ]>romised, that their first struggles for freedom should 
be su])ported by liis jierson and kingdom. The conspiracy 
was pro})agated by national hatred, the firmest band of as- 
sociation and secrecy : the Greeks were impatient to sheathe 
their daggers in the breasts of the victorious strangers , but 
the execution was prudently delayed, till Henry, the em- 
peror's brother, had transported the flower of his troops 
beyond the Hellespont. Most of the towns and villages of 
Thrace were true to the moment and the si^-nal : and the Lat- 
ins, witliout arms or suspicion, were slaughtered by the vile 
and merciless revenge of their slaves. P'rom Demotica, the 
first scene of the massacre, the surviving vassal of the count 
of St. Pol escaped to Adrianople ; but the French and Vene- 

23 I here begin to use, with freerir»»n and oontidence, the eight books of the 
Histoire de (]. P. ?ons I'Kmpire 'les i< r;in<;ois, which Ducange li;i8 given as a enp- 
plenient to ViUehnrdouin ; and which, m a barbarous style, deserves the praise 
of an original and classic work. 

-* In Calo-John's answer to the pope we may find liis claims and complaints 
(Gesta innocent ill. c. 108, 109) : he was cherished at Rome as the prodigal sou. 


tians, Avho occupied that city, were slain or expelled by the 
furious multitude : the garrisons that could effect their 
retreat fell back on each other towards the metropolis ; and 
the fortresses, that separately stood against the rebels, were 
ifrnorant of each other's and of their sovereio;n's fate. The 
voice of fame and fear announced the revolt of the Greeks 
and the rapid approach of their Bulgarian ally ; and Calo- 
John, not depending on the forces of his own kingdom, had 
drawn from the Scythian wilderness a body of fourteen 
thousand Comans, who drank, as it was said, the blood of 
their ca])tives, and sacrificed the Christians on the altars of 
their crods.^ 

Alarmed by this sudden and growing danger, the em- 
peror despatched a swift messenger to recall Count Henry 
and his troops ; and had Baldwin expected the retui-n of 
his gallant brotlier, with a supi)ly of twenty thousand Ar- 
menians, he might have encountered the invader with equal 
numbers and a decisive superiority of arms and discipline. 
But the spirit of cliivalry could sddom discriminate caution 
from cowardice ; and the emperor took the field with a hun- 
dred and forty knights, and their train of archers and ser- 
geants. The marshal, who dissuaded and disobeyed, led the 
vanguard in their march to Adrianople ; the main body was 
commanded by the count of Blois ; the aged doge of Venice 
followed with the rear ; and their scanty numbers were in- 
creased from all sides by the fugitive Latins. They under- 
took to besiege the rebels of Adi-ianople ; and such was the 
pious tendency of the crusades that they employed the holy 
week in pillaging the country for their subsistence, and in 
framing engines for the destruction of their fellow-Chris- 
tians. But the Latins were soon interrupted and alarmed 
by the light cavalry of the Comans, who boldly skirmished 
to the edge of their imperfect lines : and a proclamation 
was issued by the marshal of Romania, that, on the trum- 
])et's sound, the cavalry should mount and form ; but that 
none, under pain of death, should abandon themselves to a 
desultory and dangerous pursuit. This wise injunction was 
first disobeyed l)y the count of Blois, who involved the em- 
peror in his rashness and ruin. The Comans, of the Par- 
thian or Tartar school, fled before their first charge ; l)jit 
after a career of two leagues, Avhen the knights and their 

2'' The Comans were a Tartar or Turkman liorde. wlilrh oncamned in the xiilli 
and xiiith centuri'^son tlse verfje of Mohlavia. Tlie greater jtart were pagans, 
but some were Mahometans, and the whole horde was converted to Christianity 
(A. D. 1370) hy I.ewis, king of Hungary. 


horses were almost breathless, they suddenly tnrnecl, rallied, 
and encompassed the heavy squadrons of the Franks. The 
count was slain on the field; the emperor was made pris- 
oner ; and if the one disdained to fly, if the other refused to 
yield, their personal bravery made a poor atonement for 
their ignorance, or neglect, of the duties of a general.^® 

Proud of his victory and his royal prize, the Bulgarian 
advanced to relieve Adrianople and achieve the destruction 
of the Latins. Thev must inevitably have been destroyed, 
if the marshal of Romania had not displayed a cool courage 
and consummate skill ; uncommon in all ages, but most un- 
common in those times, when Avar was a passion, rather 
than a science. His grief and fears were poured into the 
firm and faithful bosom of the doge ; but in the camp he 
diffused an assurance of safety, which could only be realized 
by the general belief. All day he maintained his perilous 
station between the city and the Barbarians : Villehardouin 
decamped in silence at the dead of night ; and his masterly 
retreat of three days would have deserved the praise of 
Xenophon and the ten thousand. In the rear, the marshal 
supported the weight of the pursuit ; in the front, he mod- 
erated the impatience of the fugitives ; and Avherever the 
Comans approached, they were repelled by a line of impen- 
etrable spears. On the third day, the weary troops beheld 
the sea, the solitary tc \vn of Rodosto,^'^ and their frier.ds, 
who had landed from the Asiatic shore. They embraced, 
they wept; but they anited their arms and counsels ; and 
in his brother's absence, Count Henry assumed the regency 
of the empire, at once in a state of cluldhood and caducity .^^ 
If the Comans withdrew from the summer heats, seven 
thousand Latins, in the hour of danger, deserted Constanti- 

s*"' Nicetas, from ignorance or malice, imputes the defeat to the cowardice of 
Dandolo (p. 383) ; but ViUehardouin shares his own glory with his venerable 
friend, qui viels home ere et gote ne veoit, maia mult ero sages et preus et vigue- 
ros(No. 193).* 

-' The truth of geography, and the original text of Villehardouin (No, 19!), 
place Kodosto three days' journey (truis jornees) from Adrianople : but Vigenere, 
in l»is veision, has most absurdh* substituted trois heurcs ; and this error, \?hi( h 
is not corrected by Ducange, has entrapped several moderns, who. e names I shall 

2B The reign pnd end of Baldwiji .are related by Villehardouin and Nicetas 
(pp. ."8G-41G) ; and their omissions are supplied by Ducange in his Observations, 
and to the end of his lirst boolc 

* Gibbon appears to me to have misapprehended the passage of Nicetas. He 
Bavs, "that principal aiul subtlest mischief, thnt primary cause or all tho horrible 
miseries suffered by the l.'omavs," i. e., tlie Byzan'ines. It is an effusion of 
malicious triumph against the Venetians, to whom he always ascribes the capture 
of Constantinople. — M, 


nople, their brethren, and their vows. Some partial suc- 
cess was overbalanced by tlie loss of one hundred and 
twenty knights in the field of JIusium ; and of the Imperial 
domain, no more was left than the capital, with two or three 
adjacent fortresses on the shores of Europe and Asia. The 
kino: of BidGfaria was resistless and inexorable ; and Calo- 
John respectfully eluded the demands of the pope, wlio 
conjured his new proselyte to restore peace and tlie emperor 
to tlie afflicted Latins. The deliverance of Baldwin was no 
longer, he said, in the power of man : that prince had died 
in prison ; and the manner of his death is variously related 
by ignorance and credulity. The lovers of a tragic leocend 
will be pleased to liear, that the royal captive was tempted 
by the amorous queen of the Bulgarians ; that his chaste 
refusal exposed him to the falsehood of a Avoman and the 
jealousy of a savage ; that his hands and feet were severed 
from his body; that liis bleeding trunk was cast among the 
caicasses of dogs and horses; and that he breathed three 
days, before he was devoured by the birds of prey.^ About 
twenty years afterwards, in a wood of the Netherlands, a 
hermit announced himself as the true Baldwin, the emperor 
of Constantino])le, and lawful sovereign of Flanders. He 
related the wonders of his escape, his adventures, and his 
penance, among a ])eo])le prone to believe and to rebel; 
and, in the first transport, Flanders acknowledged her long- 
lost sovereign. A short examination before the P^-ench 
court detected the impostor, who was punished with an ig- 
nominious death; but the Flemings still adhered to tlie 
pleasing error; and the countess Jane is accused by the 
gravest historians of sacrificing to her ambition the life of 
an unfortunate father.^'' 

In all civilized hostility, a treaty is established for the 
exchange or ransom of prisoners ; and if their captivity be 
prolonged, their condition is known, and they are treated 
according to their rank with humanity or honor. But the 

^ After brushing away all doubtful and improbable circumstances, we may 
prove the death of Baldwin,!. By the firm belief of the French baroiis rVille- 
hardonin, No. 2:;0). 2. By the declaration of Calo-John himself , wlio excus-es his 
not releasing the captive emperor, quia debitum carnis exsolverat cum careers 
tencre'.ur (Gesta Innocent III. c. 109).* 

3" See the storv of this impostor from the French and Flemish writers in 
Duvaugo, Hist. deC. P. iii. !) ; and ridiculous fables tliat were believed by the 
monks of St. Alban's, in JNIatthew Paris, Hist. Major, pp. 271, 272. 

♦Compare Von Raumor, Geschichte der ITohenstaufen, vol. iii. p. 237. M. 
Petitot, ill his preface to Villehardouin in the Collfjction des Memoires, relntifs 
a I'Histoire de France, torn. i. p. 85, expresses his belief in the first part of the 
** tragic legend." — M. 


savage Bulgarian was a stranger to the laws of war : his 
prisons were involved in darkness and silence ; and above a 
year elapsed before the Latins could be assured of the death 
of Baldwin, before his brother, the regent Henry, would con- 
sent to assume the title of emperor. His moderation was 
applauded by the Greeks as an act of rare and inimitable 
virtue. Their light and perfidious ambition was eager to 
seize or anticipate the moment of a vacancy, while a law of 
succession, the guardian both of the prince and people, was 
gradually defined and confirmed in the hereditary monarchies 
of Europe. In the support of the Eastern empire, Henry 
was gradually left without an associate, as the heroes of the 
crusade retired from the world or from the war. Tlie doGfe 
of Venice, the venerable Dandolo, in the fulness of years 
and glory, sunk into the grave. The marquis of Montferrat 
was slowly recalled from the Peloponnesian war to the re- 
venge of Baldwin and the defence of Tliessalonica. Some 
nice disputes of feudal homage and service were reconciled 
in a personal interview between the emperor and the king; 
they were firmly nnited by mutual esteem and the common 
danger; and their alliance was sealed by the nuptials of 
Henry with the daughter of the Italian prince. He soon de- 
plored the loss of his friend and father. At the persuasion of 
some faitliful Greeks, Boniface made a bold and successful 
inroad among the hills of Bhodope : the Bulgarians fled on 
his a]>proach ; they assembled to harass his retreat. On the 
intelligence that his rear was attacked, without waiting for 
any defensive armor, he leaped on horseback, couched his 
lance, and drove the enemies before him ; but in the rash 
pursuit he was pierced with a mortal wound ; and the head 
of the king of Thessalonica was presented toCalo-John, who 
enjoyed the honors, without the merit, of victory. It is here, 
at this melancholy event, that the pen or the voice of 
Jeffrey of Villehardoum seems to drop or to expire ; ^^ and 
if he still exercised liis military office of marshal of Romania, 
his subsequent exploits are buried in oblivion.^^ The char- 
acter of Plenry was not unequal to his arduous situation : in 

31 Yillehanlouin, No. 257. I quote, with recrret, tliig lamentablo conclusion, 
•where we lose nt once tlie original history, and the rich illustrations of Dncange. 
The last pajjes m;iy derive some light from Henry's two epistles to Innocent 111. 
(Gesta. c. 106. 107). 

S2 The marshal was alive in 1212, hut he prohahly died soon afterwards, with- 
out returning to France (Oucange, Observations sur Villehnrdonn, p. 2^^^). Ilia 
fief of Messinople, the gift of Boniface, was the ancient IMaximianopolis, which 
flourished in the time of Ammiauus Marcelliuus, amoug the cities of Thrace 
No. 141). 

OF THE ROMAN EJirillE. 177 

the siege of Constantinoj)le, and beyond tlie Hellespont, he 
had deserved the fame of a valiant kniglit and a skilful com- 
mander; and his courage was tempered with a degree of 
prudence and mildness unknown to his impetuous brother. 
In the double war against the Greeks of Asia and the 
Bulgarians of Europe, lie was ever the foremost on ship- 
board or on horseback; and though he cautiously provided 
for the success of liis arms, the drooping Latins were often 
roused by his example to save and to second their fearless 
emperor. But such efforts, and some supjjlies of men and 
money from France, were of less avail than the erroi-s, the 
cruelty, and death, of their most formidable adversary. 
When the desi)air of the Greek subjects invited Calo-Jolm 
as their deliverer, they lioped that he would protect tlieir 
liberty and adopt their laws : they were soon taught to 
compare the degrees of national ferocity, and to execrate 
the savage conqueror, who no longer dissembled his intention 
of dispeoj)ling Thrace, of demolishing the cities, and of 
transj^lanting the inhabitants beyond the Danube. Many 
towns and villages of Thrace were already evacuated ; a 
heap of ruins marked the place of Philippopolis, and a 
similar calamity was expected at Demotica and Adrianople, 
by the first authors of the revolt. They raised a cry of grief 
and repentance to the throne of Henry; the emperor alone 
had the magnanimity to forgive and trust them. No more 
than four hundred knights, with tlieir sergeants and archers, 
could be assembled under his banner; and with this slender 
force he fought * and repulsed the Bulgarian, who, besides 
his infantry, was at the head of forty thousand horse. In 
tliis ex])edition, Henry felt the difference between a hostile 
and a friendly country: the remaining cities were preserved 
by his arms; and the savage, with shame and loss, was com- 
pelled to relinquish his ])rey. The siege of Thessalonica was 
the last of the evils which Calo-John inflicted or suffered: he 
was stabbed in the night in his tent ; and the general, per- 
haps the assassin, who found hiin weltering in his blood, 
ascribed the blow, with general applause, to the lance of St. 
Demetrius."'* After several victories, the prudence of Henry 

•»' The church oi this patron ot Thessalonica was served by the canons of the 

* There was no battle. On the a<lTanoe of the Latins, John suddenly broke 
un his camp and retreated. The Latins consid;'red this unexpected deliverance 
almost a mira('1e. 1^0 Lean Kusjgcsts th'^ probability that the defection of the 
Comans, wild nsuailv quitted the camp durinc; the heats of summer, may have 
caused the lli'rht of the Bulgarians. Nicetas, c. 8, Villchardouin, c. 225. Le 
Beau, vol. xvii. p. 1'42.— ^I. 

Vol. v.— 12 



concluded an lionornble peace with the successor of the 
tyrant, and with the Greek ])rinces of Nice and Epirus. If 
he ceded some doubtful limits, an ami)le kinoxlom was re- 
served for himself and his feudatories; and his reign, which 
hasted only ten years, afforded a short interval of ])rosperity 
and peace. Far above the narrow ])olicy of Baldwin and 
Boniface, he freely intrusted to the Greeks the most important 
offices of the state and army ; and this liberality of sentiment 
and practice was the more seasonable, as the princes of Nice 
and Epirus had already learned to seduce and employ the 
mercenary valor of the Latins. It was the aim of Henry to 
uaite and reward his deserving subjects, of every nation and 
language ; but he appeared loss solicitous to accomplish the 
impracticable union of the two churches. Pelagius, the 
poj^e's legate, wdio acted as the sovereign of Constantinople, 
had interdicted the worship of the Greeks, and sternly 
im]>osed the payment of tithes, the double procession of the 
Holy Ghost, and a bUnd obedience to the lioman pontiff. 
As the weaker party, they j^leaded the duties of conscience, 
and implored the rights of toleration: " Our bodies," they 
said, " are Caesar's, but our souls belong only to God." The 
persecution was checked by the firmness of the emperor:^* 
and if we can believe that the same prince was poisoned by 
the Greeks themselves, we must entertain a contemptible 
idea of the sense and gratitude of mankind. His valor was 
a vulgar attribute, which he shared with ten thousand knights ; 
but Henry possessed the superior courage to oppose, in a 
superstitious age, the pride and avarice of the clergy. In 
the cathedral of St. Sophia he presumed to ])lace his throne 
on the right hand of the patriarch ; and this presumption 
excited the sharpest censure of Pope Innocent tlie Third. 
By a salutary edict, one of the first examples of the laws of 
mortmain, he prohibited the alienation of fiefs : many of the 
Latins, desirous of returning to Europe, resignea their estates 
to the church for a spiritual or temporal rewajd ; these holy 
lands were immediately discharged from military service, 
and a colony of soldiers Avould have been gradually trans- 
formed into a colletje of priests.^^ 

holy sepuloh re. atid contained a divine ointment which distilled daily and stu- 
pendous miracles (Duoanqje. Hist- de C. P. ii 4). 

2^ Acropolita (c. 17) obser\'es the persecution of the legate, and the toleration 
of Henry (■Epr/,*^as he calls him), K\vSu>va KareTTope^e. 

3^ See the reign of Hexrv, in Ducange (Hist, de C. P. 1. i. c. 35-41, 1. ii. c. 1- 
22), who is much indebted to the Epistles of the Popes. Le Beau (Hist, du Baa 

* Or rather 'Epp^s— IVL 


The virtnons Henry died at Thcssalonica, in the clefencG 
of tliat kin2:clom, and of an inf;\nt, the son of liis friend 
Boniface. In the two first emperors of Constantinople tlie 
male line of the counts of Flanders was extinct. But their 
sister Yolande was the -wife of a French prince, the mother 
of a numerous progeny ; and one of her daugliters had mar- 
ried Andrew king of Ilungary, a brave and pious champion 
of the cross. By seating him on the Byzantine throne, the 
barons of Romania w^ould have acquired the forces of a 
neighboring and warlike kingdom; but the prudent Andrew 
revered the laws of succession ; and the princess Yolande, 
with her husband Peter of Conrtenay, count of Auxerre, was 
invited by the Latins to assume the empire of the East. The 
royal birth of his father, tlie noble origin of his mother, 
recommended to the barons of France the first cousin of 
their king. His reputation was fair, his possessions were 
ample, and in the bloody crusade against the Albigeois, the 
soldiers and the priests had been abundantly satisfied of his 
zeal and valor. Vanity miglit applaud the elevation of a 
Frencli emperor of Constantinople ; but prudence must pity, 
rather than envy, his treacherous and imaginary greatness. 
To assert and adorn liis title, he was reduced to sell or 
mortgage the best of his patrimony. By these expedients, 
the liberality of his royal kinsman Philip Augustus, and the 
national spirit of chivahy, he was enabled to pass the Alps 
at the liead of one hundred and forty knights, and five thou- 
sand five lumdred sergeants and archers. After some 
hesitation, Pope Honorius tlie Third Avas persuaded to crown 
the successor of Constantine.: but he performed the ceremony 
in a church Avithout the walls, lest he should seem to imply 
or to bestow any right of sovereignty over the ancient capital 
of tlie empire. Tlie Venetians had engaged to transport 
Peter and his forces beyond the Adriatic, and the empress, 
with her four children, to the Byzantine palace; but they 
required, as the price of their service, that he should recover 
Durazzo from the despot of Epirus. Michael Angelus, or 
Comnenus, the first of his dynasty, had bequeathed the 
succession of his power and ambition to Theodore, his 
leT:itimnte brother, who already threatened and invaded tlie 
establishments of the Latins. After discharging his debt by 
a fruitless assault, the emperor raised the siege to prosecute 
a long and perilous journey over land from Durazzo to 

Empire, tom. vxi. pp. 120-122) lias found, oeiliaps in Deutreman. some law? of 
Henry,whicb determined the service of fiefs, and the prerogatives of the emperor. 


Thessalonica. He wns soon lost in the mountains of Epirns : 
the passes were fortified ; liis provisions exhausted ; he 
was delayed and deceived by a treacherous negotiation ; and, 
after Peter of Courtenay and the Roman legate had been 
arrested in a banquet, the French troops, Avithout leaders 
or hopes, were eager to exchange their arms for the delusive 
promise of mercy and bread. The Vatican thundered ; and 
the impious Theodore was threatened with the vengeance 
of earth and heaven : but the captive em])eror and his 
soldiers were forgotten, and the reproaches of the pope are 
confined to the imprisonment of his legate. No sooner was 
he satisfied by the deliverance of the priest and a promise 
of spiritual obedience, than he pardoned and protected the 
despot of Epirus. His peremptory commands suspended 
the ardor of the Venetians and the king of Hungary; and 
it was only by a natural or untimely death ^® that Peter of 
Courtenay was released from his hopeless captivity.®"^ 

The long ignorance of his fate, and the presence of the 
lawful sovereign, of Yolande, his wife or Avidow, delayed 
the proclamation of a new emperor. Before her death, and 
in the midst of her grief, she was delivered of a son, who 
was named Baldwin, the last and most unfortunate of the 
Latin ])rinces of Constantinople. His birth endeared him 
to the barons of Romania ; but his childhood would have 
prolonged the troubles of a minority, and his claims were 
su])erseded by the elder claims of his brethren. The first 
of these, Philip of Courtenay, who derived from his mother 
the inheritance of Namur, had the wisdom to prefer the 
substance of a marquisate to the shadow of an empire ; and 
on his refusal, Robert, the second of the sons of Peter and 
Yolande, was called to the throne of Constantino] )le. 
Warned by his father's mischance, he pursued his slow and 
secure journey through Germany and along the Danube ; a 
passage was opened by his sister's marriage with tlie king 
of Hungary ; and the emperor Robert was crowned by the 
patriarch in tlie cathedral of St. Sophia. But his reign was 

35 Acropolita (e. 14) arTinns that Peter of Courtenav dicfl by the sword {epyov 
liaxaj.i)a<; yfueaOai) ; but fiom liis dark expressions, I sliould (onclude a previous 
captivity, w? Trai'ra? apSr)v 5eo-|uajTa9 ttoitj-toi avv naac aKeveai.* The Chronicle o£ 

A uxerre delays the emperor's death till the year 1219; and Auxerre is in the 
neighborhood of Courtenav. 

»'" See the reign and death r,f Peter of Conrtenay, in Dncange (Hist, de C- P. 1. 
ii. c. 22-28), who I'eebly strives to excuse the neglect of the emperor by Honorius 

♦Whatever mny have been the fact, this can hardly be made out from the ex- 
pressions of Acropolita.— M. 


an rera of calamity and disgrace ; and the colony, as it was 
stvled, of New France yielded on all sides to the Greeks 
of Nice and Ej)irus. After a victory, which he owed to his 
perfidy rather than his courage, Theodore Angelns entered 
the kingdom of Thessalonica, expelled the feeble Demetrius, 
the son of the marquis Boniface, erected his standard on 
the walls of Adrianojile ; and added, by his vanity, a thii'd 
or a fourth name to the list of rival emperors. The relics 
of the Asiatic province were swept away by John Vataces, 
the son-in-law and successor of Theodore Lascaris, and who, 
in a triumphant reign of tliirty-three years, displayed the 
virtues both of peace and Avar. Under his discipline, the 
swords of the French mercenaries were the most effectual 
instrument of his conquests, and their desertion from the 
service of their country was at once a symptom and a cause 
of the rising ascendant of the Greeks. By the construction 
of a fleet, he obtained the command of the Plellespont, 
reduced the islands of Lesbos and Khodes, attacked the 
Venetians of Candin, and intercepted the rare and parsimo- 
nious succors of the West. Once, and once only, the Latin 
emperor sent an army a«;ainst Vataces ; and in the defeat of 
that army, the veteran knights, the last of the original con- 
querors, were left on the field of battle. But the success of 
a foreign enemy was less painful to the pusillanimous Rob- 
ert than the insolence of his Latin subjects, who confounded 
the weakness of the emperor and of the empire. His j)er- 
sonal misfortunes will prove the anarchy of the government 
and the ferociousness of the times. The amorous youth 
had neglected his Greek bride, tlie daughter of Vataces, to 
introduce into the palace a beautiful maid, of a private, 
though noble, family of Artois ; and her mother had been 
tem])ted by the lustre of the purple to forfeit her engage- 
ments witli a gentleman of Burgundy. His love was con- 
verted into rage ; he assembled his friends, forced the pal- 
ace gates, threw the mother into the sea, and inhumanly 
cut off the nose and lips of the wife or concubine of the 
emi)eror. Instead of punishing the offender, the barons 
avowed and applauded the savage deed,^^ which, as- a prince 
and as a man, it was impossible that Robert should forgive. 
He escajjcd from the guilty city to implore the justice or 

28 Marinns Saiiutns(Secreta Fidelium Crucis, 1. ii. p. 4, c, 18, p. 73) is so much 
delighted with this bloody deed, that ho has transcribed it in his margin as a 
bon im exemijlum. Yet he acknowledges the damsel for the lawful wife of 


compassion of the pope : the emperor -was coolly exhorted 
to return to his station ; before he could obey, he sunk un- 
der the weight of grief, shame, and impotent resentment."* 
It was only in ihe ao-e of chivalry, that yalor could as- 
cend from a private station to the thrones of Jerusalem and 
Constantinople. The tituLar kingdom of Jerusalem liad 
deyolyed to Mary, the daughter of Isabella and Conrad of 
Montferrat, and the granddaughter of Almeric or Amaury. 
She was giyen to John of Brienne, of a noble family in 
Champagne, by the public voice, and the judgment of Philip 
Augustus, who named him as the most Avorthy champion 
of the Holy Land.^'^ In the fifth crusade he led a hundred 
thousand Latins to the conquest of Egypt : by him the siege 
of Damietta Avas achieyed ; and the subsequent failure was 
justly ascribed to the pride and avarice of the legate. After 
the marriage of liis daughter with Frederic the Second,^^ 
he was provoked by the emperor's ingratitude to accept the 
command of the army of the church; and thoush advanced 
in life, and desi^oiled of royalty, the sword and spirit of 
John of Brienne were still ready for the service of Christen- 
dom. In the seven years of his brother's reign, Baldwin of 
Courtenay had not emerged from a state of childhood, and 
the barons of Romania felt the strong necessity of placing 
the sceptre in the hands of a man and a liero. The veteran 
kino: of Jerusalem miHit have disdained tlie name and ofiice 
of regent ; they agreed to invest him for Iiis life Avilh tlie 
title and prerogatives of emperor, on tlie sole condition, 
that Baldwin should marry his second daughter, and succeed 
at a mature age to tlie throne of Constantinople. The ex- 
pectation, both of the Greeks and Latins, was kindled by 
the renown, the choice, and the presenceof John of Brienne; 
and they admired his martial aspect, his green and vigorous 
age of more than fourscore years, and his size and stature, 
which surpassed the common measure of mankind.^- But 
avarice, and the love of ease, appear to have chilled the 

S9 See the reign of Robert, in Ducange (Hist, ds C. P. 1. iii. c. 1-12). 

*^ Kex i;,'itur Francias, deliberaiione habiti. resoundit nuuliit*. se daturum 
horn hi em Sy rife part lb s aptum ; in arniis paobuni (prtuu) h\ bcUis, in 
agendis providuni, Johaiiiiem coniiteni Brcnne».seui. Sanut. Secret. Fideliuni, 
1. iii. p. xi. c. 4. p. 2(.5. 3Iatthew Paris, p. 159. 

4' (Jianuone (Istoiia Civile, torn. ii. 1. xvi. pp. o80-cfC)discuFseslhe niarriace of 
Frederic II. witli ibe daughter of John of Brienne, ar.d the double union of tho 
crowns of Naples and Jerusalem. 

<2 Acropol ta, e. Ii7. The liistorian was at that time a boy, nv.d educated at 
Constantinople. In 12^3, when li.; wa-; eleven year.s old, Ida father brohc the 
Latin chain, left a s-plendid fortune, and escaped to the Greek court of Kice, 
•where his son was raised to the highest honors. 


ardor of enterprise ; * his troops were disbanded, and two 
years rolled away witiiout action or honor, till he was awak- 
ened by the dnngeroiis alliance of Vataces, emperor of 
Nice, and of Azan king of Bulgaria. They besieged Con- 
stantinople by sea and land, with an army of one hundred 
thousand men, and a fleet of three hundred ships of war ; 
while the entire force of the Latin emperor was reduced to 
one hundred fjnd sixty knights, and a small addition of ser- 
geants and archers. I tremble to relate, that instead of de- 
fending the city, the hero made a sally at the head of his 
cavalry ; and that of forty-eight squadrons of the enemy, 
no more than three escaped from the edge of his invincible 
sword. Fired by his example, the infantry and the citizens 
boarded the vessels that anchored close to the walls ; and 
twenty-five were dragged in triumph into the harbor of 
Constantinople. At the summons of the emperor, the vas- 
sals and allies armed in her defence ; broke through every 
obstacle that opposed their passage ; and, in the succeeding 
year, obtained a second victory over the same enemies. By 
the rude poets of the age, John of Brienne is compared to 
Hector, Roland, and Judas Maccabaeus : ^^ but their credit, 
and his glory, receive some abatement from the silence of 
the Greeks. The empire was soon deprived of the last of 
her champions ; and the dying monarch was ambitious to 
enter paradise in the habit of a Franciscan friar.^'* 

In the double A'ictory of John of Brienne, I cannot dis- 
cover the name or exploits of his pupil Baldwin, who had 
attained the age of military service, and who succeeded to 
the Imperial dignity on the decease of his adoptive father.^^ 
The royal youth was emj^loyed on a commission more suit- 

« Philip Mouskes, bishop of Tournay (A, D, 1274-1282), has composed a poem, 
or rather a string of verses, in bad old Flemish French, on the Latin emperors 
of Constantinople, which Ducange has published at the end of Villehardouiu ; 
636 p. 38, for the prowess of John of Brienne. 

N'Aie, Ector, Roll' ne Ogiers 
. Ne Judas JSIachabeus li hers 
Tant ne fit d'armes en estors 
Com fist li Rois Jehans eel jors 
Et il defors et il dedans 
La paru sa force et ses sens 
Et li hardiment qu'il avoit. 

** See the reign of John de Brienne, in Ducange, Hist, de C.P. 1. ill. c. 13-26. 
*^ See the reign of Baldwin JI. till his expulsion from Constantinople, in Du- 
cange, Hist, de C. P. 1. iv. c. 1 34, the end 1. v. c, 1-33. 

* John de Brienne elected emperor 1229, wasted two years in preparations, 
and did not arrive at Constantinople till 1231. Two yeais more glided away in 
inglorious inaction : he then made some ineffective warlike expeditions. Con- 
Btantinople was not besieged till 1234.— M. 


able to his temper; he was sent to visit the Western courts, 
of the pope more especially, and of the king of France ; to 
excite their pity by the view of his innocence and distress ; 
and to obtain some supplies of men or money for the relief 
of the sinking em])ii"e. He thrice repeated these mendicant 
visits, in which he seemed to prolong his stay, and postpone 
his retui'u ; of the five-and-twenty years of liis reign, a 
greater number Avere spent abroad than at home; and in no 
place did the emperor deem himself less free and secure 
than in his native country and his cajjital. On some public 
occasions, his vanity might be soothed by the title of Au- 
gustus, and l)y the honors of the purple ; and at the general 
council of Lyons, when Frederic the Second was excom- 
municated and deposed, his Oriental colleague was enthroned 
on the right hand of the pope. But how often was the- ex- 
ile, the vagrant, the Im])criai beggar, humbled with scorn, 
insulted with pity, and degraded in his own eyes and those 
of the nations ! In his first visit to England, he was stopped 
at Dover by a severe reprimand, that he should presume, 
without leave, to enter an independent kingdom. After 
some delay, Baldwin, however, was permitted to pursue his 
journey, was entertained with cold civility, and thankfully 
departed with a present of seven hundred marks.^*^ From 
the avarice of Home he could only obtain the proclamation 
of a crusade, and a treasure of indulgences ; a coin whose 
currency was depreciated by too frequent and indiscriminate 
abuse. His birth and misfortunes recommended him to the 
generosity of his cousin Louis the Ninth ; but the martial 
zeal of the saint was diverted from Constantinople to Egypt 
and Palestine ; and the public and private poverty of Bald- 
win was alleviated, for a moment, by the alienation of the 
marquisate of Namur and the lordship of Courtenay, tl e 
last remains of his inheritance.^^ By such shameful or ruin- 
ous expedients, he once more returned to Romania, with an 
army of thirty thousand soldiers, whose numbers were dou- 
bled in the aj^prehensionof the Greeks. His first despatches 
to France and Enccland announced his victories and his 
hopes : he had reduced the country round the capital to the 

■*<5 Matthew Paris relates the two visits of Baldwin II. to the English court, pp. 
396, Go7 ; his return to Greece armati manu, p. 407 ; his letters of his nomeu 
formidabilc, &c., p. 481 (a passage which had escaped Ducange); his expulsion, 
p. 850. 

*^ Louis IX. disapproved and stopped the alienation of Courtenay (Ducange, L 
i. V. c. 23). It is now annexed to the royal demesne, hut graTited for a term 
(etifinge) to the family of Boulainvilliers. Courtenay, in the election of Nemours 
in the Isle de France, is a town of 900 inhabitants, with the remains of a castle 
(Melanges tires d'une Grande Bibliotheque, torn. xlv. pp. 74-77). 


distance of three days' journey; and if he succeeded against 
an important, though nameless, city (most probably Chiorli), 
the frontier would be safe and the passage accessible. But 
these expectations (if Baldwin was sincere) quickly van- 
ished like a dream: the troops and treasures of France 
melted away in his unskilful hands; and the throne of the 
Latin emperor was protected by a dishonorable allianc^e 
with the Turks and Comans. To secure the former, he 
consented to bestow his niece on the unbelieving sultan of 
Cogni; to please the latter he complied with their Pagan 
rites ; a dog was sacrificed between the two armies ; and 
the contracting parties tasted each other's blood, as a pledge 
of their fidelity.^* In the palace, or prison, of Constantino- 
ple, the successor of Augustus demolished the vacant liouses 
for v>inter fuel, and stripped the lead from the churches for 
the daily expense of his family. Some usurious loans were 
dealt with a scanty hand by the merchants of Italy; and 
Philip, his son and heir, was pawned at Venice as the se- 
curity for a debt.^^ Thirst, hunger, and nakedness, are 
positive evils: but wealth is relative; and a prince who 
would be rich in a private station, may be exposed by the 
increase of his wants to all the anxiety and bitterness of 

But in this abject distress, the emperor and empire were 
still possessed of an ideal treasure, which drew its fantastic 
value from the superstition of the Christian world. The 
merit of the true cross was somewhat impaired by its fre- 
quent division ; and a long captivity among the infidels 
might shed some suspicion on the fragments that were pro- 
duced in the East and West. But another relic of the Pas- 
sion was preserved in the Impei-ial chapel of Constantino- 
ple ; and the crown of thorns which had been placed on the 
head of Christ was equally precious and authentic. It had 
formerly been the practice of the Egyptian debtors to de- 
posit, as a security, the mummies of their parents ; and both 
their honor and relimon were bound for the redemption of 
the pledge. In the same manner, and in the absence of the 
emperor, the barons of Romania borrowed the sum of thir- 
teen thousand one hundred and thirty-four pieces of gold ^ 

<8 Joinville, p. 101, odit. du T.ouvre. A Coman prince, who died without bap- 
tism, was buried at the gates of Constantinople with a live retinue of slaves and 

*'■> Sanut. Secret. Fidel. Crucis, 1. ii,.p. iv. c. 18, p. 73. 

^^ Under the words Pcrparna, Perpcra, Hiiperperum, DTiranjje is short and 
vapue : Monetas genns. From a corrupt passage of Gnntlierus (Hist. C. P. c. 8, 
p. 10), I guess that the Perpera was the nummus aureus, tlie fourth part of a mark 


on the credit of the holy crown : they failed in the perform- 
ance of their contract \ and a rich Venetian, Nicholas Qiie- 
rini, undertook to satisfy their impatient creditors, on con- 
dition that the relic should be lodged at Venice, to become 
his absohite property, if it were not redeemed within a 
short and definite term. The barons apprized their sover- 
eign of the hard treaty and impending loss ; and as the em- 
pire could not afford a ransom of seven thousand pounds 
sterling, Bahiwin was anxious to snatch the prize from the 
Venetians, and to vest it with more honor and emolument 
in the hands of the most Christian king.^^ Yet the negotia- 
tion was attended with some delicacy. In the purchase of 
relics, tlie saint would have started at the guilt of simony : 
but if the mode of expression were changed, he miglit law- 
fully re])ay the debt, accej)t the gift, and acknowledge the 
obligation. His ambassadors, two Dominicans, were de- 
spatched to Venice to redeem and receive the holy crown, 
which had escaped the dangers of the sea and the galleys of 
Vataces. On opening a wooden box, they recognized the 
seals of the doge and barons, which were applied on a slirine 
of silver; and within this shrine the monument of the Pas- 
sion was enclosed in a golden vase. The reluctant Vene- 
tians yielded to justice and power: the emperor Frederic 
granted a free and honorable passage ; the court of France 
advanced as far asTroyes in Champagne, to meet Avith devo- 
tion this inestimable relic : it was borne in triumj)h through 
Paris by the king himself, barefoot, and in his shirt ; and a 
free gift of ten thousand marks of silver reconciled Bald- 
win to his loss. The success of this transaction tempted 
the Latin emperor to offer with the same generosity the re- 
maining furniture of his chapel ;^^ a large and authentic 
portion of the true cross ; the baby-linen of the Son of God, 
the lance, the sponge, and the chain, of his Passion ; the rod 
of Moses, and part of the skull of St. John the Baptist. For 
the reception of these spiritual treasures, twenty thousand 
marks were expended by St. Louis on a stately foundation, 
the holy chapel of Paris, on which the muse of Boileau has 

of silver, or about ten shillings sterling in value. In lead it would be too con- 

"^ For ihe translation of the holy crown, &c., from Constantinople to Paris, 
sec Ducange (Hist, de C. P. 1. iv. c. 11-14, 24, 25), and Fleury (Hist. Eccles. toin. 
xvii. pp. 2UI-204K 

^- Melanges tir^s d'une Grande Bibliothfeque, torn, xliii. pp. 201-20.'^. TheLutrin 
of Boileau exhibits the inside, the soul and manners of the Sahife Cliapelle: and 
many facts relative to the institution are collected and explained by his commen- 
tators, Brosset and De St. Marc. 


bestowed a comic immortality. The truth of such remote 
and ancient relics, which cannot be jH-oved by any human 
testimony, must be admitted by those wlio believe in the 
miracles which they have performed. About the mid<lle of 
the last a<^e, an inveterate ulcer was touched and cured by 
a holy prickle of the holy crow^n : ^^ the prodigy is attested 
by the most pious and enlightened Christians of France ; 
nor will the fact be easily dis])roved, except by those who 
are armed with a general antidote against religious credu- 



The Latins of Constantinople ^^ were on all sides encom- 
passed and pressed ; their sole hope, the last delay of their 
ruin, was in the division of their Greek and Bulgarian ene- 
mies ; and of this hope they were deprived by the superior 
arms and policy of Vat.ices, emperor of Nice. Fi'om the 
Propontis to the rocky const of Pamphylia, Asia was peace- 
ful and prosperous under his reign ; and the events of every 
campaign extended his influence in Europe. The strong 
cities of the hills of Macedonia and Thrace were rescued 
from the Buliiarians ; and their kinii:dom was circumscribed 
by its present and proper limits, along the southern banks 
of the Danube. The sole emperor of the Romans could no 
longer brook that a lord of Epirus, a Comnenian prince of 
the West, should presume to dispute or share the honors of 
the purple ; and the humble Demetrius changed the color 
of his buskins, and accepted with gratitude the apjiellation 
of despot. Plis own subjects were exasperated by his base- 
ness and incapacity; they implored the protection of their 
su])reme lord. Alter some resistance, the kingdom of Thes- 
salonica was united to the empire of Nice ; and Vataces 
reigned without a competitor from the Turkish borders to 
the Adriatic Gulf. The princes of Europe revered his merit 
and ])Ower ; and had he subscribed an orthodox creed, it 
should seem that the pope would liave abandoned without 
reluctance tlie Latin throne of Constantinople. But the 

" It was performed A. D. 1656, March 24. on the niece of Pascal ; and that 
superior geiiiub, with Arnauld, Nicole, &c., were on tlie spot, lo believe and alte. t 
a ini.acle which confoun<led tlie Ji suits, and saved Port iioyal (CEuvres de Ka- 
ciae, torn. vi. pp. 176-1«7, in hid eloquent, History of Port Koyal). 

-* Voltaire (Steele de Louis XI V. c. 31, CEuvres. toni. ix. pp. 178, 179) strives to 
invalidate the fact : but Hume (Essays, vol. ii. pp. iSo, ii<-i), with more skill and 
success, seizes the battery, and turns the cannon again.-t his enemies. 

"■^ 'ihe gradual losses of the Latins may l-e traced in the third, fourth, and fifth 
boolis of .he compilation of J)u< ange : but of the Greek conquests he has dropped 
ma:iy i-ircumstances, whicii nia\ be re* ove ed f ro n the larger }iistory of George 
Acropolita, ami the lhr;:;e tirst brmks of Ni«ephorus Gr uoru-, two writers of the 
Byzani ine ^erie^, who have had the gof»d fortune to meet willi learned editors, 
Leo Allatius at Kome, and John Boiviu iix the Academy of Inscriptions of 


death of Vataces, the short and busy reign of Tlieodore his 
son, and the helpless infancy of liis grandson John, sus- 
pended the restoration of the Greeks. In the next chapter, 
I shall ex])lain their domestic revolutions ; in this place, it 
will be sufficient to observe, that the young prince was op- 
pressed by the ambition of his guardian and colleague, Mi- 
chael Palaeologus, who displayed the virtues and vices that 
belong: to the founder of a new dynasty. The emperor 
Baldwin had flattered himself, that he misfht recover some 
provinces or cities by an impotent negotiation. His ambas- 
sadors were dismissed from Nice with mockery and con- 
tempt. At every place which they named, Palasologus 
alleged some special reason, which rendered it dear and 
valuable in his eyes : in the one he was born ; in another he 
had been first promoted to military command ; and in a 
third lie had enjoyed, and hoped long to enjoy, tlie pleas- 
ures of the chase. "And what then do yon propose to give 
•us ? " said the astonished deputies. " Nothing," replied 
the Greek, "not a foot of land. If your master be desirous 
of peace, let him pay me, as an annual tribute, the sum 
which he receives from the trade and customs of Constanti- 
nople. On these terms, I may allow him to reign. If he 
refuses, it is war. I am not ignorant of the art of war, and 
I trust the event to God and my sword." ^^ An expedition 
against the despot of Epirus was the first prelude of his 
arms. If a victory was followed by a defeat ; if the race of 
the Comneni or Angeli survived in those mountains his ef- 
forts and his reign ; the captivity of Villehardouin, prince 
of Achaia, deprived the Latins of the most active and pow- 
erful vassal of their expiring monarchy. The republics of 
Venice and Genoa disputed, in the first of their naval wars, 
the command of the sea and the commerce of the East. 
Pride and interest attached the Venetians to the defence of 
Constantinople ; their rivals were tempted to promote the 
designs of her enemies, and the alliance of the Genoese with 
the schismatic conqueror j^rovoked the indignation of the 
Latin church." 

Intent on his great object, the emperor Michael visited 
in person and strengthened the trooi^s and fortifications of 

68 George Acropolita, c. 7S. jjp. 89, 90, edit. Paris. 

57 The Greeks, ashamed of any loieigii aid, disguise the alliance and succor of 
the Genoese ; but the fuctis proved bv the testimoiiy of J. Villani (Chroii. 1. vi. 
c. 71, in Muratori, Scrint. Kernm Italicarum, torn. xiii. pp. 202, 203) and Willinm 
de Nangis (Annales de St. Louis, p. 248, in the Louvre Joinville), two impartial 
foreigners ; and Urban IV. threatened to deprive Genoa of her archbishop. 



Tlirace. The remnins of the Latins were driven from tlieir 
last possessions : he assaulted without success the suburb 
of GaLata ; and corresponded with a perfidious baron, wlio 
proved unwilling, or unable, to o]:)en tlie gates of tlie me- 
tropolis. The next spring, his favorite general, Alexius 
Strategopulus, whom he had decorated with the title of 
CfBsar, passed the Hellespont with eight hundred horse and 
some infantry, ^^ on a secret expedition. His instructions 
enjoined him to approach, to listen, to watch, but not to 
risk any doubtful or dangerous entcrjirise against the city. 
The adjacent teri'itory between the Propontis and the Black 
Sea was cultivated by a hardy race of peasants and out- 
laws, exercised in arms, uncertain in tlieir allegiance, but 
inclined by language, religion, and present advantage, to 
the party of the Greeks. They were styled the volun- 
teers ; '^"^ and by their free service the army of Alexius, 
with the regulars of Tlirace and the Coman auxiliaries,'^'^ 
was augmented to the number of five-and-twenty thousand 
men. By the ardor of the volunteers, and by his own ambi- 
tion, the Cflesar was stimulated to disobey the precise orders 
of liis master, in the just confidence that success would 
plead his pardon and reward. The weakness of Constanti- 
no])le, and the distress and terror of the Latins, were famil- 
iar to the observation of the volunteers ; and they rej-re- 
sented the present moment as the most propitious to surprise 
and conquest. A rash youth, the new governor of the Ve- 
netian colony, had sailed away with thirty galleys, and the 
best of the French knights, on a wild expedition to Daph- 
nusia, a town on the Black Sea, at the distance of forty 
leagues ; * and the remaining Latins were without strength 
or suspicion. They were informed that Alexius had passed 
tlie Hellespont ; but their a])prehensions were lulled by the 
smallness of his oi-iginal numbers ; and their imprudence 
had not watched the subsequent increase of his army. If 

58 Some precautions mnst be used in reconciling the discordant numbers ; the 
800 soldiers of Nicetas, the 2o,00n of Spandugino (apud Ducange, 1. v. c, 24); the 
Greeks and Scytljians of Acropolita ; and the numerous army of Michael, in the 
Epistles of Pope Urban IV. (i. 129). 

'■•■' ©t-ArjwaTioioi. Tliey are described and named by Pachymer (1. ii. c. 14). 

c^ It is needless to seek these Comans in the deserts of Tartarv, or even of 
MoMavia. A part of the liorde had submitted to John Vataces, and was prob- 
ably settled as a nursery of soldiers on some waste lands of Thrace (Cantacuzen. 
1. 1. c. 2). ^ 

* According to several authorities, particularly Abulfaradj. Chron. Arab. p. 
33G, Ihis was a strata<j;em on the part of the Greeks to weaken the garriFon of 
Constantinople. The Greek commander offered to surrender the town on the 
appearance of the Venetians.— M. 


he left liis mnin body to second and support his operations, 
he niiglit advance unperceived in the night witli a cliosen 
detaclnnent. AVhile some applied scaling-ladders to the 
lowest part' of the walls, they were secure of an old Greek, 
who would introduce their companions through a subterra- 
neous passage into his house ; they could soon on the inside 
break an entrance through the golden gate, which had been 
long obstructed ; and tlie conqueror would be in the heart 
of the city before the Latins were conscious of their danger. 
After some debate, the Cassar resigned himself to the faith 
of the volunteers ; they were trusty, bold, and successful ; 
and in describing the plan, I have already related the exe- 
cution and success.*^^ But no sooner had Alexius passed 
the threshold of the golden gate, than he trembled at his 
own rashness; he paused, he deliberated; till the desper- 
ate volunteers urged him forwards, by the assurance tliat 
in retreat lay the greatest and most inevitable danger. 
Whilst the Caesar kept his regulars in firm array, the Co- 
mans dispersed tliemselves on all sides ; an alarm was 
sounded, and the threats of lire and jnllage compelled the 
citizens to a decisive resolution. The Greeks of Constanti- 
nople remembered their native sovereigns ; the Genoese 
merchants their recent alliance and Venetian foes ; every 
quarter Avas in arms ; and tlie air resounded with a general 
acclamation of " Long life and victory to JMicliael and Jolm, 
the august emperors of the Romans ! " Their rival, Bald- 
win, was awakened by the sound ; but the most pressing 
danger could not prompt him to draw Ids sword in defence 
of a city which lie deserted, perhaps, witli more pleasure 
than regret : he fled from tlie palace to tlie sea-shore, wliere 
he descried tlie welcome sails of the fleet returnino; from 
the vain and fruitless attempt on Dai)hnusia. Constanti- 
nople was irrecoverably lost ; but the Latin emperor and 
the i:)rincipal families embarked on board the Venetian gal- 
leys, and steered for the Isle of Euboea, and afterwards for 
Italy, Avhere the royal fugitive was entertained by the pope 
and Sicilian king Avith a mixture of contempt and pity. 
From the loss of Constantinople to his death, he consumed 
thirteen years, soliciting the Catholic powers to join in his 
restoration : the lesson liad been familiar to his youth; nor 
was his last exile more indigent or shameful than his three 

61 The loss of Constantinople is briefly told by the Latins : the conquest is 
desciibed with more satisfaction by the Greeks : by Acro[>olit:i (c. Sr>), Pachyraer 
(1. ii. c. 26, 27), Kicephorus Ciegoras (I. iv. c. 1, 2). " See Ducange, Hist, de "C. P. 
1. V. c. 19-27. 


former pilgrimages to the courts of Europe. Ills son Philip 
was the heir of an ideal empire; and the pretensions of his 
daugliter Cathai-ine were transported by lier marriage to 
Charles of Yalois, the brother of Philip the Fair, king of 
France. The house of Courtenay was represented in the 
female line by successive alliances, till the emperor of Con- 
stantinople, too bulky and sonorous for a private name, 
modestly expired in silence and oblivion. ^^ 

After this narrative of the expeditions of the Latins to 
Palestine and Constantinople, I cannot dismiss the subject 
without revolving the general consequences on the countries 
that were the scene, and on the nations that were the actors, 
of these memorable crusades.^^ As soon as the arms of the 
Franks were withdrawn, tlie impression, though not the 
memory, was erased in the 3Iahometan realms of Egypt and 
Syria. The faithful disciples of the prophet were never 
tempted by a profane desire to study the laws or language 
of the idolaters ; nor did the simplicity of their primitive 
manners receive the slitrhtest alteration from their inter- 


course in peace and war with the unknown strangers of the 
West. The Greeks, who thouglit themselves proud, but 
who were only vain, showed a disposition somewhat less 
inflexible. In the efforts for the recovery of tlieir empire, 
they emulated the valor, discipline, and tactics of their 
antagonists. The modern literature (jf the West they niight 
justly despise; but its free spirit would instruct them in the 
rights of man; and some institutions of public and private 
life were adopted from the French. The correspondence 
of Constantinople and Italy diffused the knowledge of the 
Latin tongue ; and several of the fathers and classics were 
at length honored with a Greek Aersion.^'* But the national 
and religious prejudices of the Orientals were inflamed by 
persecution, and the reign of the Latins confirmed the sejj- 
aration of the two churches. 

«2See the three hvst books (1. v.-viii.) and the genealogical tables of Ducange. 
In the year 13x2, the titular emperor of Constuntinople was James de Baux, 
duke of Aiidria in the kingdom of Naples, the pou of Margaret, daughter of 
Catherine de Valois, daughter of Catherine, daughter of Philip, son of Daltiwin 
II. (Ducange. 1. \iij. e. 37, 38). It is uncertain whether he left any posterity. 

" Abilfeda, who s;iw the conclusion of the cni6a<les, speaks of the kingdoms of 
the Franks, and those of the Negroes, as equally unknown (Prolegom. ad Geo- 
graph). Had he not disdained the Latin language, how easily might the Syrian 
prince have found books an*] interpreters ! 

«=* A short and superficial account of thepe versions from Latin into Greek is 

fjiven by Iluet (de Inierpretaiione et de claris Interpr til. us, pp. 131-135). JNIax- 
mus Planudes, a monk of Consta)itiiioi)le(A. P. 1: ;^7-135.S)hart translated Cfpsar'8 
Commentaries, the Somnium Scipionis, the Metamorphosea aud lleroides of 
Ovid, &c., (Fabric. Bib. Grsec. torn, x. p, 533). 


If we compare the 03ra of tlie erusades, the Latins of 
Europe witli the Greeks and Arabians, tlieir respective de- 
grees of knowledge, industry, and art, our rude ancestors 
must be content witli tlie third rank in the scale of nations. 
Their successive improvement and present superiority^ may- 
be ascribed to a. peculiar energy of character, to an active 
and imitative spirit, unknown to their more polislied rivals, 
who at that time were in a stationary or retrograde state. 
WJth such a disposition, the Latins should have derived the 
most early and essential benefits from a series of events 
which 0})ened to their eyes the prospect of the world, and 
introduced them to a long and frequent intercourse with 
the more cultivated regions of the East. The first and 
most obvious progress was in trade and manufactures, in 
the arts which are strongly prompted by the thirst of 
wealth, the calls of nec*essity, and the gratification of the 
sense or vanity. Among the crowd of unthinking fanatics, 
a captive or a pilgrim might sometimes observe the superior 
refinements of Cairo and Constantinople : the first importer 
of windmills ^'^ was the benefactor of nations ; and if such 
blessings are enjoyed without any grateful remembrance, 
history has condescended to notice the more apparent lux- 
uries of silk and sugar, which were transported into Italy 
from Greece and Egypt. But the intellectual wants of the 
Latins were more slowly felt and supplied ; the ardor of 
studious curiosity was awakened in 'Europe by different 
causes and more recent events; and, in the age of the cru- 
sades, they viewed with careless indifference the literature 
of the Greeks and Arabians. Some rudiments of mathe- 
matical and medicinal knowledge might be imparted in prac- 
tice and in figures; necessity might produce some inter- 
preters for the grosser business of merchants and soldiers ; 
but the commerce of the Orientals had not diffused the 
study and knowledge of their languages in the schools of 
Europe.^^ If a similar principle of religion repulsed the 
idiom of the Koran, it should have excited their j^atience 
and curiosity to understand the original text of the gospel ; 
and the same grammar would liave unfolded the sense of 
Plato and the beauties of Homer. Yet in a rei^'n of sixty 

65 Windmills, first liivented in the dry country of Asia Minor, were used in 
Normiindy as early as the year 1105 (Vie privee des Fran9ois, torn. i. pp. 42, 43. 
Ducange, Glos-. Latin, tom. iv. p. 474). 

'^^ See the complaints of Roger Bacon (Biographia Britannica, vol. i. p. 418, 
Kippio's edition). If Bacon himself, or Gerbert, understood .some Greek, they 
were prodigies, aud owed nothing to the commerce of the East. 

OF THE KOMAN i:M?!llE. 193 

years, tlie Latins of Constantinople disdained tlie speech 
and learning^ of their subjects; and the manuscripts were 
the only treasures which the natives might enjoy without 
rapine or envy. Aristotle was indeed the oracle of the 
Western universities, but it was a barbarous Aristotle ; and, 
instead of ascending to the fountain head, liis Latin votaries 
humbly accepted a corrupt and remote version from the 
Jews and Moors of Andalusia. The principle of the cru- 
sades was a savage fanaticism ; and the most important 
effects were analogous to the cause. Each pilgrim was 
ambitious to return with his sacred sj^oils, the relics of 
Greece and Palestine ;^^ and each relic was preceded and 
followed by a train of miracles and visions. The belief of 
the Catholics was corrupted by new legends, their practice 
by new superstitions; and the establishment of the inquisi- 
tion, the mendicant orders of monks and friars, the last 
abuse of indulgences, and the final progress of idolatry, 
flowed from the baleful fountain of the holy war. The 
active spirit of the Latins preyed on the vitals of their reason 
and religion ; and if the ninth and tenth centuries were the 
times of darkness, the thirteenth and fourteenth were the 
aoi:e of absurdity and fable. 

In the profession of Christianity, in the cultivation of a 
fertile land, the northern conquerors of the Roman empire 
insensibly mingled Avith the provincials, and rekindled the 
embers of the arts of antiquity. Their settlements about 
the age of Charlemagne had acquired some degree of order 
and stability, when they were overwhelmed by new swarms 
of invaders, the Normans, Saracens,^^ and Hungarians, who 
replunged the western countries of Europe into their former 
state of anarchy and barbarism. About the eleventh cen- 
tury, the second tempest had subsided by the expulsion or 
conversion of the enemies of Christendom: tiie tide of civil- 
ization which had so long ebbed, began to flow with a steady 
and accelerated course ; and a fairer prospect was opened 
to the hopes and efforts of the rising generations. Great 
was the increase, and rapid the progress, during the two 
hundred years of the crusades; and some philosophers have 
applauded the propitious influence of these holy wars, 

"7 Such was the opinion of the great Leibnitz (CEnvre^ do Fontenelle, torn. v. 
p. '^5^), a, master of tlic history of the middle ages. I shall only instance the 
pedigree of the CariMclitcs, and the flight of the house of Loretto, which were 
both derived from Palestine, 

*^^ Jf J rank tlie Saracens with the Barbarians, it is only relative to their wars, 
or rather inroads, in Italy and France, where their sole purpose was to plunder 
I ud destroy. 

Vol. V._1.3 


wliicli appear to me to have checked ratlier than forwarded 
the maturity of Europe. ^^ The lives and hibors of millions, 
which were bui-ied in the East, would have been more profit- 
ably employed in the im])rovement of their native country: 
the accumulated stock of industry and wealth would have 
overflowed in navigation and trade ; and the Latins would 
have been enriched and enlightened by a pure and friendly 
correspondence with the ctimates of the East. In one 
respect I can indeed perceive th^ accidental operation of 
the crusades, not so much in producing a benefit as in re- 
moving an evil. The larger proportion of the inhabitants 
of Europe was chained to the soil, without freedom, or 
property, or knowledge ; and the two orders of ecclesiastics 
and nobles, whose numbers Avere comparatively small, alone 
deserved the name of citizens and men. TJiis oppi-essive 
system was su])ported by the acts of the clergy and the 
swords of the barons. The authority of the pi-iests operated 
in the darker ages as a snlutary antidote : they prevented 
the total extinction of letters, mitigated the fierceness of the 
times, sheltered the poor and defenceless, and preserved or 
revived the peace and order of civil society. But the 
independence, rapine, and discord of the feudal lords were 
unmixed with any semblance of good ; and every hope of 
industry and improvement was crushed by the iron weight 
of the martial aristocracy. Among the causes that under- 
mined that Gothic edifice, a consj)icuous ])lnce must be al- 
lowed to the crusades. The estates of the bnrons were 
dissipated, and their i-ace was often extinguished, in these 
costly and perilous expeditions. Their ])overty extorted 
from their ju'ide those cliarters of freedom m hich unlocked 
the fetters of th3 slave, secured the farm of the peasant and 
the shop of the artificer, and gradually restored a substance 
and a soul to the most numerous and useful ])art of the 
community. The conflagration which destroyed the tall 
and barren trees of the forest gave air and scope to the 
vegetation of the smaller and nutritive plants of the soil.* 

*^ On this interesting subject, the progress of eociety in Europe, a strong ray 
of philosophicnl 11 -ht lins broken from Scotland in orr ov/n tiines ; «];cl i. is ■with 
private, as well as public regard, that I repeat the names of Hume, Robertson, 
and Adam Smith. 

* On the consequences of the crusades, compare the vahiable Fssny of 
Heeren, that of I^I. Choiseul d'Aillecoui t, ai^d a chapter cf ISlv. Forstcr's 
" Mahometanism Unveiled." I may admire this gentleman's Icarniiig and 
industry, without pledging myself to his wild thsory of prophetic interpreta- 
tion. — M. 


Digression on the Family of Courtenay. 

The purple of tlirce emperors, who have reigned at Con- 
stantinople, will authorize or excuse a digression on the 
origin and singular fortunes of the house of Courtexay,"^^ 
in the three princi])al branches: I. Of Edessa; II. Of 
France; and III. Of England ; of which the last only has 
survived the revolutions of eight hundred years. 

I. Before the introduction of trade, which scatters riches, 
and of knowledge, which dispels prejudice, the prerogative 
of birth is most strongly felt and most humbly acknowl- 
edged. In every asre, the laws and manners of the Germans 
have discriminated the ranks of society : the dukes and 
counts, who shared the empire of Charlemagne, converted 
their office to an inheritance ; and to his children, each 
feudal lord bequeathed his honor and his sword. The 
proudest families are content to lose, in the darkness of the 
middle ages, the tree of their pedigree, which, however deep 
and lofty, must ultimately rise from a plebeian root ; and 
their historians must descend ten centuries below the Chris- 
tian sera, before they can ascertain any lineal succession by 
the evidence of surnames, of arms, and of authentic records. 
With the first rays of light,''^ we discern the nobility and 
opulence of Atho, a French knight; his nobility, in the 
rank and title of a nameless father; his opulence, in the 
foundation of the castle of Courtenay in the district of Gat i- 
nois, about fifty-six miles to the south of Paris. From the 
reign of Robert, the son of Hugh Capet, the barons of 
Courtenay are conspicuous among the immediate vassals of 
the crown: and Joscelin, the grandson of Atho and a noble 
dame, is enrolled among the heroes of the first crusade. A 
domestic alliance (their mothers were sisters) attached him 
to the standard of ]3aldwin of'Bruges, the second count of 
Edessa; a princely fief, which he was worthy to receive and 
able to maintain, announces the number of his martial fol- 
lowers; and after the departure of his cousin, Joscelin him- 
self was invested with the county of Edessa on both sides of 

^'^ I have applied, but not confined, myself to A genealogical JTistory of the 
noh'e and illicstrlnu^ Family of ( onrtena)j, by Ezra Cleareland, Tictor to Sir 
William Cour.'cnay, and Ihc'or' of Hnnlton; E.con, 1735, in folio. The first part 
is extracted from William of Tyre ; the second from Bouchet's French history ; 
and ihe third from vaiious memorials, public, provincial, and private, of the 
Coiirtenays of Devonshire. The rector of Honiton lias more gratitude than 
industry, a d more iudustrv Ihau criticism. 

'1 The primitive record of the family is a passage of thecontinuatorof Aimoin, 
a monk of Fleury, who wrote in the xiith century. Sej his Chrouicle, in the 
Historians of France (torn. xi. p. 276). 


the Euphrates. By economy in peace, liis territories were re- 
plenishcil with Latin and Syrian subjects; liis magazines 
with corn, wine, and oil; liis castles Avith gold and silver, 
with arms and horses. In a holy warfare of thirty A'ears, 
he was alternately a conqueror and a captiye : but he died 
like a soldier, in a horse litter at the head of his troops; and 
his last glance beheld the flight of the Turkish invaders who 
had presumed on his age and infirrnities. His son and suc- 
cessor, of the same name, was less deficient in valor than in 
vigilance ; but he sometimes forgot that dominion is ac- 
quired and maintained by the same arts. He challenged 
the hostility of the Turks, without securing the friendship 
of the prince of Antioch; and, amidst the ])eaceful luxury 
of Turbessel, in Syria,"^ Joscelin neHected the defence of 

*■' ^ 

the Christian frontier beyond the Euphrates. In his ab- 
sence, Zenglii, tlie first of the Atabeks, besieged and stormed 
his capital, Edessa, which was feebly defended by a timor- 
ous and disloyal crowd of Orientals : the Franks were op- 
pressed in a bold attempt for its recovery, and Courtenay 
^ ended his days in the prison of Aleppo. He still left a fair 
and ample patrimony. But the victorious Turks oppressed 
on all sides the weakness of a widow and orphan; and, for 
the equivalent of an annual pension, they resigned to the 
Greek emperor the charge of defending, and the shame of 
losing, the last relics of the Latin conquest. The countess- 
dowa2;er of Edessa retired to Jerusalem Avith her two chil- 
dren ; the daughter, Agnes, became the wife and mother of 
a king; the son, Joscelin the Third, acccj^ited the office of 
seneschal, the first of the kingdom, and held his new estates 
in Palestine by the service of fifty knights. His name ap- 
pears with honor in all the transactions of peace and war; 
but he finally vanishes in the fall of Jerusalem : and the 
name of Courtenay, in this branch of Edessa, was lost by the 
marriajije of his two dauGjhters with a French and a German 

II. While Joscelin reigned beyond the Euphrates, his 
elder brother Milo, the son of Joscelin, the son of Atho, 
continued, near the Seiile, to possess the castle of their 
fathers, which was at length inherited by Rainaud, or Regi- 

" Turbessel, or. as it is nows+^^vled, Tilbesher. is fixcrl bv D'Anville four-and- 
twentyiniles from the great passa^o over the Eunhrates at Zeuf^nia. 

'3 His possessions are di -tinguished i i the Assises of Jerusalem (c. 3liG) among 
the feudal tenures of the kingdom, which must therefore liave been collected 
between the years 1153 and 1187. His pedigree may be found in the Lignages 
d'Outremer, c. 16. 


nald, the youngest of his three sons. Examples of genius or 
virtue must be rare in tlie annals of the oldest families ; and, 
in a remote age, their pride will embrace a deed of rapine 
and violence; such, however, as could not be perpetrated 
■without some superiority of courage, or, at least, of power. 
A descendant of Reginald of Courtenay may blush for the 
public robber, who stripped and imprisoned several mer- 
chants, after they had satisfied the king's duties at Sens 
and Orleans. He will glory in the offence, since the bold 
offender could not be compelled to obedience and restitu- 
tion, till the regent and the count of Champagne prepared 
to march acrainst him at tlie head of an armv.'^ Reginald 
bestowed his estates on his eldest dau2:hter, and liis dauoh- 
ter on the seventh son of King Louis the Fat ; and tlieir 
marriage was crowned with a numerous offspring. We 
might ex])ect that a private should liave merged in a royal 
name ; and that the descendants of Peter of France and 
Elizabeth of Courtenay would have enjoyed the title and 
honors of ]u-inces of tlie blood. But this legitimate claim 
was long neglected, and finally denied ; and the causes of 
their disgrace will represent the story of tliis second branch. 
1. Of all the families now extant, the most nncient, doubt- 
less, and tlie most illustrious, is the house of France, v»hich 
has occu])ied the same throne above eight hundred years, 
and descends, in a clear and lineal series of males, from the 
middle of tlie ninth century.'^ In the age of tlie crusndes, 
it was already i-evered both in the Enst and West. But 
from Hugli Capet to the mari-i;ige of Peter, no more than 
five reigns or generations had elapsed; and so precarious 
was their title, that the eldest sons, as a necessary precau- 
tion, were previously crowned during the lifetime of tlieir 
fatliers. The peers of France liave long maintained their 
precedency before the younger branches of the royal line, 

^■J The ranine aiicl patisfactioTi of I?e?irinlcl de Court enay, are preposterously 
arraii'Tcd ill Uk^ Epistl s of the abbot and regent Suger (cxiv. cxvi.), the best 
memorials of the asje (Duchesne, Scriptores Hi-t. Franc, torn. iv. p. 530). 

■•'• 111 the boginninfj of the xitli century, after naming the father and grand- 
fr.tlier of Hugh Capet, the monk Glaber is obliged to add, ciijus genus valde in- 
a"te n^pprit'ir obscurum. Yet we are assured that the grtat-graiulf'alher of 
Huirh Capet was Ivobert the Strong, count of Anjou (A. J). f^C'l-J-T;'.), a noMe Frank 
of Neiistria, Neustricus . . . gcnerosa? stirpis, who wns plain in the defence of 
his country against the Normans, dum i atrial tines tuebatiir. Beyond Icobert, 
all is coi jecture or fable. It is a probable conjecture, that the tiiinl race de- 
Bcended from the second by ('hihlel)rand, the brother of Charles Martel. It is 
an absud fable, that the second was allied to the tirst by the maniage of Ans- 
bert. a I'onian senator and llie ancestor of St. Arnoul, with Blitilde, a daughter 
of Clotaire i. Tlie Saxon origin of the liouse of France is an an< lent but incred- 
ible f>pinion. See a j uli( ious memoir of M. Foncemagne (Menioires de l'A<ade- 
inie des Inscriptions, torn. xx. pp. 5 :H-.579). He had promised to declare his own 
opinion in a second memoir, which has never appeared. 


nor had the princes of the blood, in the twelfth century, ac- 
quired that hereditary lustre which is now diffused over tlje 
most remote candidates for the succession. 2. The barons 
of Courtcnay must have stood liigli in their own estimation, 
and in that of tlie world, since they could impose on the 
son of a king the obligation of adopting for himself and all 
his descendants the name and arms of their daughter and 
his wife. In the marriage of an heiress with her inferior or 
her equal, such exchange was often required and allowed : 
but as they continued to diverge from the regal stem, the 
sons of Louis the Fat were insensibly confounded with then* 
maternal ancestors ; and the new Courtenays might deserve 
to forfeit the honors of their birth, whicli a motive of inter- 
est had tempted them to renounce. 3. The shame was fjir 
more permanent than the reward, and a momentary blaze 
was followed by a long darkness. The eldest son of these 
nuptials, Peter of Courtenay, had married, as I have already 
mentioned, tlie sister of the counts of Flanders, tlie two iirst 
emperors of Constantinople : he rashly accepted the invita- 
tion of the Barons of Romania; his two sons, Robert and 
Baldwin, successively held and lost the remains of the Latin 
empire in tlie East, and tlie granddaughter of Baldwin the 
Second again mingled her blood with the blood of France 
and of Valois. To support the ex])enses of a troubled and 
transitory reign, their patrimonial estates were mortgnged or 
sold ; and iha last em])erors of Constantinoijle depended on 
the nnnual cliarity of Rome and ISTaples. 

Wliile tlie elder brotliers dissipated their wealth in ro- 
mantic adventures, and the castle of Courtenay was pro- 
faned by a plebeian owner, tlie younger branches of that 
adopted name v/ere propagated and multiplied. But their 
splendor was clouded by poverty and time : after tlie de- 
cease of Robert, irreat butler of France, they descended from 
princes to barons; the next generations Avere confounded 
Avith the simple gentry; the descendants of Hugh Capet 
could no longer be A'isible in the rural lords of Tanlay and 
of Cham])ignelles. The more adventurous embraced v/ith- 
out dishonor the profession of a soldier: the least active 
and opulent might sink, like their cousins of tlie branch of 
Dreux, into the condition of peasants. Their royal descent, 
in a dark period of four hundred years, became each day 
more obsolete and ambiguous ; and their pedigree, instead 
of being enrolled in the annals of the kingdom, must be 
painfully searched by the minute diligence of heralds and 


ironealoixists. It was not till the end of the sixteenth' cen- 
tury, on the accession of a family almost as remote as their 
own, that the princely spirit of the Courtenays again re- 
vived; and the question of the nobility provoked them to 
ascertain the royalty of their blood. They appealed to the 
justice and compassion of Henry the Fourth ; obtained a 
favorable opinion from twenty lawyers of Italy and Ger- 
many, and modestly compared themselves to the descend- 
ants of King David, whose prerogatives were not impaired 
by the lapse of ages or the trade of a carpenter."^^ But every 
ear was deaf, and every circumstance was adverse, to their 
lawful claims. The Bourbon kings were justified by the 
neglect of tlie Valois; tlie ])rinces of tlie blood, more recent 
and lofty, disdained the alliance of this humble kindred: 
the parliament, without denying their proofs, eluded a dan- 
gerous precedent b5'' an arbitrary distinction, and estab- 
lished St. Louis as the first father of the royal line.'^'^ A rep- 
etition of com])laints and protests was repeatedly disre- 
garded; and the hopeless pursuit was terminated in the 
present century by the death of the last male of the family.^^ 
Their painful and anxious situation was alleviated by the 
pride of conscious virtue : they sternly rejected the tempta- 
tions of fortune and favor; and a dying Courtenay would 
liave sacrificed his son, if the youth could have renounced, 
for any temporal interest, the right and title of a legitimate 
prince of the blood of France.'^ 

III. According to the old register of Ford Abbey, the 

76 Of the various peiilions, aDolocijies, &c., published by the princes of Courte- 
nay, I have seen the three followiiig, aU in octavo : 1. Do Stirpe et Origine 
iJomus de Courtenay : addita sunt Ilesponsa celcberrimorum Europse Juriscon- 
sultoruiu ; Paris, 1G()7. 2. llepre.seiiiation du Procede tenu a riustance faicto 
devaut lo Poi, par INIessieurs de Court?nay, pour la conservation de rHoiiiieur 
et Dignite de leur Maison, branche de la royalle Maison de France ; h Paris, 
IGl.J. 3. Ivepresentationdu subject qui a porte Messieurs de Salles etda Fraville, 
de la liaison de Courtenay, k se retirer hors du Iloya!me, 1014. It was a homi- 
cide, for which the Courtenays expected to be pardoned, or tried, as princes of 
the blood. 

'^ The sense of the parliaments is thus expressed by Thuanus : Principis 
Tionien nusquam in Gallitl trib.itum, nisi iis qui per mares e re^ibus nos'"ri3 
ori ;inem repetunt ; qui nunc tantum a Ludovico nono beatse memorise numer- 
antur ; nam Corflnaei et Drocenses, a Ludovico crasso genus dncentes. hodie 
inter eos minime rorensentur. A distinction of expediency rather than justice. 
The sanctity of Louis IX. could iu)t invest liim with any special preron:ative, and 
aU the descendants <^>f Hugh Capet must be included in his original compact 
with Ihe French nation. 

^^ The last male of the Courtenays was Charles Roger, who died in the year 
nro, without leaving av.y sons. The Inst female was Helene di Courtenay, who 
married Louis <1 3 Peaufrem.ont. ITcr title of Princesse du Sang Royal de France 
was suppressed (Fobruay 7th, 17.!7) 1>V -'in nrr<}f of the pa liament of Pans. 

'•' Tlie singular anecdote to which I nlludeis relfvted in the Recueil dcs Pieces 
interospantes et peu connues (Maestricht, 17^0, in 4 vols. 12mo.) ; and the un- 
known cdi' or quotes liis author, who had received it from Helene de Courtenay, 
marquise de Beaufreraont. 


Courtenays ci Devonshire are descended from Prince Flo- 
riis^ the second son of Peter, and tlie grandson of Louis the 
Fat.^^ Tins fahle of the grateful or venal monks was too 
respectfully entertained by our antiqriaries, Camden ®^ and 
Dugdale:^'^ but it is so clearly repugnant to truth and time, 
that the rational pride of the family now refuses to acce])t 
this imaginary founder. Their most faithful historians be- 
lieve, that, after giving liis daughter to th.e king's son, Regi- 
nald of Courtenay abandoned his possessions in Fi-ance, and 
obtained from the English monarch a second wife and a new 
inheritance. It is certain, at least, that Henry the Second 
distinguished in liis camps and councils a Reginald, of the 
name and arms, and, as it may be fairly presumed, of the 
genuine race, of the Courtenays of France. The I'ight of 
wardship enabled a feudal loi'd to reward his vassal with 
the marriage and estate of a noble heiress; and Reginald of 
Courtenay acquired a fair establishment in Devonshire, 
where his posterity has been seated abo^e six hundred 
years.^^ From a Norman baron, Baldwin de Brioniis, wlio 
had been invested by the Conquei-or, Hawise, the wife of 
Reginald, derived the honor of Okehampton, Avhich was held 
by the service of ninety-three knights; and a female might 
claim the manly offices of hereditary viscount or sheriff, and 
of ca]>tain of the royal castle of Exeter. Their son Robert 
married the sister of the earl of Devon : at the end of a cen- 
tury, on the fnilure of the family of Rivers,^^ liis great-grand- 
son, Iluii'li (lie Second, succeeded to a title wliich was still 
considered as a territorial dionity ; and twelve eai'ls of Dev- 
onshire, of the name of Courtenay, have flourished in a pe- 
riod of two hundred and twenty years. Tlicv Avere ranked 
among the chief of the barons of the realm ; nor was it till 
after a strenuous dispute, that they yielded to the fief of 
Arundel the first place in the parliament of England: their 

f" DngcTale, Monasticon AngHoaniTin, vol. i. p. 786. Yet tins fable must Iiave 
been invented befn-e the reisn of Ethvard IIL The profuse devotion of the 
three first 'venerations to Ford Abbey av as followed by oppres.'iion on one side 
and ingratitude on tlie other ; ar.d in "the sixth generation, the monks ceased to 
regist-^r tlie births, actions*, and dealhs of their patrons. 

SI In his Britannia, in tlie list of the earls of Devon.'hire. His expression, e 
regiosaiisTuine ortos credimt, betrays, however, some doubt or suspicion. 

^* In his Baronage. P. i. p. 034, lie refers to his own Monasticon. Should he 
not liave corrected the register of Ford Abbev, and annihilated the phantom 
FloruR, by the unquestionable evidence of the French liistorians? 

^Besides the third and most valuable book of Cleaveland's History, I have 
consulted Dugdale, the father of our genealogical science (Baronage, P. i. p. 

*«4 This great family, de Ripuariis, de Redvers, de Rivers, ended, in Edward 
the Fifth's time, in Isabella de Fortibus. a famous and potent dowager, who 
long survived ber brother andliusband (Dugdale, Baronage, F. i. p. 254-257). 


alli-^iices Avere contracted witli tlie noblest families, the Veres, 
Despensers, St. Johns, Talbots, Ijolmns, and even the Plan- 
taii'encts tlieraselvcs: and in a contest with John of Lan- 

CI? •' 

caster, a Courtenay, bisliop of London, and afterwards arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, miglit be accused of profane confi- 
dence in the strengtli and number of his kindred. In peace, 
the earls of Devon resided in their numerous castles and 
manors of the west; tlieir ample revenue was appropriated 
to devotion and liospitality ; and the epitaph of Edward, 
surnamed from his misfortune, the hlind^ from his virtues, 
the (/ood, earl, inculcates with much ingenuity a moral sen- 
tence, which may, however, be abused by thoughtless gener- 
osity. After a grateful commemoration of the lifty-five 
years of union and happiness which he enjoyed with Mabel 
his wife, the good earl thus speaks from the tomb : — 

** What we gave, we Lave ; 
V/hat wo spent, we had ; 
What we left, we lost." "^ 

But their losses, in this sense, were far superior to their 
gifts and expenses ; and tlieir heirs, not less than the poor, 
were tlie objects of their paternal care. The sums which 
they paid for livery and seizin attest the greatness of their 
])OSsessions ; and several estates have remained in their 
family since the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. In 
Avar, the Courtenays of England fulfilled the duties, and de- 
served tlie lionors, of cliivalry. They were often entrusted 
to levy and command the militia of Devonshire and Corn- 
wall ; they often attended their supreme lord to the borders 
of Scotland ; and in foreign service, for a sti[)ulated ])rice, 
they sometimes maintained fourscore men-at-arms and as 
many archers. By sea and land they fought under the 
standard of the Edwards and Henries : their names are con- 
6j)icuous in battles, in tournaments, and in the o^'iginal list 
of the Order of the Garter ; three brothers shared the 
Spanish victory of the Black Prince; and in the lapse of 
six generations, the English Courtenays had learned to de- 
spise the nation and country fi'om which they derived their 
origiii. In the quarrel of the two roses, tlie earls of Devon 
adhered to the house of Lancaster; and three brothers suc- 
cessively died either in the field or on the scaffold. Their 
honors and estates were restored b}^ Henry the Seventh ; a 
daughter of Edward the Fourth was not disgraced by the 

8s Cleaveland, p. 1J2. By rotiio it is asFignrd to a Tiivers earl of Devon ; but 
the English denotes the xvth, rather than the xiiith, century. 


nuptials of a Courtenny; tlieir son, who was created Mar- 
quis of Exeter, enjoyed the favor of liis cousin Henry the 
Eighth ; and in the camp of Cloth of Gold, he broke a 
lance as^ainst the French monarch. But the favor of Ilenrv 
was the prelude of disgrace ; Ids disgrace Avas the signal of 
death ; and of the victims of the jealous tyrant, the mar- 
quis of Exeter is one of the most noble and guiltless. His 
son Edward lived a prisoner in the Tower, and died in exile 
at Padua ; and the secret love of Queen Mary, Avhoni he 
slighted, perhaps for the princess Elizabeth, has shed a ro- 
mantic color on the story of this beautiful youth. Tlie 
relics of his patrimony were couA'cyed into strange families 
by the marriages of his four aunts ; and his personal jionors, 
as if they had been legally extinct, Avcre revived by the pat- 
ents of succeeding princes. But there still survived a lineal 
descendant of Huiih, the first earl of Devon, a YOun<xer 
branch of the Courtenays, who have been seated at Powder- 
ham Castle above four liundred years, from the reign of Ed- 
ward the Tliird to the present hour. Their estates have 
been increased by the grant and improvement of lands in 
Ireland, and they have been recently restored to the honors 
of the peerage. Yet the Courtenays still retain the j)lain- 
tive motto, which asserts the innocence, and deplores the 
fall of their ancient house.^® While they sigh for jiast 
greatness, they are doubtless sensible of present blessings ; 
in the long so'ies of the Courtcnay annals, the most splendid 
aera is likewise the most unfortunate ; nor can an oj)ulent 
j)eer of Britain be incliued to envy the em])erors of Con- 
stantino])le, who wandered over Europe to solicit alms for 
the support of their dignity and the defence of their cajjital. 

f" Vh'i lapstts! Quiff feci ? a motto which was probably adopted by the Powder- 
ham brjinch, after the 'loss of the earldom of Devonshire, &c. The primitive 
arms of the Coiirtenay's were, Or, three Inrteaux, Gules, which seem to denote 
their atliiiity with Godfrey of Bouillon, and the ancient counts of Boulogne. 









The loss of Constantinople restored <i momentary vigor 
to tlie Gi-eeks. From tlieir ])alaccs the princes and nobles 
"were driven into the field ; and the fragments of the falling 
monarchy were gras])ed by the hands of the most vigorous 
or tlie most skillful candidates. In the long and ban-en j^ages 
of the Byzantine annals/ it would not be an easy task to equal 
the two characters of Theodore Lascai-is and John Ducas 
Vataces,'-^ who replanted and upheld tiie Homan standard at 
Kice in Bithynia. The difference of their virtues Avas lia])- 
pily suited to the diversity of their situation. In his first 
efxoits, the fugitive Lascaris commanded only three cities 
and two thousand soldiers : his reign was the season of gen- 
erous and active despair : in every military oj;ei'ation he 
staked his life and crown ; and his enemies of the Ilelles- 
]>ont and the Masa'nder, were sur])rised by his celerity and 
subdued by his boldness. A victorious reign of eigliteen 
yeai's ex])an(led the principality of Nice to the magnitude 
of an empire. The throne of his successor and son-in-law 
Yataces was founded on a more solid basis, a larger scope, 
and more jdentiful resources ; and it was the temper, as 
well as the interest, of Vataces to calculate the I'isk, to ex- 
pect the moment, and to insure tlie success, of his ambitious 
designs. In the decline of the Latins, I have biiefly ex- 


1 For tlie reijrns of the Niceiie emperors, more especially of John Vataces and 
his son. their niirister, George Acropolita, is the only fjenuiiie coiitenij oiary ; 
imt George Pa< hvnier returned to Constantinople with the Greeks at the ape of 
nineteen (Hanckius de Scri|it. Byzant. c 33, 3K pp. fiM-rilii. Fabric. Bil liot. 
Gr,ec. torn. vi. pp. 44>'-4<;0). Yet the history of Nicephorus Gregoias, though of 
the >ivtli centuiy, i.-, a valuable narrative from the taking of Constantinople by 
the Latins. 

2 Is'icepho us Gregoras (1. ii. c. 1) distinguishes between the rf-ia op^ti? of Las- 
caris, and the evo-rddeia of Vataces. The two portraits are in a very good style. 


posed the progress of the Greeks ; the prudent and gradual 
advances of a conqueror, who, in a reign of tliirty-tliree 
years, rescued the provinces from national and foreign 
usurpers, till lie ])ressed on all sides tlie Imperial city, a leaf- 
less and sa])]ess trunk, which must fall at the first stroke of 
the axe. But his interior and peaceful administration is still 
more deserving of notice and praise.^ The calamities of tlie 
times had wasted the numbers and tlie substance of the 
Greeks ; the motives and the means of agriculture were extir- 
pated ; and the most fertile lands were left Avithout cultiva- 
tion or inhabitants. A portion of tliis vacant property was 
occupied and imju-oved by the command, and for the benefit, 
of the em})eror : a powerful hand and a vigilant eye sup])lied 
and surpassed, by a skilful management, the minute dilig^'uce 
of a private farmer : tlie royal domain became the garden 
and granary of Asia ; and without impoverishing tlie 
people, the sovereign acquired a fund of innocent and pro- 
ductive wealth. According to the nature of the soil, liis 
lands were sown with corn or planted with vines ; the past- 
ures were filled with horses and oxen, with sheep and hogs; 
and when Vatacee presented to the empress a crown of dia- 
monds and peai'ls, he informed her, with a smile, that this 
precious ornament arose from the sale of the eggs of his in- 
numerable poultry. The produce of his domain was applied 
to the maintenance of his palace and hospitals, the calls of 
dignity and benevolence : the lesson was still more useful 
than the revenue ; the ])lough was restored to its ancient se- 
curity and honor; and the nobles were taught to seek a sure 
and indejiendent revenue from their ^states, instead of 
adorning their splendid beggary by the oppression of the 
people, or (what is almost the same) by the favors of the 
court. The su])erfluous stock of corn and cattle was eager- 
ly ])urchased by the Turks, with whom Vataces preserved a 
strict and sincere alliance ; but lie discouraged the importa- 
tion of foreign manufactures, the costly silks of the East, 
and the curious labors of the Italian looms. " The demands 
of nature and necessity," was he accustomed to say, "are 
indispensable ; but the influence of fashion may rise and 
sink at the breath of a monarch ; " and both his ])rece])t and 
example reconmiended simplicity of manners and the use of 
domestic industrv. The education of vouth and the revival 
of learning were the most serious objects of his care ; and, 

8 Parhymer, 1. i. c. 23, 24. Nic. Greg. 1, ii. c. 6. The reader of the Byzantines 
must observe how rarely we are indulged with such precious details. 


without deciding the precedency, he pronounced with truth, 
tliat a prince and a pliilosopher '^ are the two most eminent 
characters of liuman society. His first wife Avas Irene, tlie 
danirliter of Theodore Lascaris, a woman more ilhistrious 
hy her personal merit, the milder virtues of her sex, than 
by the blood of tlie Angeli and Comneni, that flowed in 
her veins, and transmitted the inheritance of the empire. 
After her death lie was contracted to Anne, or Constance, a 
natural daughter of the emperor Frederic*^ the Second ; but 
as the bride had not attained the years of puberty, Vataces 
placed in his solitary bed an Italian damsel of her train ; 
and his amorous weakness bestowed on the concubine the 
honors, though not the title, of lawful empress. His frailty 
was censured as aflao-itious and damnable sin bv the monks ; 
and their rude invectives exercised and displayed the pa- 
tience of the royal lover. A ])hilosophic age may excuse a 
single vice, which was redeemed by a crowd of virtues ; and 
in the i-eview of his faults, and the more intemjierate pas- 
sions of Lascaris, the judgment of their contemporaries 
was softened bv crratitude to the second founders of the 
em])ire." The slaves of the Latins, without law or peace, 
aj^plauded the ha])piness of tlieir brethren who had resumed 
their national freedom ; and Vataces em])loyed the laudable 
policy of convincing the Greeks of every dominion that it 
Avas their interest to be enrolled in the number of his sub- 

A strong shade of degeneracy is visible between John 
Vataces and his son Theodore ; between the founder who 
sustained the weight, and the heir who enjoyed the S|)len- 
dor, of the Imperial crown.'' Yet the character of Theodore 
was not devoid of enero-y ; he had been educated in the 
school of his father, in the exercise of war and hunting ; Con- 
stantinople was yet spared ; but in the three years of a short 
reia:n, he thrice led his armies into tlie heart of Buliiaria. 
His virtues were sullied by a choleric and suspicious tem- 

* Mdi'Oi -yao o-navTixiv avOftJjTTbiv hroixacnoTaroL /Bao-iAev? Kal (fjiAocro'^o? (Gi'Cg. 

Acropol. 0. :',2). The empeior, in a famfliar couverfiatioii, examined and encour- 
aged the studies of his future logothete. 

^ Conipaie Acroijoliia (c. 18, 52), and the two first books of Nicephorus Gre- 

'» A Persian saving, that Cyrus was the fafhcr, nnd Darius the master, of his 
subjects, was applied to Vataces and liis soil. Dut Piudiymer (1. i. c. 2;'Uias mis- 
taken the mild Darius for tlie cruel Cambyses, despot or tyrant of his people. 
By the institution of taxes, Darius had inrnrred ilie le^s odious, but more con- 
teiuptiblo, name of KdTryjAos, merchant or broker (Herodotus, iii. 89.) 

* Sister of Manfred, afterwards king of Naples. Nic. Greg. p. 45.— M. 


per; the first of these may be ascribed to tlie ip^norance of 
control; and the second might naturally arise from a dark 
and imperfect view of the corriijnion of mankind. On a 
march in Bulgaria, he consulted on a question of policy his 
principal ministers; and the Greek logothete, George Acro- 
polita, presumed to offend him by the declaration of a free 
and honest opinion. The emperor half unsheathed his 
cimeter; but his more deliberate rage reserved Acropolita 
for a baser punishment. One of the first ofiicers of the em- 
pire was ordered to dismount, stri})ped of his robes, and 
extended on the ground in the jn-esence of the pi'ince and 
army. In this posture he was chastised with so many and 
such heavy blows from the clubs of two guards or execu- 
tioners, that when Theodore commanded them to cease, the 
great logothete was scarcely able to rise and crawl away to 
his tent. After a spclusion of some days, he was recalled 
by a ])eremptory mandate to his seat in council; and so dead 
were the Greeks to the sense of honor and shame, that it is 
from the narrative of the sufferer himself that we acquire 
the knowledge of his disgrace."^ The cruelty of the emperor 
was exasperated by tlie pangs of sickness, the approach of a 
prcmatuix end, and the suspicion of poison and magic. The 
lives and fortunes, the eyes and limbs, of his kinsmen and 
nobles, were sacrificed to each sally of passion ; and before 
he died, the son of Vataces might deserve from the people, 
or at least from the court, the appellation of tyrant. A 
matron of the family of the Paljeologi had ])rovoked his 
anger by refusing to bestow her beauteous daughter on the 
vile ])lebeian who was recommended by his caprice. AVith- 
out rcGfard to her birth or ao-e, her bodv, as hii>'h as the neck, 
was enclosed in a sack with several cats, who were ])ricked 
Vvitli pins to irritate tlieir fury ngainst their unfortunate 
fellow-cnptive. In his last hours the emperor testified a 
wibh to forgive and be forgiven, a just anxiety for the fate 
of John his son and successor, who, at the age of eight 
years, Avas condemned to the dangers of a long minority. 
His last choice intrusted tlie ofiice of guardian to the 
sanctity of the patriarch Arsenius, and to the courage of 
George Muzalon, the great domestic, who was equally dis- 
tinguished by the royal faAor and the public hatred. Since 
their connections with the Latins, the names and jirivileges 

' Acropolita (o. G") seems to arlmire his own firmness in suslainino; a beating, 
and not returning to ooiiiicil till he was called. 1I« relates the exploits of Tlieo- 
dove, antl his own services, from c. 53 to c. 74 of his historj'. See the third book 
of Nicephorua Gregoras. 


of hereditary rank had insinuated themselves into the Greek 
monarchy ; and the noble families ^ were provoked by the 
elevation of a worthless favorite, to whose influence they 
imputed the errors and calamities of the late reign. In 
the first council, after the emperor's death, Muzalon, from a 
lofty throne, pronounced a labored apology of his conduct 
and intentions : his modesty was subdued by a unanimous 
assurance of esteem and fidelity; and his most inveterate 
enemies were the loudest to salute him as the guardian and 
savior of the Komans. Eight days were sufficient to pre- 
pare the execution of the conspiracy. On the ninth, the 
obsequies of the deceased monarch were solemnized in the 
cathedral of Magnesia,^ an Asiatic city, where he expii-ed, 
on the banks of the Ilermus, and at the foot of Mount Si])y- 
liis. The hcly rites were interrupted by a sedition of the 
guards; Muzalon, his bi'others, and his adherents, were 
massacred at the foot of the altar ; and the absent i)atriarch 
w^as associated with a new colleague, with Michael Palaeo- 
logus, the most illustrious, in birth and merit, of the Greek 

Of those who are proud of their ancestors, the far greater 
part must be content with local or domestic I'cnown ; and 
few tliere are Avho dare trust the memorials of their family 
to the public annals of their country. As early as the 
middle of the eleventh century, the noble race of the 
Palajologi^^ stands high and conspicuous in the Byzantine 
history: it was the valiant Geoi-ge Palaeologus who placed 
the f;Uher of the Comneni on the throne; and his 
kinsmen or descendants continue, in each generation, to 
lead the armies and councils of the state. The purple 
was not dishonored by their alliance ; and liad the law 
of succession, and female succession, been strictly ob- 
served, the wife of Theodore Lascaris must have yielded 
to her elder sister, the mother of Miciiael Paloeologus, who 

8 Pachj-mer (1. i. c. 21) names and discriminates fifteen or twenty Greek fami- 
lies, Kxl brot c;A< o , o ; >'} ixeya\oyevri<; < kcl \ouo^] <t jyKCKOOT-qTO. Oot'S llO mean, 

by this decoration, a figurative, or a real golden < liain ? Perhaps, both. 

9 The Old geographers, with Cellarius and J)'An\i]le, ancl our travellers, par- 
ticularly Pocock and Ch ndlcr, will leu h uss to di; tinguish llie two Magnesias of 
Asia INIinor, of the INlaennder and of Sipylus. The Litter, our prese!;t"o'.>ject, is 
still flourishing for a Turkish city, and lies eifrht hours, or \. agues, to the north- 
east of .Smyrna (Tournefort, Voyage du Levant, tom. iii. lettre xxii. pp. .%C-370. 
Chandler's Trav(ds into Asia Miiu)r, \>. 2G7). 

^> See Acropolita (c. 75, 7G, etc ) who lived too near the times ; Pachymer (1. i. 
c. 13-2'), Gregoras (1. iii. c. 3, 4, 5). 

1' Tlie p3<iirrrue of Palseulogua is exrilain d by Ducai'.ge (Famil. Byzatt. p. 2.>0 
&c.) : the events of his private life are related bv Pachymer (1. i. c. 7-12) and 
Gregoras (1. il. 8, 1. iii. 2, 4, 1. iv. 1) with visible favor lo the father of the reign- 
ing dynasty. 


afterwards raised liis family to the throne. In his person, 
the splendor of birtli was dignified by the merit of the soldier 
and statesman : in his early youth he was promoted to the 
office of constable or commander of the French mercenaries ; 
the private expense of a day never exceeded three pieces of 
gold ; but his ambition was rapacious and profuse ; and his 
gifts were doubled by the graces of his conversation and 
manners. The love of the soldiers and people excited the 
jealousy of the court ; and Michael thrice escaped from the 
dangers in which he was involved by his own imprudence 
or that of his friends. I. Under the reio-n of Justice and 
Vataces, a dispute arose ^^ between two officers, one of whom 
accused tlie other of maintaining the hereditary right of the 
Palasoloo-i. The cause was decided, accordino- to the new 
jurisprudence of the Latins, by single' combat : the de- 
fendant was overthrown ; but he persisted in declaring that 
himself alone was guilty ; and that he had uttered these 
rash or treasonable speeches Avithout the approbation or 
knowledge of his patron. Yet a cloud of suspicion hung 
over the innocence of the constable : he was still pursued by 
the wliispers of malevolence; and a subtle courtier, the 
archbishop of Philadelphia, urged him to accept the judg- 
ment of God in the fiery proof of the ordeal.-^^ Three days 
before the trial, the patient's arm was enclosed in a bag, 
and secured by the royal signet ; and it was incumbent on 
him to bear a red-hot ball of iron three times from the altar 
to the rails of the sanctuary, without artifice and without 
injury. Palaiologus eluded the dangerous experiment with 
sense and pleasantry. "I am a soldier," said he, " and will 
boldly enter the list with my accusers; but a layman, a 
sinner like myself, is not endowed with the gift of miracles. 
Yoin" piety, most holy ])rclate, may deserve the interposition 
of Heaven, and from your hands I will receive the fiery 
globe, the ])ledge of my innocence." The archbishop 
started ; the emperor smiled ; and the absolution or pardon 
of Michael was ap])roved by new rewards and new services. 
IT. In the succeeding reign, as he held the government of 
Nice, he was secretly informed, that the mind of the absent 
prince was poisoned with jealousy ; and that death, or 

12 Aoropolita (e. 50) relntes the oircnms'anoes of this curious adventure, 
which seem to have escaoerj the more recent writers. 

'^ Pnehymer(l. i. c. 1?"), wlio s-ieaks with proper contempt of this harbnrons 
trial, afitirms, that lie liad seen in his yontli manv persons who had sustained, 
withont injury, the fiery ordeal. As a Greek, he is credulous: but the increnu- 
ity of the Greeks micht furnish some remedies of art or fraud agaiust their own 
superstition, or that of their tyrant. 


blindness, would be his final reward. Instead of awaiting 
the return and sentence of Theodore, the constable, with 
some followers, escaped from the city and the empire ; and 
though he was plundered by the Turkmans of the desert, 
he found a hospitable refuge in the court of the sultan. In 
the ambiguous state of an exile, Michael reconciled the 
duties of gratitude and loyalty; drawing his sword against 
the Tartars ; admonishing the garrisons of the Roman limit ; 
and promoting, by his influence, the restoration of peace, in 
whicii his i)ardon and recall were honorably included. III. 
While he guarded the West against the desj ot of Epirus, 
jVIichael was again suspected and condenmcd in the ]>alace; 
and such was his loyalty or weakness, that he submitted to 
be led in chains above six hundred miles fiom Durazzo to 
Nice. The civility of the messenger alleviated his disgrace ; 
the emperor's sickness dispelled his danger; and the last 
breath of Theodore, which recommended his infant son, at 
once acknowledged the innocence and the power of Palse- 

But his innocence liad been too unM'orthily treated, and 
his power was too strongly felt, to curb an aspiring subject 
in the fair field that was oj;ened to his ambition. ^^ In the 
council, after the deatli of Theodore, he was the first to 
pronounce, and the first to violate, the oath of allegiance 
to Muzalon ; and so dexterous was his coiidu<*t that lie 
reaped the benefit, without incurring the guilt, or at least 
the reproach, of the subsequent massacre. In tlie choice of 
a regent, he balanced the interests and ])assions of the can- 
didates ; turned tlicir envy and liatred from himself against 
each other, and forced every coni})etitor to own, that, after 
his own claims, tliose of Palseologus were best entitled to 
the preference. Under the title of great duke, he accepted 
or assumed, during a long minority, the active powers of 
government; the patriarch was a venerable name; and the 
factious nobles were seduced, or oppressed, by the ascend- 
ant of his genius. The fruits of the economy of Vataces 
were deposited in a strong castle on the banks of the Her- 
mus, in the custody of the faithful Varangians : the con- 
stable retained his command or influence over the foreign 
troops ; he employed the guards to possess the treasure, and 
the treasure to corrupt the guards ; and whatsoever might 

'* "Without comparing Pacliynier to Tlnicyflides or Tafltns, T will praise Lie 
narrative (1. i. c. 1:5-32. 1. li. c. l-0\ wliicli puisnes the ascent of Palaeolojrus villi 
eloquence, perspicuity, and tolerable freedom. Acroi)olita is more cautious, 
aiid Gi'egoras more concise. 

Vol. v.— 14 


be the abuse of the public money, his character was above 
the suspicion of private avarice. By himself, or by his 
emissaries, he strove to persuade every rank of subjects, 
that their own pros])erity would rise in just ])roportion to 
the establishment of his authority. Tlie weight of taxes was 
suspended, the perpetual theme of j)opular complaint, and 
he prohibite<l the trials by the ordeal and judicial combat. 
These Barbaric institutions were alreadv abolished or under- 
mined in France ^^ and England ; ^^ and the appeal to the 
sword offended the sense of a civilized,^^ and the temper of 
an unwarlike, people. For the future mamtenance of their 
Avives and chiklren, the veterans Avere grateful : the priest 
and the ])hilosopher applauded his ardent zeal for the ad- 
vancement of religion and learning; and his vague promise 
of rewarding merit Avas applied by every candidate to his 
own hopes. Conscious of the inlluence of the clergy, 
Michael successfully labored to secure the suffrage of that 
powerful order. Their expensive journey from Nice to 
Magnesia, afforded a decent and am])le pretence : the lead- 
ing prelates were tempted by the liberality of his nocturnal 
visits ; and the incorruptible patriarch Avas flattered by the 
homage of his new colleague, Avholed his mule by the bridle 
into the town, and removed to a respectful distance the im- 
portunity of the crowd. Without renouncing his title by 
royal descent, Palteologus encouraged a free discussion into 
the advantages of elective monarchy; and his adherents 
asked, Avith the insolence of triumph, what patient Avould 
trust his health, or Avhat merchant Avould abandon his vessel, 
to the heredita7'i/ &\i\\\ of a pliysician or a ])ilot ? The youth 
of the em])eror, and the impending dangers of a minority, 
required the support of a mature and experienced guardian ; 

^5 Tlie jnclicinl oombat was nl>olisliefI by St. Louis in liis own territorie>! ; and 
his example and authority were at length prevalent in France (Esprit Ues Loix, 
1. xxviii. c. liU). 

10 In civil cases Heniy TT. gave an option to the defendant : Glnnville prefers 
the proof by evidence ; and that by judicial combat is reprobated in the Fleta. 
Yet tlie trial by battle has nevei- be* w abrogated in the English law, and it was 
ordered by the judges as late as the beginning of the last century.* 

1^ Yet an ingenious friend has urgeil to me in mitigation of this practice, 1. 
T::af \\\ nations emerging from barbarism, it moderates the license of innvata 
war and arbitrary revenge. 2. Tluit it is less absurd than the trials by the or- 
de il, or boiling water, or the cross, which it has contributed to nbolish. .". T]:at 
it serve I at least as a test of personal cour ige ; a quality so seldom united with 
a base disposition, that the danger of a trial nught be soVne check to a I'.Kilicious 
prosecutor, and a useful barrier against injusli<'e sui)ported by power. 1"ho gal- 
lant and unforiunate earl of Sunvy might probnldy have escaped his unmerited 
fate, had not his demand of the combat against liis accuser been overruled. 

♦ And even demanded in the present. — M. 


of an associate raised above the envy of his equals, and in- 
vested witli the name and prerogatives of royalty. For the 
interest of the prince and peoi)le, witliout any selfish views 
for Iiiinself or liis family, the great duke consented to guard 
and instruct the son of Theodore ; but he sii>:hed for the 
hapjiy moment when lie might restore to his firmer hands 
tlie administration of his patrimony, and enjoy the blessings 
of a private station. He was first invested with the title 
and prerogatives of despot., which be.-towed the pur])le or- 
naments and the second place in the Roman monarchy. It 
was afterwards ao^reed that John and Michael should be 
proclaimed as joint emperors, and raised on the buckler, but 
that the preeminence should be reserved for the birtln'ight 
of the former. A mutual league of amity was pledged be- 
tween the royal ])artners; and in case of a rupture, the sub- 
jects were bound, by their oath of allegiance, to declare 
themselves against tlie aggressor ; an ambiguous name, the 
seed of discord and civil war. Palteologus w\as content; 
but, on tlie day of the coronation, and in the catliedral of 
Xice, his zealous adherents most vehemently urged the just 
priority of his age and merit. The unseasonable dispute 
was eluded by jiostponingto a more convenient opportunity 
the coronation of John J^ascaris ; and he walked with a 
slight diadem in the train of liis guardian, who alone re- 
ceived the Imperial crown from the hands of the patriarch. 
It was not without extreme reluctance that Arsenius aban- 
doned the cause of his pupil; but the Varangians brandished 
their battle-axes ; a sign of assent was extorted from the 
trembling youtli ; and some voices were heard, that the life 
of a child sliould no longer impede the settlement of the 
nation. A full harvest of honors and em])loyments was dis- 
tributed among his friends by the grateful Pala^ologus. In 
his own family lie created a despot and two sebastocrators ; 
Alexius Strategopulus was decorated Avith the title of 
Caesar; and that veteran commander soon repaid the obli- 
gation, by restoring Constantino] )le to the Greek emperor. 

It was in the second year of his reicrn, Avliile he resided 
in the palace and gardens of Nympha3am,^^ near Smyrna, 
that the first messenger arrived at the dead of night; and 
the stu])endous intelligence was im])arted to Michael, after 
he had been gently waked by the tender precaution of his 

'"* The site of Xymi^liaeum is not clearly defined in ancient or modern geog- 
rapliy. Biu from the Inst hours of A'ataces (Acropolita, c. 52), it is evident the 
palace and gardens of liis favorite r>sidence were in the neighborhood of Smyrna, 
Kymphffium might he loosely placed in Lydia (Gregoras, 1. vi. 6). 


sister Eulogia. Tlie man was unknown or obscure ; he pro- 
duced no letters from tlie victorious Caesar ; nor could it 
easily be credited, after tlie defeat of Vataces and the recent 
failure of PaUieolognis liimself, tliat the caj)ital had been sur- 
prised by a detachment of eight liuudred soldiers. As a 
hostage, the doubtful author was coutiiied, witli the assur- 
ance of death or an ample recompense; and the court was 
left some hours in the anxiety of hope and fear, till the mes- 
sengers of Alexius arrived with the authentic intelligence, 
and displayed the trophies of the conquest, the sword and 
scei^tre,^^ tlie buskins and bonnet,^^ of the usurper Baldwin, 
which he had dro])]ied in his i)recipitate flight. A general 
assembly of the bishops, senators, and nobles, was immedi- 
ately convened, and never perhaps was an event received 
Avith more heartfelt and universal joy. In a studied oration, 
the new sovereii^n of Constantino])le conirratulated his own 
and the public fortune. 'iThere was a time," said ho, "a 
far distant tmie, when the Roman empire extended to the 
Adriatic, the Tigris, and the confines of ^thiojua. After 
the loss of the provinces, our capital itself, in these last and 
calamitous days, has been Avrested from our hands by the 
Barbarians of the West. From the lowest ebb, the tide of 
prosperity has again returned in our favor ; but our pros- 
perity w\as that of fugitives and exiles : and when we were 
asked, which was the country of the Romans, we indicpted 
with a blush the climate of the globe, and the quarter of the 
heavens. The divine Providence has now restored to our 
arms the city of Constantine, the sacred seat of religion and 
em])ire ; and it will depend on our valor and conduct to 
render this important acquisition the pledge and omen of 
future victories." So eager was the imj^atience of the ju'ince 
and people, that Michael made his triumphal entry into Con- 
stantino2)le only twenty days after the expulsion of the 
Latins. The golden gate was thrown oi)cn at his aj^proach ; 
the devout conqueror dismounted from his horse ; and a 
miraculous image of Mary the Conductress was borne be- 
fore liim, that the divine Virgin in person might a])pear to 
conduct him to the tem])le of her Son, the cathedi-al of St. 
Sophia. But after the first transport of devotion and pride, 

19 This sceptre, tlie emblem of justice .iiul power. AA-as a long s'afF, such as vcr.s 
used by the heroes in Ilomc^r. By the latter Cii'eeks it was iiained JyicniiUe, and 
the IiiTperial sceptre' wns (listiuj^uished as usual by the red or pur!)le ( olor. 

2" Acropolita allirms (c CT), that this bouuet after the Frciu h fat^hion ; 
but from the luby at the point or summit, Due auo;o (Hist, d ■ ('. P. ]. \. <'. L's. 2!:) 
believes that it was the hi^h-crowued liat of the Greeks. Could Acropolita mis- 
take the dress of his owu coiut ? 


he sighed at the dreary prospect of solitude and ruin. The 
palace was deiiled vv^itli smoke and dirt, and the gross in- 
temperance of the Franks ; whole streets liad been consumed 
by lire, or were decayed by the injuries of time; the sacred 
and profane edifices were stripped of their ornaments: and, 
as it they were conscious of their approaching exile, the 
industry of the Latins had been coniined to tlie work of 
pillage and destruction. Trade had expired under the 
pressure of anarchy and distress, and the numbers oi inhab- 
itants had decreased with the opulence of the city. It was 
the first care of the Greek monarch to reinstate the nobles 
in the palaces of their fathers ; and the houses or the ground 
which they occupied Avere restored to the families that could 
exhibit a legal right of inheritance. But the far greater 
part was extinct or lost ; the vacant property had devolved 
to the lord ; he repeopled Constantinople by a liberal invi- 
tation to the provinces ; and the brave volunteers wqvq: seated 
in the capital which had been recovered by their arms. The 
French barons and the principal families had retired with 
their emperor ; but the patient and humble crowd of Latins 
was attached to the countrv, and indifferent to the chano-e 
of masters. Instead of banishing the factories of the Pisans, 
Venetians, and Genoese, the prudent conqueror accepted 
their oaths of allcGfiance, encourao'ed their industrv, con- 
firmed their privileges, and allowed them to live under the 
jurisdiction of their proper magistrates. Of these nations, 
the Pisans and Venetians preserved their res|)ective quarters 
in the city ; but the services and power of the Genoese de- 
served at the same time the gratitude and the jealousy of 
the Greeks. Tiieir independent colony was first planted at 
the seaport town of Ileraclea in Thrace. They were speedily 
recalled, and settled in the exclusive possession of the suburb 
of Galata, an advantageous post, in wliich they revived the 
commerce, and insulted the majesty, of the Byzantine em- 

The recovery of Constantinople was celebrated as the 
aera of a new empii-e : the conqueror, alone, and by the right 
of the sword, renewed his coronation in the churcli of St. 
Sopliia ; and the name and honors of John Lascaris, his 
pupil and lawful sovereign, were insensibly abolished. But 
his claims still lived in the minds of the j)eople ; and the 
royal youth must speedily attain the years of manhood and 

" See Paohymer (1. ii. c. 28-no), AoropoHta (c. f'S). NiVephorus Gregoras (1. iv. 
7), and for the treatment of the subject Latins, Ducange (1. v. c. 30, 31). 


ambition. Bv fear or conscience, Pala3olo2:iis was restrained 
from clij)ping his iiands in innocent and royal blood; but 
tlie anxiety of a usurper and a i)arent urged him to secure 
his throne by one of those imperfect crimes so familiar to 
the modern Greeks. The loss of sight incapacitated tlie 
young ])rince for the active business of the woild ; instead 
of the brutal violence of tearing out his eyes, the visual 
nerve Avas desti'oyed by the intense glare of a red-hot basin,'*^^ 
and John Lascaris was removed to a distant castle, where 
he spent many years in privacy and oblivion. Such cool 
and deliberate guilt may seem incompatible with remorse ; 
but if Micliael could trust the mercy of Heaven, he was not 
inaccessible to the reproaches and vengeance of mankind, 
which he had provoked by cruelty and treason. His cruelty 
imposed on a servile court the duties of applause or silence ; 
but the clergy had a right to speak in the name of tiieir in- 
visible Master; and their holy legions Avere led by a i)relate, 
whose character was above tlie temj^tations of hope or fear. 
After a short abdication of his dignity, Arsenius ^^ had con- 
sented to ascend the ecclesiastical throne of Constantinople, 
and to preside in the restoration of the church. His 2>ious 
8im})licity was long deceived by the arts of Palieologus ; and 
his patience and submission might soothe the usurper, and 
protect the safety, of the young prince. On the news of his 
inhuman tieatment, the patriarch unsheathed the spiritual 
sword ; and superstition, on this occasion, was enlisted in 
the cause of humanity and justice. In a synod of bisliops, 
who were stimulated by the example of his zeal, the patriarch 
pronounced a sentence of excommunication ; though his 
prucleiice still repeated the name of Michael in the public 
prayers. The Eastern prelates had not ado])ted the danger- 
ous maxims of ancient Rome ; nor did they j)resume to en- 
force their censures, by deposing princes, or absolving na- 
tions, from their oaths of allegiance. But the Christian, wl:o 
had been separated from God and tlie church, became an 
object of horror ; and, in a turbulent and fanatic capital, 

22 This milder invention for extinguishing the sight, was tried by the philoso- 
pher Democ itus on himself, when he sought to witlulraw his mind fiom the vis- 
ible world : a foolish story ! The word alxicinarc, in Latin and Italian, has fur- 
nished Ducange (Gloss. Lat.) with an opportiniity to review the various modes of 
blinding : tlie more violent were scooping, l)urning with an iron, or hot vinegar, 
and binding the bead with a strong cord "till the eyes burst from their sockets. 
Ingenious tyrants ! 

-3 See the first retreat and restoration of Arsenins, in Pachymer (1. ii. c. 15, 1. 
iii. 0. 1, 2) and Ni<epliorus Gregoras (1. iii. c. 1, 1. iv. c. 1). Posterity justly ac- 
cused tlie a(i)e'Aeia and paOvfiia o£ Arsenius, the virtues of a hermit, the vices of a 
minister (1. xii. c. 2). 


that horror might arm the liancT of an assassin, or inflame a 
sedition of the people. Palaeologus felt his danger, con- 
fessed Ijis guilt, and deprecated his judge: the act was ir- 
retrievable; the prize was obtained; and the most rigorous 
penance, which he solicited, would have raised the sinner to 
the reputation of a saint. Tlie unrelenting patriarch refused 
to announce any means of atonement or any hopes of mercy ; 
and condescended only to pronounce, that for so great a 
crime, great indeed must be the satisfaction. ''Do you re- 
quire," said Michael, " that I should abdicate the empire?" 
and at these words, he offered, or seemed to offer, the sword 
of state. Arsenius eagerly grasped this pledge of sovereign- 
ty; but when he perceived that the emperor was unwilling 
to purchase absolution at so dear a rate, he indignantly 
escaped to his cell, and left the royal sinner kneeling and 
weeping before the door.^* 

The danger and scandal of this excommunication sub- 
sisted above three years, till the popular clamor was as- 
suaged by time and repentance ; till the brethren of Ar- 
senius condemned his inflexible spirit, so repugnant to the 
unbounded forgiveness of the gospel. . The emperor had 
artfully insinuated, that, if he were still rejected at home, 
he might seek, in the Roman pontiff, a more indulgent 
judge ; but it was far more easy and effectual to find or to 
place that judge at the head of the Byzantine church. Ar- 
senius was involved in a vague I'umor of conspiracy and dis- 
affection ; * some irregular steps in liis ordination and 
government were liable to censure ; a synod deposed liini 
from the episcopal office ; and he was transported under a 
guard of soldiers to a small island of the Propontis. Be- 
fore his exile, he sullenly requested that a strict account 
might be taken of the treasures of the church ; boasted, that 
his sole riches, three pieces of gold, had been earned by 
transci'ibing the psalms ; continued to assert the freedom of 
his mind ; and denied, with his last breath, the pardon 

24 The crime and excommunication of Michael are fairly told by Parhymer 
(1. iii. c. 10, 1419, &c.) and Gre^oias (1. iv. c. 4). Hid confession and penance re- 
stored their freedom. 

♦ Except the omission of a prayer for the emperor, the charges against Arsen- 
ius were oi" adifterent naturo : i e wan accused of havi:ig allowe;! the sultan of 
I< oniuin to lathe in vessels binned wilh tlie ( ross, and t > have admitted to 
the church, though unlaptized, daring the service. It was j leaded, in fnvor of 
Arsei'ius, aniongVtlK.'r proofs of the sultan's ( hristianity, that he had oflered to 
eat ham. Paohymer, 1. iv . c. 4, p. 2(;5. It was alter his exile that he was involved 
in a charge of conspiracy.— M. 


which was implored by the royal sinner."^ After some de- 
lay, Gregory,* bishop of Adrianople, was translated to tlie 
Byzantine throne ; but his authority was found insufficient 
to support the absolution of the emperor ; and Joseph, a 
reverend monk, was substituted to that important function. 
Tliis edifying scene was represented in the presence of the 
senate and the people ; at the end of six years the liumble 
penitent was restored to the communion of tlie faitliful ; and 
humanity will rejoice, that a milder treatment "of the cap- 
tive Lascaris was stipulated as a proof of his remorse. But 
the spirit of Arsenius still survived in a powerful faction of 
the monks and clergy, who persevered above forty-eight 
years in an obstinate schism. Their scruples were treated 
with tenderness and respect by Michael and his son ; and 
the reconciliation of the Arsenites was the serious labor of 
the church and state. In the confidence of fanaticism, they 
had proposed to try their cause by a miracle ; and when 
the two papers, that contained their own and the adverse 
cause, were cast into a fiery brasier, they expected that the 
Catholic verity would be respected by the flames. Alas ! 
the two papers were indiscriminately consumed, and this un- 
foreseen accident produced the union of a day, and renewed 
the quarrel of an age.'^^ The final treaty displayed the vic- 
tory of the Arsenites : the clergy abstained during forty 
days from all ecclesiastical functions ; a slight penance Avas 
imposed on the laity ; tlie body of Arsenius Avas deposited 
in the sanctuary ; and, in the name of the departed saint, 
the prince and jjeople were released from the sins of their 

The establishment of his family was the motive, or at 
least the pretence, of the crime of Palaeologus ; and he Avas 
impatient to confirm the succession, by sharing Avith his 
eldest son the honors of the purple. Andronicus, aftervvards 
surnamed the Elder, Avas ])roclaimed and crowned emperor 

2«'' Pachymer relates tlie exile of Arsenius (1. iv. c. 1-lG) : he was oiie^o' the 
commissaries who visited him in the desert island. Tlie last testament of the 
unforgiving patriarch is still extant (Dupin, Bibliothe.iue Ecclesiastique, tom. 
X. p. 95). 

215 Pachymer (1. vii. c. 22) relates tliis miraculous trial like a philosopher, and 
treats with similar contempt a plot of the Arscnitrs, to hide a revelation in the 
co:fin of some old saint (I. vii. c. 13). He compensates this incredulity by an 
image that weeps, anoiher that bleeds (1. vii. c. oi)), and the miraculous cures of a 
deaf and a mute patient (1. xi. c. 32). 

"~ The story of the Arsenites is spread through the thirteen books of Pachy- 
mer. Their union ;nid triumph are reserved for Kicephorus Grcgoras (1. vii. c. 
3), who neither loves nor esteems these sectaries. 

* Pachymer calls him Germanus.— M. 


of the Romans, in tlie fifteenth year of his age ; and, from 
the iirst sera of a prolix and inglorious reign, he held that 
auj;nst title nine years as tlie colleague, and fifty as the suc- 
cessor, of his fatlier. Michael himself, had he died in a 
private station, would liave been thought more worthy of 
the empire ; and the assaults of his temporal and spiritual 
enemies left Iiim few moments to labor for his own fame 
or the happiness of his subjects. He wrested from the 
Franks several of the noblest islands of the Archipelago, 
Lesbos, Chios, and Rhodes : his brother Constantine was 
Bent to command in Malvasia and S})arta ; and the eastei-n 
side of the Morea, from Argos and Napoli to Cape Taenarus, 
was repossessed by the Greeks. This effusion of Christian 
blood was loudly condemned by the patriarch ; and the 
insolent priest presumed to inter] )Ose his fears and scruples 
between tlie arms of ])rinces. But in tlie prosecution of 
these western conquests, the countries beyond the Helles- 
pont were left naked to the Turks; and their depredations 
verified tlie prophecy of a dying senator, that the recovery 
of Constantinople would be the ruin of Asia. The victories 
of Michael were achieved by his lieutenants; his sword 
rusted in the palace; and, in the transactions of the emperor 
Avith the popes and the king of Naples, his jjolitical acts 
were stained with cruelty and fraud. '^ 

I. The Vatican was the most natural refuge of a Latin 
emperor, who had been driven from liis throne ; and Pope 
Urban the Fourth appeared to pity the misfortunes, and 
vindicate the cause, of the fugitive Baldwin. A crusade, 
with })lenary indulgence, was preached by his command 
against the schismatic Gi'eeks : he excommunicated their 
allies and adherents; solicited Louis the Ninth in favor of 
liis kinsman ; and demanded a tenth of the ecclesiastical 
revenues of France and England for the service of the holy 
war."^ The subtle Greek, who watched the I'ising tempest 
of the West, attempted to suspend or soothe the hostility 
of the po])e, by suppliant embassies and respectful letters; 
but he insinuated tliat the establishment of ])eace must })re- 
]")are tlie reconciliation and obedience of the Eastern (church. 
The Roman court could not be deceived by so gross an 

--^ Of the xiii. boolcs of Pachymer, the first pix (as the ivth and vth of Ni- 
cephorus Ore ;ora ) contain the rcirrn of I^Jichael, at the time of whose death he 
w.xa fortj' yen- ; of a^^c. Instead of brealiuf , lilie his editor the P6rc-Poussiii, his 
history ijito two parts, I follow Ducange and Cousin, who number the xiii. books 
in one series. 

20 Ducang3, Jlist. de C. P. 1. v. c. 33, &c., from the Epistles of Urban IV. 


artifice ; and Mk-liael was aflinonislied, tliat the repentance 
of tlie son slioiild precede the forgiveness of the fatlier ; and 
that faith (an ambiguous word) was tlie only basis of 
friendshij) and alliance. After a long and affected delay, 
the appi'oach of danger, and the iniporUmity of Gregory the 
Tenth, com])elled him to enter on a more serious negoti- 
ation : he alleged the example of the great Vataces; and 
the Greek clergy, wlio nnderstood the intentions of their 
prince,, were not alarmed by the first steps of reconciliation 
and respect. But when he pressed the conclusion of the 
treaty, they strenuously declared, that the Latins, though 
not in name, were heretics in fact, and that they despised 
those strangers as the vilest and most despicable portion of 
the human race.^*^ It was the task of the em])eror to per- 
suade, to corrupt, to intimidate the most popular ecclesias- 
tics, to gain the vote of each individual, and alternately to 
urge the arguments of Cliristian charity and the ])ublic wel- 
fare. The texts of the fathers and the arms of the Franks 
were balanced in the theological and political scale ; and 
without approving the addition to the Nicene creed, the 
most moderate were taught to confess, that the two hostile 
propositions of proceeding from the Father by the Son, and 
of proceeding from the Father and the Son, might be re- 
duced to a safe and Catholic sense.^^ The supremacy of 
the pope Avas a doctrine more easy to conceive, but more 
painful to acknowledge ; yet Michael represented to his 
monks and prelates, that they might submit to name the 
Roman bishop as the first of the patriarchs ; and that their 
distance and discretion would guard the liberties of the 
Eastern church from the mischievous consequences of the 
right of appeal. He protested that he would sacrifice his 
life and empire rather than yield the smallest point of 
orthodox faith or national independence ; and this decla- 
ration was sealed and ratified by a golden bull. The i^atri- 
arch Joseph withdrew to a monastery to resign or resume 
his throne, according to the event of the treaty : the letters 
of union and obedience were subscribed by the emperor, 
his son Andronicus, and thirty-five archbishops and metro- 

3" From tlieir meveaiitile intercourse with the Venetians and Genoese, they 
branded tlie Latins as >ca7rr)Aot and ^a^'avcroi (Pacliynier, 1. v. c, 10), "Some are 
heretics in n;une : others, like the I^atins, in fact," said the learned Veccus (1. v. 
c. 12), who soon afterwards l)ec;ime a convert (c. 15, 16) and a patriarch (c. 24). 

"'" In tliis class we may place Pachymer liimself, wliose copious and candid 
narrative occupies the vth and vith books of liis liii-tory. Yet the Greek is silent 
on the council of Lyons, and seems to believe that the popes always resided in 
Konie aud Italy (.1. v. c. 17, 21). 


polltans, with their respective synods; and tlie episcopnl 
list was multiplied by many dioceses which were annihilated 
under the yoke of the infidels. An embassy was composed 
of some trusty ministers and prelates: they embarked for 
Italy, with rich ornaments and rare perfumes for the altar 
of St. Peter; and their secret orders authorized and recom- 
mended a boundless compliance. Tliey were received in 
the general council of Lyons, by Po])e Gregory the Tenth, 
at the head of five hundred bishops.^"^ He embraced with 
tears his long-lost and repentant children ; accej)ted the 
oath of the ambassadors, who abjured the schism in the 
name of the two emperors ; adorned the ]n'elates with the 
ring and mitre ; chanted in Greek and Latin the Nicene 
creed with the addition oi fiUoque ; and rejoiced in the 
union of the East and West, which had been reserved for 
his reign. To consummate this pious work, the Byzantine 
deputies were speedily followed by the pope's nuncios; 
and their instruction discloses tlie 2:)olicy of the Vatican, 
winch could not be satisfied with the vain title of suprem.- 
acy. After viewing the temper of the prince and people, 
they Were enjoined to absolve tlie schismatic clergy, Avho 
should subscribe and swear their abjuration and obedience ; 
to establish in all the churches the use of the perfect creed; 
to prepare the entrance of a cardinal legate, with tlie full 
powers and dignity of liis office; and to instruct the em- 
peror in the advastages which he might derive from the 
tem]:)oral protection of the Roman pontiff.^^ 

But they found a country without a friend, a nation in 
whicli the names of Rome and Union were pronounced with 
abhorrence. The patriarch Joseph was indeed removed : 
his place was filled by Veccus, an ecclesiastic of learning 
and moderation ; and the emperor was still urged by the 
same motives, to persevere in the same professions. But in 
his private language Paloeologus affected to deplore the 
pride, and to blame the innovations, of the Latins; and 
while he debased his character by this double hypocrisy, he 
justified and punished the op])osition of his subjects. By 
the joint suffrage of the new and the ancient Rome, a sen- 
tence of excommunication was pronounced against the 
obstinate schismatics; the censures of the church were ex- 

32 See the acts of the council of Lyons In the year 1274. Fleury, Hist. Eccl6- 
siastique, toni. xviii. pp. lSl-]9f), Dupin. Bihliot/F.ecles. torn. x. p, 135. 

^' This cjirious instruction, wliich has bacn drawn witli more or less honesty 
by Wa'lins and Lpo Allatias from the ar<hivcs of the Vatican, is given in an ab- 
stract or version by Floury (lom xviii. pp. 252-2ob). 


edited by the sword of Michael ; on the faihire of persua- 
8ion, lie tried the ai'guments of prison and exile, of wliip- 
ping and tnutilation ; those touchstones, says an historian, 
of cowards and the brave. Two Greeks still reigned in 
jEtolia, Epirus, and Thessaly, with the appellation of des- 
pots : they had yielded to the sovereign of Constantinoide, 
but they rejected the chains of the lionian jjontiff, and sup- 
ported their refusal by successful arms. Under tiieir pi-o- 
tection, the fugitive nioidvs and bishops assembled in hostile 
synods ; and retorted the name of heretic with the galling 
addition of apostate : the prince of Trebizond was tem})ted 
to resume the forfeit title of emperor ; ^ and even the Latins 
of Negropont, Thebes, Athens, and the Morea, forgot the 
merits of the convert, to join, with open or clandestine aid, 
the enemies of Pala^ologus. His favorite gericrals, of his 
own blood and family, successively deserted, or betrayed 
the sacrilegious trust. His sister Eulogia, a niece, and two 
female cousins, conspired against him ; another niece, Mary 
queen of Bulgaria, negotiated his ruin with the sultan' of 
Egypt ; and, in the public eye, their treason was consecrated 
as the most sublime virtue.^* To the pope's nuncios, who 
urged the consummation of the work, Palaeologus exposed a 
naked recital of all that lie had done and suffered for their 
sake. They were assured that the guilty sectaries, of both 
sexes and every rank, had been deprived of tl'eir honors, 
their fortunes, and their liberty ; a spreading list of coniis- 
cation and punishment, whicli involved mnny ])ersons, the 
dearest to tlie emperor, or the best deserving of his favor. 
Tiiey were conducted to tlie prison, to beliold four princes 
of the royal blood chained in the four coi-ners, and shaking 
their fetters in an agony of grief and rage. Two of these 
captives'were afterwards released ; the one by submission, 
the other by death: but the obstinacy of their two compan- 
ions was chastised by the loss of their eyes : and the Greeks, 
the least adverse to the union, deplore that cruel and inau- 
spicious tragedy.^^ Persecutors must expect the hatred of 

3-* This frank and authentic confession of MicliaeVs rMstress is exhibited in 
barbarous Latin by Ogerias, who siijns liiniself Protonotarius Intcrpretuiii, and 
tra:iscribed by Wadiiig from the MSS. of the Vatican (A. I>. 127S, No. 3). His 
annals of the Franciscan order, the Fratres ]\Iino:es, in xvii. volumes in folio 
(Rome, 1741), I have now accidentally seen among the waste paper of a book- 

•^ See the vith book of Pachymer, particiilarly the chapters 1, 11. Ifi, 18, 24-27. 
He i'5 Hie niore credible, as he'spuaks of this persecution with less anger than 

* According to Fallmarayer lie had always maintained this title.— M. 


those whom they oppress ; but they commonly find some 
consolation in the testimony of tlieir conscience, the a])- 
plause of their ])arty, and, perhaps, the success of their 
undertaking. But tlie liypocrisy of Michael, which was 
prompted only by political moti\es, must have forced him 
to hate himself, to desjnse his followers, and to esteem and 
envy the rebel champions by whom he was detested and 
des])ised. While his violence was abhorred at Constanti- 
nople, at Rome his slowness was ai-raigned, and his sincerity 
suspected ; till at length Pope Mailin the Fourth excluded 
the Greek emperor from the pale of a church, into which he 
was striving to reduce a schismatic people. No sooner had 
the tyrant ex])ired, than the union was dissolved, and ab- 
jured by unanimous consent; tlie churches were purified; 
the penitents were reconciled ; and his son Andronicus, after 
weeping the sins and errors of his youth, most ]-iously 
denied his father the burial of a pi'ince and a Christian.^^ 

II. In the distress of the Latins, the walls and towers of 
Constantinople had fallen to decay: they were restored and 
fortified by the policy of Michael, who deposited a jdenteous 
store of corn and salt provisions, to sustain the siege which 
he might hourly expect from the resentment of tlie Western 
powers. Of these, the sovereign of the Two Sicilies was 
the most formidable nei^Iibor: but as loui]^ as tliev were 
possessed by Mair.froy, the bastard of Frederic the Second, 
his monarcliy was the bulwark, rather than the annoyance, 
of the Eastern emj^ire. The usurper, though a brave and 
acti\'e ])riuce, was sufficiently em|)loyed in the defence of his 
throne; his proscription by successive popes had separated 
Mainfroy from tlie common cause of the Latins ; and the 
forces that miixht have besie2:ed Constantinoi)le were de- 
tained in a crusade against the domestic enemy of Rome. 
The prize of her avenger, the crown of the Two Sicilies, 
was won and worn by the brother of St. Louis, by Charles 
count of Anjou and Provence, who led the chivalry of 
France on this holy exj)edition.^'^ Tlie disaffection of his 
Christian subjects compelled Mainfroy to enlist a colony of 

3" Pachyiner, 1. vii. c. 1-ii. 17. The speech of Andronicus the Elder (lib. xii. 
c. 2) i.; a curious record, \\hi( h jiroves that if the Greeks were the sla\ es of the 
emperor, the emperor was not less the slave of superstiJon and the ( Icr^^-. 

^' Tlie best aciouiit;-, the nearest the time, the most full .'uul entertalr.iup, of 
the conquest of Naples by Charles of Anj u, may 1 e fouii<l in the Floreniino 
Ch oniclesof Ricordano Mai s iua (c. 175-]'j;3), and Ginvainii Villaiii (1. vii. c. 1- 
lf>, -'")-nf)). v.'liich are [)ubli hcd by .'Nlura'o i in the viiilh and xiii'h volumes of 
fhe Historians of Italy. J n his Annals (toni, xi. pj). 5;-72) lie ha> alirid'.MMl these 
great eveius, which are likewise described in the Istoiia Civile of Giamioiie, torn, 
ii. 1. xix. torn. iii. 1. xx. 


Saracens whom liis father had planted in Apnlia ; and this 
odious succor will explain the defiance of the Catholic hero, 
wlio rejected all terms of accommodation. " Bear this 
message," said Charles, "to the sultan oi Kocera, tliat God 
and the sword are um]:>ire between us; and that he shall 
either send me to paradise, or I will send him to the ])it of 
hell." The armies met: and thougli I am ignorant of 
Mainfroy's doom in the other world, in this he lost his 
friends, his kingdom, and his life, in the bloody battle of 
Benevento. Naples and Sicily were immediately peo])led 
with a warlike race of French nobles ; and their aspiring 
leader embraced the future conquest of Africa, Greece, and 
Palestine. The most specious reasons might point his first 
arms aorainst the Byzantine empire: and Pala3oloi>-us, difii- 
dent of Jiis own strength, repeatedly appealed from the am- 
bition of Charles to the humanity of St. Louis, who still 
preserved a just ascendant over the mind of his fei'ocious 
brother. For a while the attention of that brother was con- 
fined at home by the invasion of Conradin, the last heir of 
the Imperial house of Swabia ; bat the hapless boy sunk in 
the unequal conflict ; and his execution on a public scaffold 
taught the rivals of Charles to tremble for their heads as 
well as their dominions. A second respite was obtained by 
the last crusade of St. Louis to the African coast ; and the 
double motive of interest and duty urged the king of Xaples 
to assist, with his powers and his presence, the holy enter- 
prise. The deatli of St. Louis released him from the im- 
portunity of a virtuous censor: the king of Tunis confessed 
himself the ti-ibutary and vassal of the crown of Sicily; and 
the boldest of the French kniirhts v/ere free to enlist under 
his banner against the Greek empire. A treaty and a mar- 
riage united his interest with the house of Courtenay; his 
daughter Beatrice was promised to Philip, son and heir of 
the emperor Baldwin ; a pension of six hundred ounces of 
gold was allowed for his maintenance; and his generous 
father distributed amomx liis allies the kin^'doms and prov- 
inces of the East, reserving only Constaatino])le, and one 
day's journey round the <*ity, for the Im])erial domain. ^^ In 
this perilous moment Pal?eologus was the most eager to 
subscribe the creed, and imj^lore the protection, of the Ro- 
man pontiff, who assumed, with ])ropriety and weight, tlie 
character of an angel of peace, the common father of the 

3« DucaiiRe, Hist, de C. P. 1. v. c. 40-r,a, ]. vi. c. 1-13. See Pachymer, 1. iv. c. 
29, 1. V. c. 7-10, 25, 1. vi, c. 30, 32, 33, and Nicephorus Gregoras, 1. iv. 5, 1. v. 1, G. 


Christians. By his voice, the sword of Charles was chained 
in the scabbard ; and the Greek ambassadors beheld him, 
in the ])ope's antecliamber, biting Ids ivory sceptre in a 
transport of fury, and deeply resenting the refusal to en- 
francluse and consecrate Ids arms. He appears to have 
respected the disinterested mediation of Gregory, the Tenth ; 
but Charles was insensibly disgusted by the }>ride and par- 
tiality of Nicholas the Third; and his attachment to his 
kindred, the Ursini family, alienated the most strenuous 
champion from the service of the church. The hostile league 
against the Greeks, of Philip the Latin emperor, the king 
of the Two Sicilies, and the republic of Venice, wasrijjened 
into execution ; and the election of Martin the Fourth, a 
French pope, gave a sanction to the cause. Of the allies, 
Philip supidicd his name; Martin, a bull of excommunica- 
tion ; the Venetians, a squadron of forty galleys ; and the 
formidable powers of Charles consisted of forty counts, ten 
thousand men at arms, a numerous body of infantry, and a 
fleet of more than three hundred ships and transports. A 
distant day was ap])r)inted for assembling this mighty force 
in the harbor of Brindisi*, and a ])revious attempt WJ^s 
risked with a detachment of three hundred knights, who 
invaded Albania, and besieged the fortress of Belgrade. 
Their defeat might amuse with a trium]jh the vanity of Con- 
stantinople ; but the more sagacious iMichael, despairing of 
his arms, depended on the effects of a cons]^ii-acy; on the 
secret woi'kings of a rat, who Gjnawed the bowstrino; "^ of 
the Sicilian tyrant. » 

Among the proscribed adherents of the house of Swabia, 
Jolm of Procida forfeited a small island of that name in the 
Bay of Xaples. His birth was noble, but his education was 
learned ; and in tlie poverty of exile, he was relieved by tlie 
]n*actice of physic, which he had studied in the school of 
Salerno. Fortune had left hrm nothing to lose, except life; 
and to despise life is the first qualification of a rebel. Pro- 
cida was endowed with the ai't of negotiation, to enforce his 
reasons and disguise his motives ; and in his various trans- 
actions Avith nations and men, he could ])ersuade each l)arty 
that he labored solely for thdr interest. The new king- 
doms of Charles were afHicted by every S])ecics of fiscal and 
military oppression ; ''^ and the lives and fortunes of his 

39 The reader of Herodotus will rec-dleet how miraculously the Assyrian hos 
of Sennacherib was dis'irined a:ul dostroyed (1. il. c. 111). 

" According to Sabas Malaspina (Hist. Sicula. 1. iii. c. IG, in Muratoii, lom. 
viii. p. 832), a zealous Guelph, the subjectrf oi; Charles, who had reviled JMainfroy 


Italian subjects were sacrificed to tlie greatness of tlieir 
master and the licentiousness of his followers. The hatred 
of N.-iples was repressed by his i)resence ; but the looser gov- 
erniuent of his vicegerents excited tlie contempt, as well as 
the aversion, of tlie Sicilians : the island was roused to a sense 
of freedom by the eloquence of Pi'ocida; and he dis|)layed 
to e\ery baron his ])rivate interest in tlie common cause. 
In the confidence of foreign aid, he successively visited the 
courts of the Greek emperor, and of Peter hingof Arrngon,''^ 
who possessed the maritime countries of Valentia and Cata- 
lonia. To the ambitious Peter a crown was presented, Avhich 
lie might justly claim by his marriage with the sister^" of 
Mainfroy, and by the dying voice oi* Conradin, who from 
the scaffold had cast a ring to his heir and avenger. Palae- 
ologus was easily ])ersuaded to divert his enemy from a for- 
eign war by a rebellion at home ; and a Greek subsidy of 
twent3-five thousand ounces of gold was most ])rofitably 
applied to arm a Catalan fleet, which sailed under a holy 
banner to the specious attack of the Saracens of Africa. In 
the disguise of a monk or beggar, the indefatigable mis- 
sionary of revolt flew from Constant ino))le to Rome, and 
fi'om Sicily to Saragossa ; the treaty was scnled with the 
signet of Pope Nicholas himself, the enemy of Charles ; and 
his deed of gift transferred the fiefs of ^t. Peter froin the 
liouse of Anjou to that of Ari-agon. So widely diffused and 
so freely circulated, the secret was preserved above two 
years with impenetrable discretion ; and each of the con- 
si)irators imbibed the maxim of Peter, who declared that he 
would cut off his left hand if it were conscious of the inten- 
tions of his right. The mine was ])repnred with deep and 
dangerous artifice ; but it may be questioned, whether the 
instant explosion of Palermo were the effect of accident or 

On the vigil of Easter, a procession of the disarmed citi- 
zens visited a church without the walls ; and a noble dam- 
sel was rudely insulted by a French soldier.^^ The ravisher 

as a wolf. be.ian to regret him as a lamb ; and ho justifies tlieir discontent bv the 
oppressions of the French government 0- vi. c. 2, 7). S;'e the Sicilian manifesto 
ill Nicholas Specialis (1. i. c. 11, in IMuratori, torn. x. p. 000.) 

*i See the character and counsels of Peter, kinir of Arragon, in Mariara (Hist. 
Hispan. 1. xiv. c. fi, lorn. ii. p. V.\.\). The reader forgives the Jesuit's defects, iu 
favor, always of his style, and often of his sense. 

<^ After eimnieraling the sufferings of his country, Nicholas Snedalis add«, iu 
the true spirit of Italian Qua; omnia et graviora quidem, iit arbitrov, 
patienti animo Siculi tolerassent, nisi (quod primuin cuiictis dominantibus ca» 
Vendum est) alienas fcEiuinas invasissent (1. i. o. 2, p. 924). 

• Daughter. See Hallam's Middle Ages, vol. i. p. 517.— M. 


was instantly punislied with death ;' and if tlie people were 
at first scattered by a military foi'ee, their numbers and 
fury prevailed : the conspirators seized the opportunity ; the 
flame spread over the island ; and eight thousand French 
were exterminated in a jn-omiscnous massacre, which has 
obtained the name of the Sicilian Vespers.'*^ From every 
city the banners of freedom and the church Avere displayed: 
the revolt was insjnred by the ])resence or the soul of Pro- 
cida ; and Peter of Arragon, who sailed from the African 
coast to Palermo, was saluted as the king and savior of the 
isle. By the rebellion of a people on whom he liad so long 
trampled with impunity, Charles was astonished and con- 
founded ; and in the first agony of grief and devotion, he 
was heard to exclaim, " O God ! if thou hast decreed to 
liumble me, grant me at least a gentle and gradual descent 
from the pinnacle of greatness ! " His fleet and army, 
which already filled the seaports of Italy, were hastily re- 
called from the service of the Grecian war; and the situa- 
tion of Messina exposed that town to the first storm of his 
revenge. Feeble in themselves, and yet hopeless of foreign 
succor, the citizens would have repented, and submitted on 
the assurance of full pardon and their ancient privileges. 
But the pride of the monarch was already rekindled ; and 
the most fervent entreaties of the legate could extort no 
more than a promise, that he would forgive the remainder, 
after a chosen list of eight hundred rebels had been yielded 
to his discretion. The despair of the Messinese renewed 
their coui'age : Peter of Arragon approached to their re- 
lief ; ^^ and his rival was driven back by the failure of pro- 
vision and the terrors of the equinox to the Calabrian shore. 
At the same moment, the Catalan admiral, the famous 
lioger de Loria, swept the channel with an invincible squad- 
ron : tlie French fleet, more numerous in transports than in 
galleys, was either burnt or destroyed ; and the same blow 
assured the independence of Sicily and the safety of the 
Greek empire. A few days before his death, the emperor 
Michael rejoiced in the fall of an enemy whom he hated 

*3 The French were long taught to remember this bloody lesson : "If I am 
provoked (.said Henry the Fourth), I will breakfast at Milan, and dine at >Taples." 
" Your majesty (replied the Spanish ambassador) may perhaps arrive iu Siciiy for 

**■ Thiy revolt, with the subsequent victory, are related by two national wri- 
ters, Bartholomy A Is'eocastro (in .Muratori. torn, xiii ), and' Nicholas Specialis 
(in ^luratori, torn, x.), the ojie a contemporary, the other of the next century. 
The patriot Specialis disclaims the name of rebellion, and all previous corie- 
Bpondence with Pe;er of Arrajron (nuJlocomniunicato consilio), who happened to 
be with a tieet and army on the African coast (1. i. c. 4, 9). 

Vol. v.— 15 


and esteemed ; and perhaps he might be content with the 
popular judgment, that liad they not been matched with 
eacli other, Constantinople and Italy must speedily have 
obeyed the same master.^^ From this disastrous mom.ent, 
the life of Charles was a series of misfortunes : his capital 
was insulted, his son was made prisoner, and lie sunk into 
the grave without recovering the Isle of Sicily, which, after 
a war of twenty years, was linally severed from the throne 
of Naples, and transferred, as an independent kingdom, to 
a younger branch of the house of Arragon.^^ 

I shall not, I trust, be accused of superstition ; but I 
must remark, that, even in this world, the natural order of 
events will sometimes afford the strong appearances of 
moral retribution. The first Palaeoloo:us had saved his em- 
pire by involving the kingdoms of the West in rebellion and 
blood ; and from these scenes of discord uprose a genera- 
tion of iron men, who assaulted and endangered the empire 
of his son. In modern times, our debts and taxes are the 
secret poison wliich still corrodes the bosom of peace ; but 
in the Aveak and disorderly government of the middle ages, 
it Avas agitated by the present evil of the disbanded armies. 
Too idle to work, too proud to beg, the mercenaries were 
accustomed to a life of rapine : they could rob with more 
dignity and effect under a banner and a chief ; and the sov- 
ereign, to whom their service was useless, and their presence 
importunate, endeavored to discharge the torrent on some 
neighboring countries. After the peace of Sicily, many 
thousands of Genoese, Catakms,'^'' &c., who had fought, by 
sea and land, under the standard of Anjou or Arragon, were 
blended into one nation by the resemblance of their man- 
ners and interest. They heard that the Greek ]M-ovinces of 
Asia were invaded by the Turks : they resolved to share 
the liarvest of ])ay and plunder; and Frederic king of Sicily 
most liberally contributed the means of their departure. In 
a warfare of twenty years, a ship, or a camp, was become 
their country; arms were their sole profession and pro])erty ; 
valor was the only virtue which they knew; their Avomen 
had imbibed the fearless temper of their lovers and hus- 

^5 Kif^ephorns Gre^orfis (1. v. c. 6) admires the wisdom of Providence in this 
equal balance of states and princes. For the honor of Palseologus, I haid rather 
this balance had been observed by an Italian writer. 

4" See the Chronicle of A'illani, Wm xith volume of the Annali d'ltalia of Mu- 
ratori, and the xxth and xxist books of the Jstoria Civile of Giannone. 

47 In this motley multitude, the Cat.alans and Spaniards, the bravest of the 
soldiery, were styled by themselvi'S and the Greeks Amofjarnrcs. Moncada tle- 
rivos their ori<rin from the Goths, and Pachymer (1. xi. c. 22) from the Arabs ; and 
In spite of national and religious pride, 1 ain afraid the latter is in the right. 


bands : it was reported, that, with a stroke of their broad- 
sword, the Catalans could cleave a horseman and a horse ; 
and tlie report itself was a powerful weapon. Roger de 
Flor * was the most popular of their chiefs ; and his per. 
sonal merit overshadowed the dignity of liis prouder rivals 
of Arragon. The offspring of a mai'riage between a German 
gentleman of the court of Frederic the Second and a dam- 
sel of Brindisi, Roger was successively a templar, an apos- 
tate, a pirate, and at length the richest and most powerful 
admiral of the Mediterranean. He sailed from Messina to 
Constantinople, with eighteen galleys, four great ships, and 
eight thousand adventurers ; f and his previous treaty was 
faithfully accom])iished by Andronicus the elder, who ac- 
cepted with joy and terror this formidable succor. A pal- 
ace was allotted for his reception, and a niece of the em- 
peror was given in marriage to the valiant stranger, who 
was immediately created great duke oradmiial of Romania. 
After a decent re])Ose, he transported lijs troops over the 
Propontis, and boldly led them against the Turks : in two 
bloody battles thirty thousand of the Moslems were slain : 
he raised the siege of Philadelphia, and deserved the name 
of the deliverer of Asia. But after a short season of pros- 
perity, the cloud of slavery and rum again burst on that un- 
haj^jjy province. The inhabitants escaped (says a Greek 
historian) from the smoke into the flames ; and the hostility 
of the Turks was less pernicious than the friendship of the 
Catalans. :|: The lives and fortunes which they had rescued 
they considered as their own ; the willing or reluctant maid 
was saved from the race of circumcision for the embraces 
of a Christian soldier; the exaction of lines and supplies was 
enforced by licentious ra]iine and and arbitrary executions ; 
and, on the resistance of Magnesia, ihe great duke besieged 
a city of the Roman empire.''^ These disorders he excused 
by the wrongs and passions of a victorious* army ; nor would 

"« Some idea mav he formed of the population of these cities, from the 36,000 
inhabitants of Trail -s. which, in t])e preceding reign, was rebuilt by the emperor, 
and ruined by the Turks. (Pachymer, 1. vi. c. 20, 21.) 

* On ■Rocrer de Flor and his companions, see an historical fragment, detailed 
and mterestinc, entitled '• 'J'he Spaniards of the Foniteenth Centuiy," and in- 
Ferte<l in " T/Espaine en 1W8." a work translated from the German, vol. ii. p. 
167. This narrative enables us to detect some slight errors which have crept 
into that of Gibl;on.— (i. 

t Tlie troofis of Koger de Flor, a^vording to his companion Pamon de Monta- 
ner, were J500 men at arms. 4000 Almogavares, and 1000 other foot, besides the 
pallors and mariners, vol. ii. p. 137.— M. 

X Pamon de Montaner suppresses the cruelties and oppressions of the Cata- 
lans, in which, perhaps, he shared.— M. 


liis own authority or person have been safe, had he dared 
to unisli his faithful followers, wlio were defrauded of tlie 
just and covenanted price of their services. The threats 
and complaints of Andronicus disclosed the nakedness of 
the empire. His golden bull liad invited no more than five 
hundred horse and a thousand foot-soldiers : vet the crowds 
of volunteers, who migrated to tlie East, had been enlisted 
and fed by his spontaneous bounty. While his bravest 
allies Avere content with thi-ee b3'zants or pieces of gold, for 
their montlily pay, an ounce, or even two ounces, of gold 
were assigned to the Catalans, wliose annual pension would 
thus amount to near a hundred pounds sterling: one of 
their chiefs had modestly rated at three hundred thousand 
crowns the value of h'l's future merits; and above a million 
had been issued from the treasury for the maintenance of 
these costly mercenaries. A cruel tax had been imposed on 
the corn of the husbandman : one-third was retrenched 
from the salaries ojE the ])ublic officers ; and the standard of 
the coin was so shamefully debased, that of the four-and- 
twenty parts only fi\e Avere of pure gold.^^ At the sum- 
mons of the emperor, Roger evacuated a province which no 
longer supplied the materials of rapine ; * but lie refused to 
dis])erse his troops ; and Avhile his style was respectful, his 
conduct was independent and hostile. He protested, that 
if the emperor should march against liim,he would advance 
forty paces to kiss the ground before him ; but in rising 
from this prostrate attitude Roger had a life and sword at 
the service of his friends. The c^reat duke of Romania con- 
descended to accept tlie title and ornaments of Ca?sar ; but 
he rejected the new proposal of the government of Asia 
Avith a subsidy of corn and money,t on condition that he 
should reduce his troops to the harmless number of three 

■is I have collected these pecuniary oirciimstances from Pachj'mer (1. xi. c. 
21, 1. xii. c. 4, 5. 8, 14, 19), who describes the progressive degradation of the gold 
c >iii. Even in the prospe.ous times of John Ducas Vataccs, the byzants were 
touipo^ed in equal proportions of the pure and the baser metal. The poverty of 
Michael Palaeologus compelled him to strike a new coir, with nine parts, or 
carats, of irold, and tifteen of copper alloy. After Ins deaLh, the standard rose 
to ten carats, l.ill in the public distress it was reduced to the moiety. The prince 
•was relieved for a moment, while credit and commerce were forever blasted. In 
France, the gold coin is of twenty-two carats (one-twelfth alloy), and the stand- 
ard of England and Holland is still higher. 

* Roger de Flor, according to Ramon de ATontnner, was recalled from Natolia, 
on account of Ihe war which had arisen on the death of Asan, king of Bulgaria. 
Androiucus claimed the kiugdou\ lor his nephews, the sons of Asan by his sister. 
Ro^er de Flor turned the tide of success in favor of the emperor of Constanti- 
nople, and made peac .—AT. 

t Andronicus paid the Catalans la the debased money, much to their indigna- 
tion.— M. 


thousaiirl men. Assassination is tlie last resource of cow- 
ards. The CaBsar was tempted to a isit the royal residence 
of Adrianople ; in the apartment, and before the eyes of the 
empress he was stabbed by the Alani guards ; and though 
the deed was imputed to their private revenge,* his coun- 
trymen, who dwelt at Constantinople in the security of 
peace, were involved in the same ])roscription by the prince 
or people. The loss of their leader intimidated the crowd 
of adventurers, Avho hoisted the sails of flight, and were 
soon scattered round the coasts of the Mediterranean. But 
a veteran band of fifteen hundred Catalans, or French, stood 
firm in the strong fortress of Gallipoli on the Hellespont, 
displayed the banners of Arragon, and offered to revenge 
and justify their chief, by an equal combat of ten or a hun- 
dred warriors. Instead of accepting this bold defiance, the 
emperor Michael, tlie son and colleague of Andronicus, re- 
solved to o])press them with the weiglit of multitudes : every 
nerve was strained to form an army of thirteen thousand 
horse and thirty thousand foot ; and the Propontis was 
covered with the ships of the Greeks and Genoese. In two 
battles by sea and land, these mighty forces were encoun- 
tered and overthrown by the desjiair and discipline of the 
Catalans : the young emperor fled to the i)alace ; and an in- 
sufiicient guard of light-horse was left for the protection of 
the open country. Victory renewed the hopes and num- 
bers of the adventurers : every nation was blended under 
the name and standard of the great company ; and three 
thousand Turkish proselytes deserted from the Imperial ser- 
vice to join this military association. In the possession of 
Gallipoli, t the Catalans intercepted the trade of Constanti- 
nople and the Black Sea, while they spread their devasta- 
tions on either side of the Hellespont over the confines of 
Europe and Asia. To prevent their approach, the greatest 
part of the Byzantine territory was laid waste by the Greeks 
themselves : the peasants and their cattle retired into the 
city ; and myriads of sheep and oxen, for which neither 

* Accordiiic to Ramon de Montaner, he was murdered by order of Kyr (xvpio?) 
Michael, son of tlie emperor, p. 170.— M. 

t Kamon de iMontaner describes his sojourn at Gallipoli : Nous ^tons si 
riches, que nous ne semions, ni ne labourions. ni ne faisious ejiver des vins, iii ne 
cultivions !ps vignes :.ot cepeiidant tons Ics ans nous rcoueillions tout ce qu'il 
nous fallai;, e i viii, fronient et avoinc. p. ]i)3. This lasted for live merry yt'ars. 
Ramon de Montaner is high au1ho:ity, for he was '• chancelier et inaitre rational 
de I'armee " (commissary of ra/io?i.s). He was left governor; all the scribes of 
the anny remained with him, and with their aid he kept the books in which were 
registered the number of horse and foot employed on each expedition. Accord- 
ing to this book the plunder was shared, of which lie had a tif Lh for his trouble. 
p. 197.— M. 


place nor food could be procured, were nnprofitabl}^ slaugh- 
tered on the same day. Four times tlie em])eror Androni- 
cus sued for peace, and four times he Avas intlexibly re- 
pulsed, till the want of provisions, and the discord oi" the 
chiefs, compelled the Catalans to evacuate the banks of the 
Hellespont and the neighborhood of the cajntal. After their 
separation from the Tui-ks, the remains of the great com- 
pany pursued their march through Macedonia and Thessaly, 
to seek a new establishment in the heart of Greece.^'^ 

After some ages of oblivion, Greece was awakened to 
new misfortunes bv the arms of the Latins. In the two 
hundred and fifty years between the first and the last con- 
quest of Constantino})le, that venerable land Avas dis])uted 
by a multitude of petty tyrants ; without the comforts of 
freedom and genius, her ancient cities were again ])lunged 
in foreign and intestine war ; and, if servitude be preferable 
to anarchy, they might repose Avith joy under the Turkish 
yoke. I shall not pursue the obscure and various dynasties, 
that rose and fell on the continent or in the isles ;' but our 
silence on the fate of Athens ^^ would argue a strange in- 
gratitude to the first and purest school of liberal science and 
amusement. In the partition of the empire, the principality 
of Athens and Thebes was assigned to Otho de la Iloche, a 
noble warrior of Burgundy,^^ Avith the title of great duke,^^ 
which the Latins understood in their OAvn sense, and the 

50 Tlie Catalan war is most copiously related by Paohymer, in the xitli, xiifh, 
and xiiith books, till be breaks off in the year 1308. Micejiho us G egoj as (1. vii. 
3-(;) is more concise and complete. Ducange. vbo adopts these adventurers rs 
French, has hunted their footsteps with his usual diligence (ITist. de C. P. 1. aI. 
c. 22-4G). He quotes an Arrugonese history, which I have read '.vilh pleasure, and 
which the Spaniards extol as a model of style and composition (Expedition de 
los Catalauesy Arragoneses contra Turcos y Gnegos : Barctjona, lfi2.', in quarto : 
Madrid, 1777, in octavo). Don Francisco de Moncada, ( dt^ Ossona, may imi- 
tate Cajsar or Salhist ; he may transcribe the Greek or Italian contemporaries: 
but he never quotes his authorities, and I cannot discern any national records of 
the exploits of his countrymen.* 

"1 See the laborious history of Ducanpe, whose accurate tal le of the French 
dynasties recapitulates tiiu thirty-five passages, in which he mentions the dukes 
oif Athens. 

''2 He is twice mentioned by A^illehardouin with honor (No. 151. 2"o) ; and under 
the first passage, Ducange observes all that can be known of his peisonand 

^'■^ From these Latin princes of the xivth century, Boccace, Chancer, and 
Shakespeare, have borrowed their Theseus duke of Athens. An ignorant age 
transfers its own language and manners to the most distant times. 

* Ramon de Montaner, one of the Catalans, who accompanied Roger de Flor, 
and who was governor of Gallipoli. has writt.-n, in Spanish, the history of this 
band of adventurers, to which he belonged, and from whi; h he separated when 
it left the Thracian Chersonese to penetrate into Macedonia a'Ml Greece.— G. 

The autobiography of Kamon de Montaner has been publisJied in French by 
M. Buchon, in the great collecliou of M6moires relatifs a I'Hisioire de France. 
I quote this edition. — M. 


Greeks more foolishly clerivedfrom the age of Constnntine.^* 
Otho followed the standard of the marquis of Moutferrat : the 
ample state which he acquired by a miracle of conduct or 
fortune,^'* was peaceably inherited by liis son and two grand- 
sons, till the family, though not the nation, was changed, 
by tlie marriage of an heiress into the elder branch of the 
liouse of Brienne. The son of that marriage, Walter de 
Brknne, succeeded to the duchy of Atliens ; and, with the 
aid of some Catalan mercenaries, whom he invested witli 
fiefs, reduced above thirty castles of the vassal or neighbor- 
ing lords. But when he was informed of the approach and 
ambition of the great company, he collected a force of seven 
hundred knights, six thousand four hundred horse, and eight 
thousand foot, and boldly met them on the banks of the 
River Cejihisus in Boeotia. The Catalans amounted to no 
more than three thousand five hundred horse, and four thou- 
sand foot; but the deficiency of numbers was compensated 
by stratagem and order. They formed round their camp an 
artificial inundation ; the duke and his knights advanced 
without fear or precaution on the verdant meadow; their 
liorses plunged into the bog; and he was cut in pieces, with 
the greatest part of the French cavalry. His family and 
nation were ex])elled ; and his son Walter de Brienne, the 
titular duke of Athens, the tyrant of Florence, and the con- 
stable of France, lost his life in the field of Poitiers. Attica 
and Boeotia were the rewards of the victorious Catalans ; 
they married the widows and daughters of the slain ; and 
during fourteen years, the great company was the terror of 
the Grecian states. Their factions drove them to acknowl- 
edg^e the sovereic^nty of the house of Arras-on : and durinir 
the remainder of the fourteenth century, Athens, as a govern- 
ment or an appanage, was successively bestowed by the 
kings of Sicily. After the French and Catalans, the third 
dynasty was that of the Accaioli, a family, plebeian at Flor- 
ence, potent at Naj^les, and sovereign in Greece. Athens, 

M The same Constantine gave to Sicily a king, to Russia the macjnus dapifer 
of tho eiii^jire, lo 'Jli^bes iho prumceiias , aiui these absurd fables are properly 
]a;^li.;d by Oa<ange (ad. 2sicephor. Greg. 1. vii. c. 5). By the i.uiiiis, Uie lord of 
Tlieb»js was sLyled, h\ conuptioii, the ^vlegas Kurios. or Grand t>ire ! 

••■' (^iKuuiin mrraciilo, says Alberic lie was probably received by Mifhael 
Choiiiaies, thj archbishop who had defeudeil Athens against the tyrant l.eo 
Sgurus (,Xicetas urbs capta. p. bO.'>, ed. Bck). Michael was Lne brotlier of the histo- 
rian Nieelas ; and his enconnnni i>i Athens is still extant in iVis>. in the Bodleian 
library (^Ij'abric. bibliot. Grajc toni. vi. p. 40o>.* 

♦ Nicetas says expressly that Michael surrendered the Acropolis to the mar- 
quis.— M. 


"whicli they enibellis])ed witli new buildings, became tlie 
capital of a state, tliat extended over Thebes, Argos, Corintli, 
Delphi, and a part of Thessaly ; and their reigrj was finally 
determined by Mahomet the Second, who strangled the last 
duke, and educated his sons in the discipline and religion of 
tlie seraglio. 

Athens,^® though no more than the shadow of her former 
self, still contains about eight or ten thousand inhabitants ; 
of these, three-fourths are Greeks in relimon and laniruao-e ; 
and the Turks, who compose the remainder, have relaxed, 
in their intercourse with the citizens, somewhat of the pride 
and gravity of their national character. The olive-tree, the 
gift of Minerva, flourishes in Attica ; nor has the honey of 
Mount Hymettus lost any part of its exquisite flavor -/^"^ but 
the languid trade is monopolized by strangers, and the agri- 
culture of a barren land is abandoned to the vagfrant Wala- 


chians. The Athenians are still distinguished by the sub- 
tlety and acuteness of their understandings ; but these 
qualities, unless ennobled by freedom, and enlightejied by 
study, will degenerate into a low and selfish cunning-: and 
it is a proverbial saying of the country, " From the Jews of 
Thessalonica, the Turks of Negropont, and the Greeks of 
Athens, good Lord deliver us ! " This artful people has 
eluded the tyranny of the Turkish bashaws, by an expedient 
which alleviates their servitude and ai>'G:ravates their shame. 
About the middle of the last century, the Athenians chose 
for their protector the Kislar Aga, or chief black eunuch of 
the seraglio. This Ethiopian slave, who possesses the sul- 
tan's ear, condescends to accept the tribute of thirty thousand 
crowns: his lieutenant, the Waywode, Avhom he annually 
confirms, may reserve for his own about five or six thousand 
more ; and such is the policy of the citizens, that they seldom 
fail to remove and punish an 0])pressive governoi*. Their 
private differences are decided by the archbishop, one of the 
richest prelates of the Greek church, since he possesses a 
revenue of one thousand ])ounds sterling ; and by a tribunal 
of the eight geronti or elders, chosen in the eiglit quarters 
of the city : the noble families cannot trace their pedigree 

*« The modern account of Athens, and the Athenians, is extracted from Spon 
(Voyage en Grece, torn. ii. pp. 79-19!)). and Wlieeler (Travels into Greece, pp. 337- 
414), Stuart (Antiquities of Athena, p.iBsim), an<l Chandler (Travels into Greece, 
pp. 23-172). The first of these travellers visited Greece in the year 1070 ; the last, 
1765 ; and ninety years had not produced much difference in liie tranquil scene. 

'■•• The ancients, or at least tho Athenians, believed that all the bees in the 
world had been propagated from Mount TTymettus. Tliey taught, that liealth 
might be preserved, and life prolonged, by tbe external use of oil, and the inter- 
nal use of honey (Geoponica, 1. xv. c. 7, p. 108U-1094, edit. Niclas). 


above three hundi-ed years ; but their prhicipal members 
are distinguished by a grave demeanor, a fur cnp, and the 
lofty appellation of arcJion. By some, who delight in tlie 
contrast, the modern language of Athens is rei)resentcd as 
the most corrupt and barbai'ous of tlie seventy dialects of 
the vulgar Greek : ^^ this picture is too darkly colored : but 
It would not be easy, in the country of Plato and Demos- 
thenes, to find a reader or a copy of their works. The 
Athenians walk with supine indifference among the glorious 
ruins of antiquity ; and such is the debasement of then- 
character, that they are incapable of admiring the genius of 
their predecessors.^^ 

" Pucanpe, Glossar. Graec. Prnefat. p. 8, who quotes for liis author Theodoslus 
Zygonialas, a modern grammarian. Yet Si)on (torn. ii. p. int) ami Wlieeler (p. 
355), no incompetent judges, entertain a more favorable opinion of the .Attic 

6* Yet we must not accuse them of corrupting the name of Athens, which they 
Btill call Athini. From the ei? t-t^v 'KQ'i]vriv, we have formed our own barbarism 
of Sttines.* 

• Gibbon did not foresee a Bavarian prince on the throne of Greece, with 
Athens as his capital.— M. 









The long reign of Andronicus ^ the elder is chiefly mem- 
orable by tlie dis))utes of tlie Greek church, the invasion of 
the Catalans, and tlie rise of the Ottoman ])ower. lie is 
celebrated as the most learned and virtuous ]>rince of the 
age ; but such virtue, and such learning, contributed neither 
to the perfection of the individual, nor to the happiness of 
society. A slave of the most abject superstition, he was 
surrounded oh all sides by visible and invisible enemies ; 
nor were the flames of hell less dreadful to his fancy, than 
those of a Catalan or Turkish war. Under the reign of the 
Paloaologi, the choice of the patriarch was the most important 
business of the state ; the heads of the Greek church were 
ambitious and fanatic monks ; and their vices or virtues, 
their learning or ignorance, were equally mischievous or con- 
temptible. By liis intem])erate discij)line, the patriarch 
Athanasius^ excited the hatred of the clergy and people: he 
was heard to declare, that the sinner should swallow the 
last dregs of the cup of penance ; and the foolish tale was 
propagated of his j)unishing a sacrilegious ass that had tasted 
the lettuce of a convent garden. Driven from the throne 
by the universal clamor, Athanasius composed before his 
retreat two papers of a very oj)posite cast. His public tes- 
tament was in the tone of charity and resignation ; the 
private codicil breathed the direst anathemas against the 

1 Aiulronicua liimself will justify our freedom in the iiivective (Nicephorua 
Grc'^oras. 1. i. c. i.), which he pronoujieeil .-i -aiiist histoiic falsehood. It in true, 
thathitj censure is more poin'.edly urged against calumny tlian aqainst adulation. 

- For til! anathema in the pigeon's ncBt. see Pachymer (i. ix. c. LM), who re- 
lates the Reneral history of Athanasius (1. viii. c. 13-1'.!, 20, 2t, 1. x. c. 27-'-'9, 31-::6, 
1. xi. c. 1-3, 5, fi, 1. xiii. c. f*. 10, 23, ;)5), and is followed by Nicephorus Grcgoras (1. 
vi. 0. 6, 7, 1. vii. c. 1, 9), who includes the Bocond letreat of this second ChryBOs- 


authors of his disgrace, whom lie exchicled forever from the 
communion of the Holy Triniiy, the angels, and the samts. 
This last paper he enc]o<=ied in an earthen pot, which was 
placed, by his order, on the lop ot one ol the pillars, in the 
dome of St. Sophia, in the distant ho])e of discovery and 
revenge. At the end of four years, some youths, climbing 
by a ladder in search of pigeons* nests, detected the fatal 
secret ; and, as Andronicus felt liimself touched and l)ound 
by the excommunication, he trembled on the brink of the 
abyss which had been so trcacherousl}^ dug under his feet. 
A synod of bishops was instantly convened to debate this 
important question ; the rashness of these clandestine anathe- 
mas was generally condemned; but as the knot could be 
untied only by the same hand, as that hand was now deprived 
of the crosier, it appeared that this posthumous decree was 
irrevocable by any earthly power. Some faint testimonies 
of repentance and ])ardon were extorted from the author of 
the mischief; but the conscience of the emperor was still 
wounded, and he desired, with no less ardor than Athanasius 
himself, the restoration of a patriarch, by whom alone he 
could be healed. At the dead of night, a monk rudely 
knocked at the door of the royal bed-chamber, announcing 
a revelation of plague and famine, of inundations and earth- 
quakes. Andronicus started from his bed, and spent the 
night in prayer, till he felt, or thought that he felt, a slight 
motion of the earth. The emperor on foot led the bishops 
and monks to the cell of Athanasius ; and, after a proper 
resistance, the saint, from whom this message had been sent, 
consented to absolve the ])rince, and govern the church of 
Constantinople. Untamed by disgrace, and hardened by 
solitude, the she])herd was again odious to the flock, and his 
enemies contrived a singular, and, as it proved, a successful, 
mode of revenge. In the night, they stole away the foot- 
stool or foot-cloth of his throne, which they secretly replaced 
with the decoration of a satirical picture. The emperor was 
painted with a bridle in his mouth, and Athanasius* leading 
tlie tractable beast to the feet of Christ. The authors of 
the libel Avere detected and punished; but as their lives had 
been spared, the Christian priest in sullen indignation retired 
to his cell; and the eyes of Andronicus, which had been 
opened foi- a moment, were again closed by his successor. 

If this ti-ansaction be one of the most curious and im- 
portant of a reign of fifty years, I cannot at least accuse the 
brevity of my materials, since I reduce into some few pages 



the enormous folios of Pachymer,^ Cantncuzenc/ and Xi- 
ceijlionis Grea:oras," ^vho have composed the ])rolix and hin- 
giiid story of the times. Tlie name and situation ot the em- 
])eror John Cantacuzene miglit msjjire the most lively curi- 
osity. His memorials of forty years extend from tlie'revolt 
of the younger Andronicus to his own abdication of the em- 
pire; and it is observed, that, like Moses and Ca\sar, he was 
the principal actor in the scenes which he describes. But 
in this eloquent work we should vainly seek the sincerity 
of a hero or a penitent. Retired in a cloister from the 
vices and passions of the world, he presents not a confes- 
sion, but an apology, of the life of an ambitious statesman. 
Instead of unfolding the true counsels and characters of 
men, he displays the smooth and specious surface of events 
liighly varnished with his own praises and those of his 
friends. Their motives are alwavs pure: their ends ahvavs 
legitimate: they conspire and rebel without any views of 
interest; and the violence which they inflict or suffei- is cel- 
ebrated as the spontaneous effect of reason and virtue. 

After the example of the first of the Palaeologi, the elder 
Andronicus associated liis son Michael to the honors of the 
j)urple ; and from the age of eighteen to his premature 
death, that prince was acknowledged, above twenty-iive 
years, as the second emperor of the Greeks.® At the head 
of an army, he excited neither the fears cf the enemy, nor 
the jealousy of the court; his modesty and patience were 
never tempted to compute the years of his father* nor was 
that father compelled to repent of his liberality either by 
the A'irtues or vices of his son. The son of Michael was 
named Andronicus from his grandfather, to whose early 
favor he was introduced by that nominal resemblance. The 
blossoms of 'svit and beauty increased the fondness of the 

3 Paehyme:*, in seven books, 377 folio pages, describes the first twenty-Glx 
years of Aiidronious ibe Pllder ; and marks the date of liis compopitioii by the cur- 
rent news or Jie of the day (A. D. 1308). Either death or disgust prevented hira 
from resuming the pen. 

* After an interval <if twelve years, from the conclusion o' Pflchymer. Canta- 
cuzenus takes up the pen ; and his lirst book (c. 1-.09. pp. 9-]G(0 relates the civil 
war, and the eijrht last years of the elder Andronicus. Ihe ingenious comparison 
with iNIoses and Casar is fancied by his French translator, the president fouein. 

5 Nicephorns Greporas more briefly includes tlie entire life and reign of An- 
dronictis the elder (1. vi. c. 1, pp. 96-291). This is the part of whiih Cantacuzene 
complains as a false and malicious representation of his conduct. 

6 He was crowned May lilst, 1295, and died October 12th, 1;12() (Ducange, Fam. 
Byz. i>. 239). His brother 'I'heodore. by a Sf^cond marriage, inherited the mar- 
quis.ite of Montferrat, apostatized to the" religion and manners of the Latins (oti 

Kai yvijjfxr]' Kai 7rto"Tet Kai a\Tj/jiart, Km ■y/fi'fiuji' Kovpa Kai. Tratrii' tOicrir AaTiio<c rjv 

aKoai.(i)i'ri<;. Nic. Greg. 1. ix. c. 1), and founded a dynasty of Italian princes, which 
waa extinguished A. D. 1533 (Ducange, Fam. Byz pp. 249-253), 

OF THE ROMAN EAirillE. 237 

elder Andronicns; nnd, witli the common vanity of ao^e, he 
expected to realize in the second, the hope wliich liad been 
disa])pointed in tlie first, generation. Tlie hoy was educated 
in the palace as an heir and a favorite; and in the oaths and 
acclamations of the people, the august triad was formed by 
the names of the father, the son, and the grandson. But the 
younger Andronicus was sj)eedily corruj)ted by his infant 
greatness, while he beheld with puerile impatience the dou- 
ble obstacle that hung, and might long hang, over his rising 
ambition. It was not to acquire fame, or to diffuse haj)})i- 
ness, that he so eagei"ly aspired ; wealth and im])unity were 
in liis eyes the most i)recious attributes of a monarch ; and 
liis first indiscreet demand was the sovereiontv of some rich 
and fertile island, where he might lead a life of indepen- 
dence and pleasure. The em])eror was offended by the loud 
and frequent intemperance which disturbed his capital ; the 
sums which his parsimony denied were su])plied by the 
Genoese usurers of Pera; and the oppressive debt, which 
consolidated the interest of a faction, could be discharged 
only by a revolution. A beautiful female, a matron in rank, 
a prostitute in manners, had instructed the younger Andron- 
icu-; in the rudiments of love; but he had reason to sus- 
pect the nocturnal visits of a rival ; and a stranger passing 
through the street was pierced by the arrows of his guards, 
who were placed in ambush at her door. That stranger 
was his brother, Prince Manuel, who languished and died 
of his wound; and the emperor Michael, their common 
father, whose health was in a declining state, exf)ired on the 
e'glith day, lamenting the loss of both his children.' How- 
ever guiltless in his intention, the younger Andronicus 
might impute a brother's and a father's death to the conse- 
quence of his own vices; and deep was the sigh of thinking 
and feeling men, when they perceived, instead of sorrow 
and repentance, his ill-dissembled joy on the removal of two 
odious competitors. By these melancholy events, and the 
increase of his disorders, the mind of the elder emperor was 
gradually alienated ; and, after many fruitless reproofs, he 
transferred on another grandson ^ his hopes and affection. 
The change was announced by the new oath of allegiance 

' "We are iinlebted to Nioephonis GregoiapH. viii. c. 1) for the knowledfie of 
thiH tragic jidventure ; while Caiitacuzeiie nioie discreetlv coiueals the vices of 
Amlio'.ii* iJ8 'ihe Younger, of which he was the witness, and perhaps the aeeociato 
(1. i c. !, S<c.). 

8 His d-jiUined heir v,a8 Midiael Catharua, tlie bastard of Conetanline his 
eecoTid !-on. J)i this project of excluding his grandaoii AndrouicuB, JSicephorus 
Qregcrus (,1. viii. c. 3) ayroes with Caiuacuzene (1. i. c. 1, 2). 


to tlie reigning sovereign, and the person whom he should 
appoint for liis successor; and tlie acknowledged heir, after 
a ropetition of insults and complaints, was exposed to 
the indignity of a public trial. Before the sentence, which 
would probably have condemned him to a dungeon or a 
cell, the emperor was informed that the palace courts were 
filled with the armed followers of his grandson; the judg- 
ment was softened to a treaty of reconciliation ; and the 
triumphant escape of the prince encouraged the ardor of 
the younger faction. 

Yet the capital, the clergy, and the senate, adhered to the 
person, or at least to the government, of the old emperor; 
and it was only in tlie provinces, by flight, and revolt, and 
foreign succor, that the malecontents could hope to vindi- 
cate tlieir cause and subvei't his throne. The soul of the 
enterprise was the great domestic John Cantacuzene: the 
sally from Constantinople is the first date of his actions and 
memorials ; and if his own pen be most descriptive of his 
patriotism, an unfriendly historian has not refused to cele- 
brate the zeal and ability which he displayed in the service 
of tlie young emperor.* That prince escajied from the cap- 
ital under the pretence of hunting; erected his standard at 
Adriano])le; and, in a few days, assembled fifty thousand 
liorse and foot, whom neither honor nor duty could have 
armed against the Barbarians. Such a foi-ce mii^ht have 
saved or commanded the empire ; but their counsels were 
discordant, tlieir motions were slow and doubtful, and their 
progress was checked by intrigue and negotiation. The 
quarrel of the two Andronici was protracted, and suspended, 
and renewed, during a ruinous period of seven years. In 
the first treaty, the relics of the Greek empire were divided : 
Con$tantino])le, Thessalonica, and the islands, were left to 
the elder, while th.e younger acquired the sovereignty of 
the grentest part of Thrace, from Philippi to the Byzantine 
limit. By the second treaty, he stipulated the payment of 
Ills troops, his immediate coronation, and an adequate share 
of the ])Ower and revenue of the state. The third civil war 
was terminated by the surprise of Constantinople, the final 
retreat of the old emperor, and the sole reign of his victo- 
rious prandson. The reasons of this delav mav be found m 

* Tim condnot of Cantacuzene, by his own showing, was inexpjicfible. He was 
nnwillin'j; to (letlirone the old <Mnperor, and dissuaded tlie in"'medi;'.to march on 
Coiisfanti'Hiple. 'Jhe voiincj Aiulronious, h*^ nays, enter' d intoliis view?, and wrote 
to warn Llieeinperor of hi- tiancer wlien the march was deteruiiued. Cautacu- 
zeniie, in Nov. Byz. Hist. Collect,, vol. i. p. 104, »!fec.— M. 


the characters of tlie men and of the times. When the heir 
of the monarchy first pleaded his wrongs and his apprehen- 
sions, lie was heard with pity and applause : and his adhe- 
rents repeated on all sides the inconsistent promise, that he 
would increase the pay of the soldiers and alleviate the 
burdens of the people. The grievances of forty years 
were mingled in his revolt; and the rising generation was 
fatigued by the endless prospect of a reign, whose favorites 
and maxims were of other times. The youth of Andronicr.s 
liad been without spirit, his age was without reverence : his 
taxes p>roduced an annual revenue of five hundred thousand 
pounds ; yet the richest of the sovereigns of Christendom 
was incapable of maintaining three thousand horse and 
twenty galleys, to resist the destructive progress of the 
Turks.^ "How different," said the younger Andronicus, 
" is my situation from that of the son of Philip ! Alexander 
might com])iain, that his father would leave him nothing to 
conquer: alas! my grandsire will leave me nothing to lose." 
But the Greeks were soon admonished, that the public dis- 
orders could not be healed by a civil war; and that their 
young favorite was not destined to be the savior of a falling 
empire. On the first repulse, his party was broken by his 
own levitv, their intestine discord, and the intriu'iies of the 
ancient court, which tem])ted each malecontent to desert or 
betray the cause of rebellion. Andronicus the vouno-er was 
touched with remorse, or fatigued with business, or deceived 
by negotiation : pleasure rather than power was his aim ; 
and the license of maintaininc: a thousand hounds, a thou- 
sand hawks, and a thousand huntsmen, was sufficient to 
sully his fame and disarm his ambition. 

Let ns now survey the catastrophe of this busy plot, and 
the final situation of the principal actoi-s.^*^ The age of An- 
dronicus was consumed in civil discord; and, amidst the 
events of war and treaty, his power and reputation cortin- 
ually decayed, till the fatal night in which the gates of the 
city and palace were opened without resistance to his gu nil- 
son. His ])rincipal commander scorned the repeated warn- 
ings of danger ; and retiring to rest in the vain security of 
ignorance, abandoned the feeble monarch, with some priests 

^ See Nicepliorua Gre^roao, 1. viii. c 6- Theyoangei.- Audronicuscomplrined, 
tliat in four years and fnur months a sum of 350,000 "byzanta of gold was due to 
him for the cxpensos oi' liis houseliold (Cantacuzen, 1. i. c. 48). Yet he would have 
remitted the debt, if he might have been allowed to squeeze the farmers of the 

y> I follow the chronology of Nicephorus Grerrorap, who is remarkably exact. 
It is proved that Cantacuzeno has mia'aken the dates 'i his own actious, or 
rather that Mb text has been corrupted by ignorant tiauscribers. 


and pages, to the terrors of a sleepless niglit. These terrors 
were quickly realized by the hostile sliouts, which [pro- 
claimed the titles and victory of Androniciis the younger ; 
and the aged emperor, falling prostrate before an image of 
the Virgin, despatched a supj)liant message to resign the 
sceptre, and to obtain his life at the hands of the conqueror. 
The answer of his grandson was decent and pious; at the 
prayer of his friends, the younger Andronicus assumed the 
sole administration ; but the elder still enjoyed the name 
and preeminence of the first emperor, the use of the great 
pahice, and a pension of twenty-four thousand pieces of 
gold, one-ha]f of which was assigned on the royal treiisury, 
and the other on the fishery of Constantinople. But his im- 
potence was soon exposed to contempt and oblivion ; the 
vast silence of the palace was disturbed only by the cattle 
and poultry of the neigliborhood,"* which roved Avith impu- 
nity through the solitary courts ; and a reduced allowance 
of ten thousand pieces of gold " was all that he could ask, 
and more than he could hope. His calamities were imbit- 
tered by the gradual extinction of sight; his confinement 
was rendered each day more rigorous ; and during tlie ab- 
sence and sickness of his grandson, his inhuman keepers, by 
the threats of instant death, compelled him to exchange the 
purple for the monastic habit and profession. The monk 
Antony had renounced the pomp of tlie world : yet he had 
occasion for a coarse fur in the winte^* season, and as wine 
was foi'bidden by his confessor, and water by his physician, 
the sherbet of Egypt was his common drink. It was not 
witliout difilculty that the late emperor could procure three 
or four pieces to satisfy these simple wants ; and if he be- 
stowed the gold to relieve the more painful distress of a 
friend, the sacrifice is of some weiijht in the scale of human- 
ity and religion. Four years after his abdication, Androni- 
cus or Antony expired in a cell, in tlie seventy-fourth year 
of Ids age: and the last strain of adulation could only prom- 
ise a more splendid crown of glory in heaven than lie had 
enjoyed upon earth. ^^t 

11 Thave endeavored to reconcile the 24,000 pieces of Cantaciizene (2. il. c, 1) 
with the 10.000 of Nicephorus Giegoras (\. ix. c. 2) ; the one of whom wished to 
soften, the other to magnify, the hardships of the old emperor- 

12 See Nicephorus Gregoras (1. ix. 6, 7, 8, 10, 14, 1. x. c. I). The historian had 
tasted of the proaperitj', and shared the retreat, of hi-t benefactor , and that 
friendsliip which '• v/aits or to the scailold or the cell," should not lightly be ac- 
cused as " a hireling, a prostitute to praise." + 

* And the washerwoman, according to Nic. Gregoras. p. 431. — M. 
t Prodigies (according to Nic. Gregoras, p, 46(i) announced the departure of the 
old and i;nbecile Imperial Monk from his earthly prison. — M. 

% But it may bo accused of unparalleled absurdity. He compares the extiuc- 


Nor was the reign of the younger, more giorious or for- 
tunate than that of the elder, Andronicus.^^ He gathered 
the fruits of ambition ; but the taste was transient and bit- 
ter : in the supreme station he lost the remains of his early 
popularity : and the defects of his character became still 
more conspicuous to the world. The public reproach urged 
him to march in person against the Turks; nor did his 
courage fail in the hour of trial ; but a defeat and a wound 
were the only trophies of his expedition in Asia, which con- 
firmed the establishment of the Ottoman monarchy. The 
abuses of the civil government attained their full maturity 
and perfection : his neglect of forms, and the confusion of 
national dresses, are deplored by the Greeks as the fatal 
symptoms of the decay of the empire. Andronicus was old 
before his time ; the intemperance of youth had accelerated 
the infirmities of age ; and after being rescued from a dan- 
gerous malady by nature, or physic, or the Virgin, he was 
snatched away before he had accomj^lished his forty-fifth 
year. He was twice married ; and, as the progress of the 
Latins iu arms and arts had softened the prejudices of the 
Byzantine court, his two wives were chosen in the j^rinccly 
houses of Germany and Italy. The first, Agnes at home, 
Irene in Greece, was daughter of the duke ot Brunsw ick. 
Her father" was a petty lord ^^ in the poor and savage re- 
gions of the north of Germany:^® yet he derived some rev- 
enue from his silver mines ; ^^ and his family is celebrated 

!•* Thesoieroign «^f Androtiiciis the younger is described by Cantacuzeno (1. iL 
c. 1-40, pp. 191-339; and Nicephorus Gregoias ^1. ix. c. 7—1. xi. c. 11, pp. 262-3G1). 

1* Agnes, or Irene, was tlie daughter of Duke Henry the Wonderful, the chiei 
of the of Brunswick, and the fourth in descent from the famous Hem y the 
I^ion. duke of Saxony and Bavaria, and conqueior of the Sclavi on the Baltic 
coast. Her brother Henry was surnamed the Greek, from liis two journeys into 
the East : but these journeys were subsequent to his sister's marriage ; and I am 
ignorant how Agnes was discovered in the heart of Germany, and recommended 
to the Byzantine court. (Kimius, Memoirs of the House of Brunswick, pp. 126- 

'5 Henry the Wonderful was the founder of the branch of Grubenhagen, ex- 
tinct in the year 1596 (Kimius, p. 287). He resided in the castle of Wolfenbuttel, 
and possessed no more than a sixth part of the allodial estates of Brunswick and 
Luneburgh, which the Guelph family had saved from the confiscation of their 
great tiefs. The fre<iuent partitions among brothers had almost ruined the 
princely houses of Germany till that just, but pernicious, law was slowly super- 
seded by the right of primogeniture. The principality of Grubenhagen, one of 
the last remains of the Hercynian forest, is a woody, mouiitainous, and barren 
tiact (Busching's Geo.;raphy, vol, vi. pp 270-286, English translation), 

"^ The royafauthor oi the Menjoirs of Brandenburgh will teach us, how justly, 
in a much later period, the north of Germany deserved tlie epithets of poor and 
barbarous. (Essai sur lea Mrpurs, &e.) Jn the year l.'iOG, in the woods of Eune- 
burgh. some wild people of the Vened race were allowed to buvy alive their 
iulirm and u'-oless parents. (Riinius, p. 13G.) 

1' The assertion of Tacitus, that Germany was destitute of the precious met* 

tion of the feeble old man to that of Qie sun : his coifiji i^ to be floated, like Noali's 
erk, by a deluge of tears.— M. 

Vol. v.— 16 


by the Greeks as the most ancient and noble of the Teutonic 
name.^** After the death of this childless jjrincess, Andron- 
iciis soiiglit in marriage Jane, the sister of the count of 
Savoy ;^^ and his suit was preferred to that of tlie French 
king.-^*^ The count respected in his sister the sui)erior maj- 
esty of a Roman empress : her retinue was composed of 
knights and ladies; she was regenerated and crowned in 
St. Sophia, under the more orthodox appellation of Anne; 
and, at the nuptial feast, the Greeks and Italians A'ied with 
, each other in the martial exercises of tilts and tourna- 

The empress Anne of Savoy survived her husband : their 
son, John PaliBologus, was lett an orphan and an emperor 
in the ninth year of his age ; and his weakness was protected 
by the first and most deserving of the Greeks. The long 
and cordial friendship of his father for John Cantacuzene is 
alike honorable to the prince and the subject. It had been 
formed amidst the pleasures of their youth : their families 
were almost equally noble ; ^^ and the recent lustre of the 
purple was amply compensated by the energy of a private 
education. We have seen that the young emperor was 
saved by Cantacuzene from the power of his grandfather ; 
and, after six years of civil war, the same favorite brought 
him back in triumph to the palace of Constantinople. 
Under the reign of Andronicus the younger, the great do- 
mestic ruled the emperor and the empire ; and it was by 
his valor and conduct that the Isle of Lesbos and the prin- 
cipality of -ZEtolia were restored to their ancient allegiance. 
His enemies confess, that, among the public robbers, Can- 
als, must be taken, even in his own time, -with some limitation (Germania, c- 5. 
Aunal. xi. 2D). According to Speiier (Hist. Germania; Pragniatica, torn. i. 351), 
Arqtntifodinx in Hercynns montibiis, nnperante Othone magno (A. D. 968) pri- 
miim apertfe, largam etiam opes augendi dederuiit copiam : but Riniius (pp. 
258, 259) defers till the year 1016 the discovery of the silver mines of Gruben- 
hagen, or the Upper Hartz, vvhiih were productive in the beginning of iho 
xivtli century, and which still yield a considerable revenue to the house of 

i>> Cantacuzene has given a most honorable testimony, ^v 5' eK FfpiiauMi' ailxTj 
^<^vya.T> p SovKO'; vri y\.TrpovC,ov'r)K (the modern Greeks employ the vt for the i?. and 
the /xTT for the /3, and the whole will read in the Itaiian idiom di Brunziiic), tow 

vap avTot? tTTi^aviaraTOi', Kai \aiJ.iTp6rr}Ti Trai-ra? tou? 6/jlo<|)uAoi»s vn(p^d\^oyro<: tow 

Ye^ou? The praise is just in itself, and pleasing to an English ear. 

19 Anno, or Jane, was one of the four daughters of Amedee the Great, by a 
second marriage, and half-sister of his successor Edward count of Savoy. (Au- 
deison's Tables, p. 650. See Cantacuzene (I. i. c. 40-42.) 

«" That king, if the fact be true, nuist have been Charles the Fair, who in five 
yenvs (1321-1. S2(;) was married to three wives (Anderson, p. G2S5). Anne of Savoy 
arrived at Constantinople in February, 1326. 

-' ihe noble race «>f the Catitacuzcni (illustrious from the xith century in the 
Bvzantine annals) was drawn from the Paladins of France, tlie heroes of those 
romances which, in the xiiith century, were translated and read by the Greeks 
l>ucunge, Fam. Byzant p. 258). 


tacuzeiie alone was moderate and abstemious ; and the 
free and voluntary account Avhich he produces of his own 
weahh '-^^ n^ay sustain the presumption that it was devolved 
by inheritance, and not accumulated by rapine. He does 
not indeed specify the value of his money, plate, and jewels ; 
yet, after a voluntary gift of two hundred vases of silver, 
after much had been secreted by his friends and plundered 
by his foes, liis forfeit treasures were sufficient for the equip- 
ment of a fleet of seventy galleys. He does not measure 
the size and number of his estates ; but his granaries were 
heaped with an incredible store of wheat and barley ; and 
the labor of a thousand voke of oxen micfht cultivate, ac- 
cording to the practice of antiquity, about sixty-two thou- 
sand five hundred acres of arable land.^^ His pastures were 
stocked with two thousand five liundred brood mares, two 
hundred camels, three hundred mules, five hundred asses, 
five thousand horned catte, fifty thousand hogs, and seventy 
thousand sheep : ^^ a precious record of rural opulence, in 
the last period of the empire, and in a land, most probably 
in Thrace, so repeatedly wasted by foreign and domestic 
liostilitv. The favor of Cantacuzene was above liis fortune. 
In the moments of familiarit}^, in the hour of sickness, the 
emperor was desirous to level the distance between them, 
and pressed his friend to accept the diadem and jnirple. 
The virtue of the iri'eat domestic, which is attested bv his 
own pen, resisted the dangerous proposal ; but the last tes- 
tament of Andronicus the younger named him the guar- 
dian of his son and the regent of the empire. 

Had the regent found a suitable return of obedience and 
gratitude, perhaps he would have acted with pure and zeal- 
ous fidelity in the service of his pupil.'^ A guard of five 
liundred soldiers watched over his person and the palace ; 
the funeral of the late emperor was decently performed ; 

« See Cantacuzene (1. iii. c. 24, 30, Sfi). 

^'' Saserna, in Gaul, and Columella, in Italy or Spain, allow two yoke of oxen, 
two drivers, and six laborers, for two hundred jugera {Vlb Englisli acres) of ara- 
ble land, anil three more men must be a<lded if there be much underwood (Colu- 
mella de Ke Kusti(;a, 1. ii. c. 13, p. 441, edit. Gesner), 

»• In this enumeration (1. iii. c. 30) the French translation of the president 
Cousin is blotted with three palpable and essential errors. 1. He omits the 1000 
yo;eof working oxen. 2. He interprets the TvevTaKoiiai. irp'o<; Sirrx^^i-atc, hy the 
iiun)b^ • of lifLeeu hundred.* 3. He confounds myriads with chiliads, and gives 
CaiitHcuzeie no more than 5000 hogs. Put not your trust in translafions ! 

^■' S.^e ihe regency Jiiul reign of John CantacuzHnus. and tlif> whole ])rogress of 
the civil wav, in his own history (1. iii. c. l-IOO, pp. 318-700) and in that of Kiceph- 
orus Gregoias (1. xii. c. 1-1. xv. c. 9, pp. 353-192). 

* There seems to be another reading, xi^iai?. Niebuhr's edit, in loc— M. 


the capital was silent and submissive ; and five hundred 
letters, which Cantacnzene despatched in the first month, 
informed tlie provinces of their loss and their duty. The 
prospect of a trnnquil minority was blasted by tlie i^i'^at 
duhe or admiral A])ocaucus ; and to exnixG^erate his j^erfidy, 
the Imperial historian is pleased to magnify liis own impru- 
dence, in raising him to that ofiice against the advice of his 
more sagacious sovereign. Bold and subtle, rapacious and 
profuse, the avarice and ambition of Apocaucus were by 
turns subservient to each other ; and his talents were ap- 
plied to the ruin of liis country. His arrogance was height- 
ened by the command of a naval force and an impregna- 
ble castle, and under the mask of oaths and flattery he se- 
cretly conspired against his benefactor. The female court 
of the empress was bribed and directed ; he encouraged 
Anne of Savoy to assert, by the law of nature, tlie tutelage 
of her son ; the love of power was disguised by tlie anxiety 
of maternal tenderness : and the founder of the Palaeolosri 
liad instructed his posterity to dread the example of a per- 
fidious guardian. The patriarch Jolm of Apri was a proud 
and feeble old man, encompassed by a numerous and hun- 
gry kindred. He ]n*oduced an obsolete epistle of Androni- 
cus, which bequeathed the prince and people to his ])ious 
care: the fate of his predecessor Arsenius prompted him to 
prevent, rather than punish, the crimes of a usui'per ; and 
Apocaucus smiled at the success of his own flattery, when 
he beheld the Byzantine priest assuming the state and tem- 
poral claims of the Roman pontiff.^'' Between three per- 
sons so different in their situation and character, a private 
league was concluded : a shadow of authority was re- 
stored to the senate ; and the peo])le was tem])ted by the 
name of freedom. By this powerful .confederacy, the great 
domestic was assaulted at first with clandestine, at length 
with open, arms. His prerogatives were disputed ; his 
opinions slighted; his friends persecuted; and his safety 
was threatened both in the camj) and city. In his absence 
on the public service, he was accused of treason ; proscribed 
as an enemy of the church and state ; and delivered, with 
all his adherents, to the sword of justice, the vengeance of 
the peojjle, and the power of the devil ; his fortunes were 

26 lie assumed the royal privilege of red shoes or Imskins ; placed on his head 
a mitre of silk and gold ; subscribed his epistles with hyacinth or green ink, 
and claimed for the new, wliatever Constantino had given to the ancient, Kome 
(Cantacuzen. 1. iii. c. 36, Nic. Gregoras, 1. xiv. c. 3). 


confiscated ; his aged mother was cast into prison ; * all his 
past services were buried in oblivion ; and he was driven 
by injustice to perpetrate the crime of which he was ac- 
cnsed."^^ From the review of his preceding conduct, Canta- 
cuzene ap])ears to liave been guiltless of any treasonable de- 
signs ; and the only suspicion of his innocence must arise 
from the vehemence of his protestations, and the sublime 
purity which he ascri*bes to his own virtue. While the em- 
press and the patriarch still affected the appearances of har- 
mony, he repeatedly solicited the permission of retiring to a 
private, and even a monastic, life. After he had been de- 
clared a ])ublic enemy, it was his fervent wish to throw him- 
self at the feet of the young emperor, and to receive without 
a murmur the stroke of the executioner : it was not without 
reluctance that he listened to the voice of reason, which in- 
culcated the sacred duty of saving his family and friends, 
and proved that he could only save them by drawing the 
sword and assuming the Imperial title. 

In the strong city of Demotica, his peculiar domain, the 
emperor John Cantacuzenus was invested with the purple 
buskins: his right log was clothed by his noble kinsmen, the 
left by the Latin chiefs, on whom he conferred the order of 
knighthood. But even in this act of revolt, he Avas still 
studious of loyalty ; and the titles of John Palieologus and 
Anne of Savoy were proclaimed before his own name and 
that of his wife Irene. Such vain ceremony is a thin dis- 
guise of rebellion, nor are there perhaps any /^er50??a7 
wrongs that can authorize a subject to take arms against 
his sovereign : but the want of preparation and success- may 
confirm the assurance of the usurper, that this decisive step 
was the effect of necessity rather than of choice. Constanti- 
nople adhered to the young emperor; the king of Bulgaria 
Avas invited to the relief of Adrianople: the |)rincipal cities 
of Thrace and Macedonia, after some hesitation^ renounced 
their obedience to the great domestic; and the leaders of 
the troops and provinces were induced, by their private 
interest, to prefer the loose dominion of a woman and a 
priest. $ The army of Cantacuzene, in sixteen divisions, 

27 Nic. Gre''oras (1. xii. c. 5) confesses tlie innocence and virtues of Cantacu- 
zenus. the finilt aM<l llngitious vices of Apocaucus ; nor does lie dissemble Ibe 
motive of his personal and religious enmity to the former; vvv Sk Std KaKiau 

* She died there through persecution and neglect.- -M. 

t The ciAAoi were the religious enemies and ])ersecutor3 of Nicephorus. — M. 

X Cantacuzene asserts, that iu all the cities, the populace were on the side of 


was stationed on the banks of the Melas to tempt or to in- 
timidate the capital : it was dispersed by treachery or fear ; 
and the officers, more especially the mercenary Latins, ac- 
cepted the bribes, and embraced the service, of tlie Byzan- 
tine court. After tliis loss, the rebel emperor (he fluctuated 
between the two characters) took the road of Thessalonica 
with a chosen remnant ; but he failed in jiis enter])rise on 
that important place ; and he was closely pursued by the 
great duke, his enemy Apocaucus, at the head of a su])erior 
power by sea and land. Driven from the coast, in liis 
march, or rather fliglit, into the mountains of Servia, Can- 
tacuzene assembled his troops to scrutinize those who 
were worthy and willing to accompany his broken for- 
tunes. A base majority bowed and retired; and his trusty 
band was diminislied to two thousand, and at last to five 
hundred, volunteers. The cral^^^ or despot of the Servians, 
received him with generous hospitality ; but the ally was 
insensibly degraded to a suppliant, a hostage, a captive ; 
and in this miserable dependence, he Avaited at the door of 
the Barbarian, who could dispose of the life and liberty of 
a Roman emperor. The most tempting offers could not 
persuade the cral to violate his trust ; but lie soon inclined 
to the stronger side ; and his friend was dismissed without 
injury to a new vicissitude of hopes and perils. Near six 
years the flame of discord burnt with various success and 
unabated rage : the cities were distracted by the faction of 
the nobles and the plebeians ; the Cantacuzeni and Palasol- 
ogi : and the Bulgarians, the Servians, and the Turks, were 
invoked on both sides as the instruments of private ambi- 
tion and the common ruin. The regent deplored the ca- 
lamitien, of wliich he was tha author and victim : and his 
own experience might dictate a just and lively remark on 
the different nature of foreign and civil war. "The former," 
said he, "is the external warmth of summer, always toler- 
able, and often beneficial ; thj latter is the deadly heat of a 

23 The princes of Servia (Ducange, Faniil. DaltnaticoB, &c., 2, 3, 4, 9) were 
Btyled Despots in Greek, and Cral in their native idiom (Ducange, Glo?s. Gn^c. 
p. 751). That title, the equivalent of King, appears to be of Sclavonic orir-in, 
from whence it has been borrowed by the Hungarians, the modern Greeks, and 
even by the Turks (Leunclavius. Pandect. Turc p. 422), who leserve the name of 
Padishah for the emperor. To obtain the latter instead of the former is the am- 
biiion of the French at Constauiinople (Aversissement ii I'Histoire de Timur 
Bee, p. 39). 

the emperor, the aristocracy on his. The populace took the opportunity of rising 
and plundering the wealthy as Cantacuzenites, vol. iii. c. 29. Ages of common 
oppression and ruiu had not extinguished these republican factious. — M. 


fever, which consumes without a remedy the vitals of the 

The inti'oduction of barbarians and savages into the con- 
tests of civilized nations, is a measure pregnant with shame 
and mischief; Avhich the interest of the moment may com- 
pel, but which is reprobated by the best principles of human- 
ity and reason. It is the practice of both sides to accuse 
their enemies of the guilt of the first alliances ; and those 
who fail in their negotiations, are loudest in their censure 
of the example which they envy, and would gladly imitate. 
The Turks of Asia were less barlmrous perhaps than the 
shepherds of Bulgaria and Servia; but their religion ren- 
dered them implacable foes of Rome and Christianity. To 
acquire the friendsliip of their emirs, the two factions vied 
with each other in baseness and profusion : the dexterity of 
Cantacuzene obtained the preference : but the succor and 
victory were dearly purchased by the marriage of his daugh- 
ter with an infidel, the captivity of many thousand Cliris- 
tians, and the passage of the Ottomans into Europe, the last 
and fatal stroke in the fall of the Roman empire. The in- 
clining scale was decided in his favor by the death of Apo- 
caucus, the just though singular retribution of his crimes.. 
A crowd of nobles or plebeians, whom he feared or hated, 
had been seized by his orders in the capital and the prov- 
inces; and the old palace of Constantine was assigned for 
the place of their confinement. Some alterations in raising 
the walls, and narrowing the cells, had been ingeniously 
contrived to prevent their escape, and aggravate their mis- 
ery; and the work was incessantly pressed by the daily 
visits of the tyrant. His guards watched at the gate, and 
as he stood in the inner court to overlook the architects, 
without fear or sus])icion, he was assaulted and laid breath- 
less on the ground, by two * resolute prisoners of the Pala3o- 
logian race,^*^ who were armed with sticks, and animated by 
despair. On the rumor of revenge and liberty, the captive 
multitude broke their fetters, fortified their prison, and ex- 
posed from the battlements the tyrant's head, presuming on 
the favor of the people and the clemency of the empress. 

» Nic. Gregoras, 1. xii. c. 14. It is surprisinnj that Cantacuzene has not In- 
serted this just and lively image in his own writings 

3' Tne two avengers were botli Falajologi, who might resent, with royal indig- 
nation, the shame of their chains. The tragedy of Apocaiciis may deserve a 
peculiar reference to Cantacuzene (1. iii. c. 86) and Nic. Gregoraa (1. xiv. c. 10). 

♦ Nicephorus says four, p. 734. 


Anne of Savoy might rejoice in the fall of a haughty and 
ambitious minister, but while she delayed to resolve or to 
act, the populace, more especially the mariners, were excited 
by the widow of the great duke to a sedition, an assault, 
and a massacre. The prisoners (of whom the far greater 
part were guiltless or inglorious of the deed) escaped to a 
neighboring church : they were slaughtered at the foot of 
the altar; and in his death the monster was not less bloody 
and venomous than in his life. Yet his talents alone ujiheld 
the cause of the young emperor; and his survivinoj asso- 
ciates, suspicious of each other, abandoned the conduct of 
t4ie war, and rejected the fairest terms of accommodation. 
In the beginning of the dispute, the empress felt, and com- 
plained, that she was deceived by the enemies of Canta- 
cuzene : the patriarch was employed to preach against the 
forgiveness of injuries ; and her promise of immortal hatred 
was sealed by an oath, under the penalty of excommunica- 
tion.^^ But Anne soon learned to hate without a teacher: 
she beheld the misfortunes of the empire with the indiffer- 
ence of a stranger: her jealousy was exasperated by tlie 
competition of a rival empress ; and on the first symptoms 
of a more yielding temper, she threatened the patriarch to 
convene a synod, and degrade him from his office. Their 
incapacity and discord Avould have afforded the most deci- 
sive advantage ; but the civil war was protracted by the 
weakness of both parties ; and the moderation of Canta- 
cuzene has not escaped the reproach of timidity and indo- 
lence. He successively recovered the provinces and cities; 
and the realm of his pupil was measured by the walls of 
Constantinople ; but the metropolis alone counterbalanced 
the rest of the empire ; nor could he attempt that important 
conquest till he had secured in his favor the public voice, 
and a private correspondence. An Italian, of the name of 
Facciolati,^^ had succeeded to the office of great duke : the 
ships, the guards, and the golden gate, were subject to his 
command ; but his humble ambition Avas bribed to become 
the instrument of treacherv ; and the revolution was ac- 
com])lished without danger or bloodshed. Destitute of the 
powers of resistance, or the hope of relief,, the inflexible 

'1 Cantacuzeiie accuses the patriarch, and spares the empress, the molher 
of his sovereign (1. iii. 33, 34), against wliom Kic. Gregoras expresses a parti( ular 
animosity (1. xiv. 10, 11. xv. 5). It is true that they do not speak exactly of the 
same time. 

32 The traitor and treason are revealed by Nic Gregoras (1. xv, c. 8) ; but the 
name is more discreetly suppresied by his great accomplice (Cautacuzen. 1. iiio 
G. 99.) 


Anne would have still defended the palace, and have smiled 
to beliold the capital in flames, rather than in the ])ossessi()n 
of a riv%al. She yielded to the prayers of her friends and 
enemies ; and the treaty was dictated by the conqueror, 
who professed a loyal and zealous attachment to the son of 
his benefactor. The marria<j:e of his dauo^hter with John 
P.dtTsologus was at length consummated : the hereditary right 
of the pupil was acknowledged ; but the sole administration 
during ten years was vested in the guardian. Two emper- 
ors and three empresses were seated on the Byzantine 
throne ; and a general amnesty quieted the apprehensions, 
and confirmed the property, of the most guilty subjects. 
The festival of the coronation and nuptials was celebrated 
with the a|)pearances of concord and magnificence, and both 
were equally fallacious. During the late troubles, the treas- 
ures of the state, and even the furniture of the palace, had 
been alienated or embezzled ; the royal banquet was served 
in pewter or eartlienware ; and such was the proud pov- 
erty of the times, that the absence of gold and jewels was 
supplied by the paltry artifices of glass and gilt-leather.^^ 

I hasten to conclude the personal history of John Canta- 
cuzene.^* He triumphed and reigned; but his reign and 
triumph were clouded by the discontent of his own and the 
adverse faction. His followers might style the general am- 
nesty an act of pardon for his enemies, and of oblivion for 
his friends : ^^ in his cause their estates had been forfeited 
or plundered; and as they wandered naked and himgry 
through the streets, they cursed the selfish generosity of a 
leader, who, on the throne of the em])ire, might relinquish 
without merit his ])rivate inheritance. The adherents of 
the empress blushed to hold their lives and fortunes by the 
precarious favor of a usurper ; and the thirst of revenge 
was concealed by a tender concern for the succession, and 
even the safety, of her son. They were justly alarmed by 
a ])etiti()n of the friends of Cantacuzene, that they might be 
released from their oath of allegiance to the Pala9ologi, and 

3^ Nio. Gre^. 1. xv. 11. There were, however, some true pearls, but very 
thinly sprinkled. The rest of the stones had only nayroSaTrrfK xpo'-o^*' ^po« to Sia- 

3^ Fro-n his return to Constantinople, Cantacuzene continues his history and 
that of tlie empire?, one year beyond tho. abdication of his son Matthew, A. D. 
li'u (1. iv. c. 1-50, pp. 705-911). Nicephorus Gregorns ends with the svnod of Con- 
Btantincple, in the year 1351 (1. xxii. c. 3. p. 660 ; the rest, to the conclusion of 
the xxivth book, p. 717, is all controversy) ; and his fourteen last books are still 
]\rS.S. i'l the kiufr of France's library. 

3'' The emperor (Cantacuzen. 1. iv. c. 1) represents his own virtues, and Nic. 
Grc'ioras (1. xv. c. 11) the complaints of his friends, wlio siifTercd by its ellects. 
I have lent them the words of our poor cavaliers after the Resloration, 


intrusted with the defence of some cautionary towns ; a 
mea.^ure supported with argument and eloquence ; and 
which was rejected (says tlie Imperial liistorian) " by my 
sublime, and almost incredible virtue." His repose was dis- 
turbed by the sound of plots and seditions ; and he trembled 
lest the lawful prince should be stolen away by some foreign 
or domestic enemy, who would inscribe his name and his 
wrongs in the banners of rebellion. As the son of Andrcn- 
icus advanced in the j'ears of manhood, he began to feel 
and to act for himself; and his risins: ambition was rather 
Stimulated than checked by the imitation of his father's 
vices. If we may trust his own professions, Cantacuzene 
labored with honest industry to correct these sordid and 
sensual a])petites, and to raise the mind of the young pi-ince 
to a level with his fortune. In the Servian expedition, the 
two emperors showed themselves in cordial harmony to the 
troops and provinces ; and the younger colleague was ini- 
tiated by the elder in the mysteries of war and government. 
After the conclusion of the peace, Palreologus was left at 
Thessalonica, a royal residence, and a frontier station, to 
secure by his absence the peace of Constantinople, and to 
withdraw his youth from the temptations of a luxurious 
capital. But the distance weakened the powers of control, 
and the son of Andronicus was surrounded with artful or 
unthinking companions, who taught him to hate his guardian, 
to deplore his exile, and to vindicate his rights. A private 
treaty with the cral or despot of Servia was soon followed 
by an o])en revolt; and Cantacuzene, on the throne of the 
elder Andronicus, defended tlie cause of age and prerogative, 
which in his youth he had so vigorously attacked. At his 
request the empress-mother undertook the voyage of Thes- 
salonica, and the office of mediation : she returned without 
success; and unless Anne of Savoy was instructed by ad- 
versity, we may doubt the sincerity, or at least the fervor, 
of her zeal. While the regent grasped the sceptre with a 
firm and vigorous hand, she had been instructed to declare, 
that the ten years of his lecrnl administration would soon 
elapse ; and that, after a full trial of the vanity of the world, 
the emperor Cantacuzene sighed for the repose of a cloister, 
and was ambitious only of a heavenly crown. Had these 
sentiments been genuine, his voluntary abdication would 
have restored the ]ieace of the empire, and his conscience 
would have been relieved by an act of Justice. Paloeologus 
alone was responsible for his future government ; and what- 


ever might be his vices, they were surely less formidable 
than the calamities of a civil war, in which the Barbai-ians 
and infidels were again invited to assist the Greeks in their 
mutual destruction. By the arms of tlie Turks, wlio now 
struck a deep and everlasting root in Europe, Cantacuzene 
prevailed in the third contest in which he had been involved ; 
and the young emperor, driven from the sea and land, was 
compelled to take shelter among the Latins of the Isle of 
Tenedos. His insolence and obstinacy provoked the victor 
to a step which must render the quarrel irreconcilable ; and 
the association of his son Matthew, whom he invested with 
the purple, established the succession in the family of the 
Cantacuzcni. But Constantino])le was still attached to the 
blood of her ancient princes ; and this last injury accelerated 
the i-estoration of the rightful heir. A noble Genoese es- 
poused the cause of Palasologus, obtained a promise of his 
sister, and achieved the revolution with two galleys and two 
thousand five liundred auxiliaries. Under the pretence of 
distress, they were admitted into the lesser port; a gate 
was opened, and tlie Latin shout of, "Long life and victory 
to the emperor, John Palasologus ! " was answered by a gen- 
eral rising in his favor. A numerous and loyal party yet 
adhered to the standard of Cantacuzene : but he asserts in 
his history (does he hope for belief?) that his tender con- 
science rejected the assurance of conquest ; that, in free 
obedience to the voice of religion and philosophy, he de- 
scended from the throne and embraced with pleasure the 
monastic habit and profession. ^^ So soon as he ceased to be 
a prince, his successor was not nnwilling that he should be 
a saint : the remainder of his life was devoted to piety and 
learning ; in tlie cells of Constantinople and Mount Athos, 
the monk Joasaph was resj^ected as the temporal and spirit- 
ual father of the em])eror; and if he issued from his re- 
treat, it was as the minister of peace, to subdue the ob- 
stinncy, and solicit the pardon, of his rebellious son.*' 

Yet in the cloister, the mind of Cantacuzene was still 
exercised by theological war. lie sharpened a controversial 

3« Tlie awkward apology of Cantacuzene (1. iv. c. 39-42), who relates, with visi- 
ble coiifii-iion, his own downfall, may be Buppliod by the less accurate, but more 
honest, narratives of Matthew Villani (1. iv. c. 46, in the Script. Kerum. Ital. 
toui. xiv. p. 268), and Ducas (c. 10, 11). 

"^ Cantacuzene, in the year lo75, was honored with a letter from the pope 
(Fleury, Hist. Eccles- torn. xx. p. 2n0). His death is placed by a respec table au- 
thority on the 20th of November, 1411 (I>u<angc, Fam. Byzant. p. 26('). But if he 
■were of the ago of his companion Andronicus the Younger, he must have lived 
116 years: a rare instance of longevity, which in so illustrioua a person would 
have attxKicted universal notice. 


pen against the Jews and Mahometans ; ^^ and in every 
state he defended with equal zeal the divine light of Mount 
Tliabor, a memorable question wliich consummates tlie re- 
ligious follies of tlie Greeks. The fakirs of India,"^ and the 
monks of the Oriental church, were alike persuaded, tliat in 
total abstraction of the faculties of the mind and body, the 
])urer spirit may ascend to the enjoyment and vision of the 
Deity. The opinion and practice of the monasteries of 
Mount Athos "^^ will be best rein*esented in tlie words of an 
abbot, who llourishcd in the eleventh century. "When 
thou art alone in thy cell," says the ascetic teacher, " sluit 
thy door, and seat thyself in a corner : raise tliy mind 
above all things vain and transitory; recline thy beard and 
chin on tliy breast ; turn thy eyes and tliy thought to- 
wards the middle of thy belly, the region of the navel ; and 
search the place of the heart, the seat of the soul. At first, 
all will be dark and comfortless ; but if you persevere day 
and night, you will feel an ineffable joy; and no sooner lias 
the soul discovered tlie place of the heart, than it is involved 
in a mystic and ethereal light." This light, the production 
of a distempered fancy, the creature of an empty stomacli 
and an empty brain, was adored by the Quietists as the pure 
and })crfect essence of God himself; and as long as the folly 
was confined to Mount Athos, the sim])le solitaries were not 
inquisitive how the divine essence could be a material sub- 
stance, or liow an immaterial substance could be perceived 
by the eyes of the body. But in tlie reign of the younger 
Andronicus, these monasteries were A'isited by Barlaam,"^^ a 
Calabrian monk, who was equally skilled in philosophy and 
theology ; who possessed the languages of the Greeks and 
Latins ; and whose versatile genius could maintain their op- 
posite creeds, according to the interest of the moment. 
The indiscretion of an ascetic revealed to the curious trav- 
eller the secrets of mental prayer; and Barlaam embraced 

33 His four discourses, or boolcs, were printed at Basil, 1513 (Fabric, Bibliot. 
Gr.iec. torn. vi. p. 473). He coiupos'^d them to satisfy a proselyte \vho uus as- 
sa;ilt3d with letters from his friends of l!si)ahan. Cantacuzei:e had read the Ko- 
ran : but I unilorstand from INIaracci that he adopts the vulgar prejudices and 
fables against JNIahomet and his religion. 

•*■' See the Voyages de Berr.ier, torn. i. p. 127. 

40 INIosheim, Institut. Hist. Kccles. pp. 522, 523. Fleuvy, Hist. Eccl^s. torn, 
XX. pp. 22, 24, 107-114, &c. The former unfolds the causes \vith the judgment of 
a philosopher, the latter transcribes and translates \vi>h the prejudices of a Cath- 
olic priest. 

<i Basiiage (in Canisii Antiq. Lectiones, torn. iv. pp. 3G3-36S) has investigated 
the character and story of Barlaam. The ihiplicity of his opinions had insi)ired 
some doubts of the identity of his person. See Ukewise Fabricius (Bibliot. 
Grasc. torn. x. pp. 427-432). 


the opportunity of ridiculing the Quietists, who placed the 
soul in the navel ; of accusing the monks of Mount Athos 
of heresy and blasphemy. Ills attack cuni])elled the more 
learned to renounce or dissemble the simple devotion of 
their brethren ; and Gregory Palamas introduced a scholas- 
tic distinction between the essence and operation of God. 
His inaccessible essence dwells in the midst of an uncreated 
and eternal light; and this beatific vision of the saints had 
been manifested to the disciples on Mount Thabor, in the 
transliGruration of Christ. Yet this distinction could not 
escape the reproach of polytheism ; the eternity of the light 
of Thabor was fiercely denied ; and Barlaam still charged 
tlie Palamites with holding two eternal substances, a visible 
and an invisible God. From the raofe of the monks of 
Mount Athos, who threatened his life, the Calabrian retired 
to Constantinople, wdiere his smooth and specious manners 
introduced him to the favor of the great domestic and the 
emperor. The conrt and the city w^ere involved in this 
theological dispute, which flamed amidst the civil war ; but 
the doctrine of Barlaam was disgraced by his flight and 
apostasy: the Palamites triumphed; and their adversary, 
tlie patriarch John of Apri, was deposed by the consent of 
the adverse factions of the state. In the character of em- 
peror and theologian, Cantacuzene presided in the synod of 
tlie Greek church, which establislied, as an article of faith, 
the uncreated light of Mount Thabor; and, after so many 
insults, the reason of mankind was sliglitly wounded by the 
addition of a single absurdity. Many rolls of paper or 
parchment have been blotted; and tlie impenitent sectaries, 
who refused to subscribe the orthodox creed, were depi-ived 
of the honors of Christian burial; but in the next age the 
question was forgotten ; nor can I learn that the axe or the 
fagot were employed for tlie extirpation of the Barlaamite 

For the conclusion of this chapter, I have reserved the 
Genoese war, which shook the throne of Cantacuzene, and 
betrayed the debility of the Greek empire. The Genoese, 
wlio, after the recovery of Constantinople, were seated in 
tlie suburb of Pera or Galata, received that honorable fief 
from the bounty of the emi)eror. They were indulged in 

« See Cantacuzene (1. ii. c. 30,40. 1. iv. o. 3, 23, 24, 25) and Nic. Grepora'^ (1. xi. 
c, 10, 1, XV. :;, 7. &c•.^, whose las books, from the xixth to the xxivth, are almost 
confined to a snbjoct so inten sting to the authors. Boivin (in Vit. Kic. Cre<,'or;e) 
fromt'.ie unpilOislrd books, and I-abriciiis (Bibliot. Grree, to:n. x. pp. 4(;2-173) 
or 1 atlier IMonlfaueoi^ from the JNISS. of the Coisliu library, have added some facta 
and documents. 


the use of their laws and magistrates ; but they submitted 
to the duties of vassals and subjects : the forcible word of 
liegernen'^^ was borrowed from the Latin jurisj)rudence ; 
and X,\\L''\Y podesta^ or chief, before he entered on his ofiice, 
saluted the emjjeror with loyal acclamations and vows of 
fidelity. Genoa sealed a firm alliance with the Greeks; 
and, in case of a defensive war, a supply of fifty emjity 
galleys and a succor of fifty galleys, completely aimed and 
manned, was promised by the republic to the empire. In 
the revival of a naval force, it was the aim of Michael Paloe- 
oloiifus to deliver himself from a forei<xn aid : and his viq;- 
orous government contained the Genoese of Galata within 
those limits which the insolence of wealth and freedom 
provoked them to exceed. A sailor threatened that they 
should soon be masters of Constantinople, and slew the 
Greek who resented this national affront; and an armed 
vessel, after refusing to salute the palace, was guilty of 
some acts of piracy in the Black Sea. Their countiymen 
threatened to support their cause ; but the long and ojten 
village of Galata was instantly surrounded by the Imperial 
troops ; till, in the moment of the assault, the prostrate 
Genoese implored the clemency of their sovereign. The 
defenceless situation which secured their obedience exposed 
them to the attack of their Venetian rivals, who, in the 
reign of the elder Andronicus, presumed to violate the 
majesty of the throne. On the approach of their fleets, the 
Genoese with their families and effects, retii-ed into the city : 
their empty habitations Avere reduced to ashes; and the 
feeble prince, who had viewed the destruction of his sub- 
urb, expressed Jiis resentment, not by arms, but by ambas- 
sadors. This misfortune, however, was advantageous to 
the Genoese, who obtained, and imperceptibly abused, the 
dangerous license of surrounding Galata with a strong wall ; 
of introducing into the ditch the waters of tlie sea; of 
erecting lofty turrets ; and of mounting a train of military 
engines on the rampart. The narrow bounds in which they 
had been circumscribed were insufficient for the growing 
colony ; each day they acquired some addition of landed 
pro])erty ; and the adjacent hills were covered a\ ilh their 
villas and castles, which they joined and protected by new 

<3 Paohyiner (1. v. c. 10, very properly explains Ai^ov? (';V//r).0 by iJi'ovc. Tlie use 
of tlie^^e words in the Greek and I.atiu of the feudal times may be amply under- 
stood from the Glossaries of Ducange (Graic. pp. bll, 812. J.atiu. torn. iv. pp- 


fortifications.''^ The navicration and trade of the Euxine 
was tlie patrimony of the Greek emperors, who commanded 
the narrow entraiice, the gates, as it were, of that inland sea. 
Ill the reign of Michael Pala3()lo^iis, tlieir prerogative was 
acknowledged by the sultan of Egypt, who solicited and 
obtained the liberty of sending an annual ship for the pur- 
chase of slaves in Circassia and the Lesser Tartary : a lib- 
erty pregnant with mischief to the Christian cause ; since 
these youths were transformed by education and discipline 
into th'3 formidable Mamelukes.''^ From the colony of 
Pera, the Genoese engaged with superior advantage in the 
lucrative trade of the Black Sea ; and their industry sup- 
plied the Greeks with fish and corn ; two articles of food 
almost equally im])ortant to a superstitious peo])le. The 
spontaneous bounty of nature appears to have bestowed the 
harvests of the Ukraine, the product of a rude and savage 
husbandry ; and the endless exportation of salt fish and 
caviare is annually renewed by the enormous sturgeons that 
are caught at the mouth of the Don or Tanais, in their last 
station of the rich mud and shallow water of the Ma30tis.^® 
The waters of the Oxus, the Caspian, the Volga, and the 
Don, opened a rare and laborious passage for the gems and 
spices of India ; and after three months' march the caravans 
of Carizme met the Italian vessels in the harbors of Crimea.'*^ 
These various branches of trade were monopolized by ihe 
diligence and power of the Genoese, Their rivals of Venice 
and Pisa were forcibly expelled ; the natives were awed by 
the castles and cities, Avhich arose on the foundations of 
their luimble factories ; and their principal establishment of 
Caffa**^ was besieged without effect by the Tartar powers. 

** The establishment and progress of the Genoese at Pera, or Galata, is de- 
scribed by Duc-ange (C. P. Christiana, 1. i. pp. G8, (;9) from the Byzantine historians, 
Pachymer (1. ii. c. 33. 1. v. 10, oU, 1. ix. 15, 1. xii. 0, U), Nicephorus Gregoras (1. v. 
c. 4, 1. vi. c. 11, 1. ix. c. 5, 1. ix. c. 1, xv. c. 1, o), and Cantacuzene (1. i. c. 12, 1. ii. c. 
29, &c.). 

*^ lioth Pachymer (1. iii, c. 3, 4, 5), and Nic. Greg. (1. iv. c. 7) understand and 
dei>lore tlie effects of tl)i8 dangerous indulgence. Bibars, sultan of Egypt, him- 
self a Tartar, but a devout Mussulman, obtained from the children of Zingis the 
permission to build a stately mosque in the capital of Crimea (Da Guignes, Hist, 
des Huns. ton), iii. p. .313). 

**^ Chardin (Voyages en Perse, torn. 1. p. 4S) was assured at Caff a, that these 
fishes were sometimes twenty-four or twenty-six feet long, weighed eight or nine 
hundred pounds, and yielde<l thre ; or four quintals of caviare. The corn of the 
Bosphorus had supplied the Athenians in the time of Drtmosthenes. 

*' Do liui^nijs, llisL. dt;s Huns. tona. iii. pp. 3}.;, 3U. Viaggi di R.imnsio, torn. 
i. fol. 4u(t. But this land or water cariage could only be piacticable when Tar- 
tary was united under a wise and powerful monarch. 

''-' Nic. Grcgoas (\. xiii. c. Ij) is judicious and well informed on the trade and 
colonies of the Black S^a. Chardin describes the preseiit ruins of Calfa. where, 
in forty days, he saw above 400 sail employed iu the corn and lish trade (Voyages 
cu Perse, torn. 1. pp. 4G-48). 


Destitute of a navy, the Greeks were oppressed by these 
hauglity niercliaiits, wlio fed, or famished, Constantinople, 
according to their interest. They proceeded to usurp the 
customs, tlie fisher}'", and even the toll, of the Bosphorus ; 
and while they derived from these objects a revenue of two 
Imndred thousand pieces of gold, a remnant of thirty thou- 
sand was reluctantly allowed to the emperor.'*^ The colony 
of Pera or Galata acted, in peace and war, as an independ- 
ent state; and, as it will happen in distant settlements, the 
Genoese podesta too often forgot that he was the servant of 
his own masters. 

These usurpations were encouraged by the weakness of 
the elder Andronicus, and by the civil wars that afflicted his 
age and the minority of his grandson. The talents of Canta- 
cuzene were employed to the ruin, rather than the restora- 
tion, of the empire ; and after his domestic victory, he was 
condemned to an ignominious trial, whether the Greeks or 
the Genoese should reign in Constantinople. The merchants 
of Pera were offended by his refusal of some contiguous 
lands, some commanding heights, which they proposed to 
cover with new fortifications; and in the absence of the 
emperor, who was detained at Demotica by sickness, they 
ventured to brave the debility of a female reign. A Byzan- 
tine vessel, which had presumed to fish at the mouth of the 
harbor, was sunk by these audacious strangers ; the fisher- 
men w^ere murdered. Instead of suing for pardon, the 
Genoese demanded satisfaction ; required, in a haughty 
strain, that the Greeks should renounce the exercise of 
navigation ; and encountered w ith regular arms the first 
sallies of the popular indignation. They instantly occupied 
the debatable land ; and by the labor of a whole people, ^A 
either sex and of every age, the wall was raised, and the 
ditch was sunk, with incredible speed. At the same time, 
they attacked and burnt two Byzantine galleys ; while the 
three others, the remainder of the Imperial navy, escaj^ed 
from their hands : the habitations without the gates, or 
along the shore, were pillaged and destroyed ; and the care 
of the regent, of the empress Irene, was confined to the 
preservation of the city. The return of Cantacuzene dis- 
pelled the public consternation : the emperor inclined to 
peaceful counsels ; but he yielded to the obstinacy of his 
enemies, who rejected all reasonable terms, and to tiie ardor 
of his subjects, who threatened, in the style of Scripture, to 

*^ See Nic. Gregoras, 1. xvii, c. 1, 


break them in pieces like a potter's vessel. Yet they re- 
luctantly paid the taxes, that he imposed for the construc- 
tion of sliips, and the expenses of the war; and as the two 
nations were masters, the one of the land, the other of the 
sea, Constantino])le and Pera were pressed by the evils of a 
mutual siege. The mei'chants of the colony, who had be- 
lieved that a few days w^ould terminate the war, already 
murmured at their losses ; the succors from their mother- 
country were delayed by the factions of Genoa ; and the 
most cautious embraced the opportunity of a Rhodian vessel 
to remove their families and "effects from the scene of 
hostility. In the spring, the Byzantine fleet, seven galleys 
and a train of smaller vessels, issued from the mouth of the 
harbor, and steered in a single line along the shore of Pera; 
unskilfully presenting their sides to the beaks of the adverse 
squadron. The crews were composed of peasants and 
mechanics ; nor was their ignorance compensated by the 
native courage of Barbarians: the wind was strong, the 
waves were rough, and no sooner did the Greeks perceive 
a distant and inactive enemy, than they leaped headlong 
into the sea, from a doubtful, to an inevitable, peril. The 
troops that marched to the attack of the lines of Pera were 
struck at the same moment with a similar panic ; and the 
Gen(5ese were astonished, and almost ashamed, at their 
double victory. Their triumphant vessels, crowned with 
flowers, and dragging after them the captive galleys, re- 
peatedly passed and repassed before the palace : the only 
virtue of the emperor was patience ; and the hope of revenge 
his sole consolation. Yet the distress of both j^arties inter- 
posed a temporary agreement ; and the shame of the empire 
Avas disguised by a thin veil of dignity and power. Sum- 
moning the chiefs of the colony, Cantacuzene affected to 
des])ise the trivial object of the debate ; and after a mild 
reproof, most liberally granted the lands, which had been 
previously resigned to the seeming custody of his ofliicers.^*^ 
But the emperor was soon solicited to violate the treaty, 
and to join his arms with the Venetians, tlie j)er])etual 
enemies of Genoa and her colonies. While he compared 
the ]-easons of peace and war, his moderation was provoked 
by a wanton insult of the inhabitants of Pera, who dis- 
chai-gcd from their ram])art a large stone that fell in the 

^ The event? of this war are related by Cantacuzene (1. iv. c. 11) with ohscurity 
and confusion, ami by Nic. Grej^oras (1. xvii. c. 1-7) in a clear and honest narra- 
tive. The i»rie»t was less re6i)onBible than the prince for tlie defeat of tho fleet. 

Vol. v.— 17 


midst of Constantinople. On his just complaint, they 
coldly blamed the impi-udence of their engineer; but the 
next day tlie insult was repeated ; and they exulted in a 
second proof that the royal city was not beyond tlie reach 
of tiieir artillery. Cantacuzene instantly sigjned his treaty 
with the Venetians ; but the weight of the Roman empire 
was scarcely felt in the balance of these opulent and power- 
ful republics.^^ From the Straits of Gibraltar to the mouth 
of the Tanais, their fleets encountered each other with 
various success ; and a memorable battle was fought in the 
narrow sea, under the wall^ of Constantinople. It would 
not be an easy task to reconcile the accounts of the Greeks, 
the Venetians, and the Genoese ; ^^ and while I depend on 
the narrative of an impartial historian,**^ I shall bori'ovv from 
each nation the facts that redound to their own disgrace, 
and the honor of their foes. The Venetians, with their 
allies the Catalans, had the advantage of number; and their 
fleet, with the poor addition of eight Byzantine galleys, 
amounted to seventy-five sail: the Genoese did not exceed 
sixty-four; but in those times their ships of war were dis- 
tinguished by the superiority of their size and strength. 
The names and families of their naval connnanders, Pisani 
and Doria, are illustrious in the annals of their country ; 
but the personal merit of the former was eclipsed by the 
fame and abilities of his rival. They engaged in tempestu- 
ous weather; and the tumultuarv conflict was continued 
from the dawn to the extinction of liu'ht. The enemies of 
the Genoese applauded their prowess ; the fi-iends of the 
Venetians are dissatisfied with their behavior; but all 
parties agree in praising the skill and boldness of the 
Catalans,t who, Avith many wounds, sustained the brunt of 

51 The second war is darkly told by Cantacuzene (1. iv. c. 18, pp. 24, 2o, 28-32) 
who wishes to disguise what lie dares not deny 1 regret this part of Nic. Grego- 
ras, whicli is still in MS. at Paris.* 

52 Muratori (Annali d'ltiilia, toni. xii. p. 144) refers to the most ancient Chron- 
icles of Venice (Caresinus, the continnator of Andrew Dandulus. torn. xii. pp, 
4:^1-422) and Genoa ((leorge Stella, Annales (ienuenses, toni. xvii. pp. 1091, 1002) ; 
both which 1 have diligently consulted in his great Collection of the Historians 
of Italy. 

6^ See the Chronicle of Matteo Villani of Florence, 1. ii. c. 59, 60, pp. 14C-147, 
c. 74, 75, pp. 156, 157, in Murutori's Collection, toin. xiv. 

* This part of Nicephorus Gregoras has not been printed in the new edition of 
the Byzantine Historians. The editor expresses a hope that it may be under- 
taken by Hase. I should join in the regret of Gibbon, if these books contain 
any historical information : if Ihev are but a continuation of the controversies 
wliich fill the last books in our present coiiies, they may as weil sleej) their eternal 
sleep in MS. as in print.— .M. 

t Cantacuzene praises ihtir brav(;ry, but imputes their losses to their igno- 
rance of the seas: they sullered iiiore by the breakers than by th. enemy, vol. 
iii. p. 21^4.— M. 


the action. On the separation of the fleet, the event n.ight 
appear doubtful ; but the thirteen Genoese galleys, that had 
been sunk or taken, were com])ensated by a double loss of 
the allies ; of fourteen Venetians, ten Catalans, and two 
Greeks ; * and even the grief of the conquerors expressed the 
assurance and habit of more decisive victories. Pisani con- 
fessed his defeat, by retiring into a fortified harbor, from, 
whence, under the pretext of the orders of the senate, he 
steered with a broken and flying squadron for the Isle of 
Candia, and abandoned to his rivals the sovereignty of the 
sea. In a public epistle,^^ addressed to the doge and senate, 
Petrarch em])lo3^s his eloquence to reconcile the maritime 
powers, the two luminaries of Italy. The orator celebrates 
the valor and victory of the Genoese, the first of men in the 
exercise of naval war; he drops a tear on the misfortunes 
of their Venetian brethren ; but he exhorts them to pursue 
with fire and sword the base and perfidious Greeks ; to 
purge the metropolis of the East from the heresy with which 
it was infected. Deserted by their friends, the Greeks were 
incapable of resistance ; and three months after the battle, 
the emperor Cantacuzene solicited and subscribed a treaty, 
which forever banislied the Venetians and Catalans, and 
granted to the Genoese a monopoly of trade, and almost a 
right of dominion. The Roman empire (I smile in transcrib- 
ing the name) might soon liave sunk into a province of Genoa, 
if the ambition of the republic had not been checked by the 
ruin of lier freedom and naval power. A long contest of one 
hundred and thirty years was determined by the triumph of 
Venice ; and the factions of the Genoese compelled them to 
seek for domestic peace under the protection of a foreign 
lord, the duke of Milan, or the French king. Yet the spirit 
of commerce survived that of conquest; and the colony of 
Pera still awed the capital and navigated the Euxine, till it 
was involved by the Turks in the final servitude of Constan- 
tinople itself. 

6* The Abbe de Sade (Memoires snr la Vie de Petrarque, torn. iii. pp. 2r)7-2G3) 
translates this letter, which he copied from a MS. in the king of Fruiue's library. 
Though a servant of the duke of IVIilau, Petrarch pours foiLh his astonishment 
and grief at the defeat and despair of the Genoese in the following year (pp. 

* Cantarnzeno says that the Genoese lost twenty-eight ships with their crews, 
avrai'&poi ; the N'enefians and Catalans sixteen, the Imperials, none. C'antacuzeno 
accuses Pisaiii of cowanlice in not following up the victory and destroying the 
(;enoe.>.e. lint Pisani's conduct and indeed, v,antacuzene's u'ccuuiitof the battle, 
betray thesupe/iorily of the Genoese.— M. 










From the petty quarrels of a city and her suburbs, from 
the cowardice and discord of the fallini]f Greeks, I shall now 
ascend to the victorious Turks; whose domestic slavery was 
ennobled by martial discipline, religious enthusiasm, and the 
eneriry of the national character. Tiie rise and progress of 
the Ottomans, the present sovereigns of Constantinople, are 
connected with the most important scenes of modern history ; 
but they are founded on a previous knowledge of the great 
eruption of the Moguls * and Tartars ; whose rapid conquests 
may be compared with the primitive convulsions of nature, 
which have agitated and altered the surface of the plobe. I 
have long since asserted my claim to introduce the nations, 
the immediate or remote authors of the fall of the Roman 
empire ; nor can I refuse myself to those events, which, from 
their uncommon magnitude, will interest a philosophic mind 
in the history of blood.'* 

From the spacious highlands between China, Siberia, and 
the Caspian Sea, the tide of emigration and war has repeatedly 
been poured. These ancient seats of the Huns and Turks 
were occupied in the twelfth century by many pastoral 
tribes, of the same descent and similar manners, which were 

1 The reader is invited to review chapters xxii. to xxvi., and xxiii. to xxxviii., 
the manners of pastoral nations, tlie conquests of Attila and the Huns, which 
were composed at a time when I entertained the wish, rather than the hope, of 

concluding my history. 

* Mongol seems to approach the nearest to the proper name of this race. The 
Chinese call tliem IMoni;-kou ; the Mondchoux, their neij^hhois, J-onggoor INIong- 
gou. Thev called themselves also Beda. Tills fact seems to have been proved 
by M. Sclnnidt ;<gai!ist the French Orientalists. See De Brosset, Note ou Le 
Beau, toai. xxii. p. 402. 


Tinitod and led to conquest by tlie formidable Zingis.* In 
his ascent to greatness, tliat Barbarian (whose private aj)- 
pellation was Ternugin) had tram])]ed on the necks of his 
equals. His birth was noble ; but it was in tlie pride of vic- 
tory, that the prince or people deduced his seventii ancestor 
from tlie immaculate conception of a Airgin. His father 
liad reigned over thirteen hordes, which composed about 
tliirty or forty thousand families : above two-thirds refused 
to pay tithes or obedience to his iufant son ; and at the age 
of thirteen, Temu2:in foui^ht a battle ac^ainst his rebellious 
subjects. Tl ^ fu ,ure conqueror of Asia was reduced to fly 
and to obey; but lie re se su])erior to his fortune, and in his 
fortieth year he had established liis fame and dominion over 
the circumjacent tribes. In a state of society, in which pol- 
icy is rude and valor is universal, the ascendant of one man 
must be founded on his power and resolution to punish his 
enemies and recompense his friends. His first military 
league was ratified by tlie simple rites of sacrificing a horse 
and tasting of a running stream: Temugin pledged himself 
to di\ide with his followers the sweets and the bitters of 
life ; and when he had shared among them his horses and 
apparel, he was rich in their gratitude and his own ]ioj)es. 
After his first victory, he jilaced seventy caldrons on the 
fire, and seventy of the most guilty rebels were cast head- 
long into the boiling water. The sphere of his attraction 
was continually enlarged by the ruin of the proud and the 
submission of the j)rudent; and the boldest chieftains might 
tremble, when they beheldj enchased in silver, the skull of 
the khan of the Keraites; ^ who, under the name of Prester 
John, had corresponded with the Roman pontiff and the 
princes of Europe. The ambition of Temugin condescended 
to em])loy the arts of superstition ; and it was from a naked 
prophet, who could ascend to heaven on a white horse, that 
he accepted the title of Zingis,^ the most great / and a divine 

? The kliaus of the Keraites were most probably incapable of reading the 
pompons epis les composed in their name by the Nestorian inissionaries, who en- 
dowed them with i,he fabnlouK wonders of an Indian liingdom. Perliai)s these 
Tartais (the Presbyter or Priest John) liad submitted to the rites of baptism and 
ordination (Asseman. Bibi'.ot. Orient, torn. iii. p. ii. pp.4H7-503). 

•* Since the history and tiagedy oi \'oliaire, Gevgis. at leasi in French, seems 
CO be the nmre fasldonable spelling ; but Abulghazi Khan must have known the 
true name of Ids ancestor. His etymology appears just : Zin, in the Mogul 
tong e, signiries (ir^'iit, and (i'ih is the supeilative termination (Hist. Genealogique 
des Tata s, i)art iii. pp. HU/l!)",). Fiom the same idea of magnitude, the appella- 
tion of Zin(ji:i is besl.Owed oii the ocean. 

* On the traditif\ns of the early life of Zingis, see B'Ohson, Hist. de=< Mongols ; 
nistori'i; des .Mongols, Paiis, 1824. Schmidt, OeschichtederOsL-Mongolen, p. 66, 
&C., and Notes. —M. 


riglit to the conquest nncl dominion of the earth. In a gen- 
eral coiiroidtai^ or diet, lie was seated on a felt, Avluch was 
long afterwards revered as a relic, and solemnly proclaimed 
great khan, or emperor, of the Moguls^ and Tartars.^ Of 
these kindred, thongli rival, names, the former had given 
birth to the imperial race; and the latter has been extended 
by accident or error over the s])acions wilderness of the north. 
The code of laws Avhich Zingis dictated to his subjects 
was adapted to the preservation of domestic peace, and the 
exercise of foreign hostility. The punishment of death was 
inflicted on the crimes of adultery, murder, perjury, and the 
ca])ital thefts of a horse or ox ; and the fiercest of men were 
mild and just in their intercourse with each other. The fu- 
ture election of the great khan was vested in the princes of 
his family and the heads of the tribes ; and the reguhitions 
of the chase were essential to the pleasures and plenty of a 
Tartar camp. The victorious nation was held sacred from 
all servile labors, Avhich were abandoned to slaves and stran- 
gers ; and every labor was servile except the profession of 
arms. The service and discipline of the troops, who were 
armed with bows, cimeters, and iron maces, and divided by 
hundreds, thousands, and ten thousands, were the institutions 
of a veteran commander. Each officer and soldier was made 
responsible, under pain of death, for the safety and honor of 
his companions ; and the spirit of conquest breathed in the 
law, that peace should never be granted unless to a van- 
quished and suj)pliant enemy. But it is the religion of 
Zingis that best deserves our wonder and apj^lausc.J Tiie 
Catholic inquisitors of Europe, who defended nonsense by 

< The name of Moguls Las prevailed among the Orientals, and still adheres to 
the titular sovereign, the Great Mogul of Hiiidostan.* 

5 The Tartars (more properly Tatars) were «lescended from Tatar Khan, the 
■brother of Mogul Khan (see Abulghazi, part i. and ii.), and once formed a horde 
of 70,000 families on the borders of Kitay (pp. 103-112). In the great invMsion of 
Europe (A. D. 1238) they seem to have led the vanguard : and the similitude of 
the name of Tartarti, recommended that of Tartars to the Latins (Malt. Paris, 
p. 398, &c.).f 

* M. Remusat (sur les Langues Tartares. p. 23.^) justly observes, that Timour 
was a Turk, not a Mogul, and, p. 242. tliat probably there was not a Mosul 
in the army of Baber, who established the Indian throne of the "Great Mo nil." 
— M. 

t This relationship, according to M. Klaproth, is fabulous, and invented by 
the Mahometan writers, who, from religious zeal, endeavored to connect the tra- 
ditions of the nomads of Central Asia with those of the Old Testament, a- pre- 
served in the Koian. There is no trace of it in the Chinese writeis. 
I'Asie, p. 1.56.— M. 

* Before his armies entered Thibet, he sent an embassy to Bogdosottnam- 
Dsimmo, a Lama higb priest, with a letter to this etTect : " I have chosen tliec as 
high priest for myself and my empire. Hepair then to me. and promote the 
present and future happiness of man : I will be thy supporter and protector : let 
us establish a system of religion, and unite with the monarchy," &c. The high 
priest accejjted the invitation ; and the JNIongol history literally terms this step 

OF THE nO^r.vN EMPIRE. 263 

cruelty, niiglit have been confounded by the example of a 
Barbarian, wlio anticipated the lessons of ])]iilosoj)hy,^ and 
established by his laws a system of pure theism and })erfect 
toleration. His first and only article of faitli was the exist- 
ence of one God, the Author of all good ; who fills by his 
presence the lieavens and earth, whicli he has created by his 
power. The Taitars and Moguls were addicted to the idols 
of their peculiar tribes ; and many of them had been con- 
verted by the foreign missionaries to tlie religions of Moses, 
of Mahomet, and of Christ. These various systems in free- 
dom and concord were taught and practised within the pre- 
cincts of the same camp ; and the Bonze, tlie Imam, tlie 
Rabl^i, the Nestorian, and the Latin ])riest, enjoyed the 
same honorable exemj.^tion from service and tribute: in the 
mosque of Bochara, the insolent victor might trample the 
Koran under Iiis liorse's feet, but the calm legislator re- 
spected the prophets and pontiffs of the most hostile sects. 
The reason of Zingis was not informed by books : the khan 
could neither read nor write ; and, exce))t the tribe of the 
Igours, the greatest part of the Moguls and Tartars were as 
illiterate as tlieir sovereign.* The memory of their exploits 
was preserved by tradition : sixty-eight years after the 
death of Zingis, these traditions were collected and trans- 
cribed;'^ the brevity of their domestic annals may be sup- 

* A singular conformity may be found between the religions laws of Zingis 
Khan and of Mr. Locke (Constitutions of CsuoJina, in his works, \ol. iv. p. 535, 
4to. edition, 1777). 

' In the year 1204, by the command of Cazan, 1-han of Pcrs-ia, the fourth in 
descent from Zingis. From these triidiliois. his Ai/.ier l-adhilJfdi (onposed a Mo- 
gul history in the Persian language, whidi has been used by Petit de la Croix 
(Hist de (ienghizcan, pp. M7-.o39). 'Jlie Histoire (ientalcgique des 'J'atars (a 
Levde, 1720, in 12mo., 2 tomes, was tianslated by theSwe<lisJ) prisoners in Siberia 
lidra the Mogul MS. of Abulgasi Bahadur Khan, a desctcuaut of Zingis, who 

the period of the first respect for religion ; because the monarch, by his public pro- 
fession, made it the religion of the state. Klaproth, "Travels in' ( aucasus," ch. 
7, Eng. Trans, p. 1)2. Neither Dshingis nor lis son aid successor Oegodah had, 
on account of iheir continual wars, mudi leisure for the propagation of the re- 
ligion of the Lama. By religion they understand a distinct, independent, sacred 
moral (ode, which has but one origin, one source, and one object. 'J his; notion 
tliey universally propaj/ate. and even Ijelieve tliat the brutes, and all cr« ated be- 
ings, have a religion adapted to their sphere of action. The different forms of 
tlie various religions they ascribe to tlie diderence of individuals, nations, and 
legislators. Never do you hear of their inveighing against any crec;d, e\eii 
against the obviously ab-urd S<haiiian (>aga'.iisiu, or of their persecuting others 
on that account. Tiiey themselves, on the other hand, endure every hardship, 
and even persecutions, with perfect resigiuition, and indulgently excuse tiie lol- 
lies of others, nay, consider theui as a motive for increased ardor in prayer, ch. 
ix. p. ll'J.— M. 

* See ih'i notice on Tha-tha-toung-o, the Ouogour minister of Tchingis, in 
Abel Kemusat's 2nd series <'f Kecherch. Asiat. vol.ii. p. Gl. He taught the son of 
I'chiiigis to write : " He was the instructor of the Moguls in writing, of which 
Ihay were before ignorant ; " and Jieiice the application of the Ouigour charac- 
ters to the Mogul language cannot be plaited earlier than the year 1204 or 1205, 
nor so late as tlie time of Pa-sse-pa, wlio lived under Khubilai. A new alphabet, 
approachin^,' to that )f '1,' ibet, was introduced under Khubilai. ~M. 


plied by the Chinese,^ Persians,^ Armenians,^^ Syrians, " 
Arabians,^^ Greeks,^^ Russians,^'* Poles,^^ Hungarians/'^ and 
Latins ; " and each nation will deserve credit in the relation 
of their own disasters and defeats. ^^• 

reigned over the Usbeks of Charasra, or Carizme (A. D. 1614-16.13), He is of most 
value and credit for the names, pedigrees, and manners of his nation. Of his 
nine parts, the ist descends from Adam to Moj^ul Klian ; the iid, from IMogul 
to Zingis ; the iiid is tlie life of Zingis ; the ivth, vth, \'ith, and viith, the general 
history of his four sons and their posterity ; the viiith and ixth, tlie particular 
history of the descendants of Slieibaui Khan, who reigned in Alaurenahar and 

8 Histoire de Gentchisean. et de toutelaDinastie desMongoussesSuccesseurs, 
Conquerans de la Chine ; tiree de I'Histoire de la Chine par le R. P. Gaubil, de 
la Soci^te de Jesus, Missipnaire a Peking ; a Paris, 1739, in 4to. This translation 
is stamped with the Chinese character of domestic accuracy and foreign igno- 

9 See the Histoire du Grand Genghizcan, premier Empereur des Moguls et 
Tarcares, par M. Petit de la Croix, a Paris, 1710, in 12mo. ; a work of ten years* 
labor, chiefly drawn from the Persian writers, among whom Kisavi, the secre- 
tary of Sultan Gelaleddin, has the merit and prejudices of a contemporary. A 
plight air of romance is tlie fault of the originals, or the compiler. See like- 
wise the articles of Genqh'izcan, Mohammed, Gelaleddin, &.C., in the Biblioth^que 
Orientale of D'Herbelot.* 

1^ Haithonus, or Aithonus,an Armenian prince, and afterwards a monk of 
Premontre (Fabric. P.ibliot. Lat. Medii M\\, torn. i. p. 34), dictated in the French 
language, liis book de rartaiis, his old fellow-soldiers. It was immediately trans- 
lated into Latin, and is inserted in the Novus Orbis of Simon Grynaeus (Basil, 
1555, in folio). t 

11 Zingis Khan, and his first successors, occupy the conclusion of the ixth Dy- 
nasty of Abulpharagius (vers. Pocock, Oxon. 16G3, in 4to-) ; and his xth Dynasty 
is that of the Moguls of Persi-a. Assemannus (Bibliot. Orient, tom. ii). lias ex- 
tracted some facts from his Syriac writings, and the lives of the Jacobite maph- 
rians, or primates of the East. 

12 Among the Arabians, in language and religion, we may distinguish Abul- 
feda, sultan of Hamah in Syria, who fought in person, under the Mamaluke 
standard, against the Moguls. 

13 Nicephorus Gregoras (1. ii. c. 5, 6) has felt the necessity of connecting the 
Scythian and Byzantine histories. He describes with truth and elegance the set- 
tlement and manners of the Moguls of Persia, but he is ignorant of their origin, 
and corrupts the names of Zingis and his sons. 

^* M. Leves*iue (Hisioire de Kussie, tom. ii.) has described the conquest of 
Russia by the Tartars, from the patriarch Nicon, and the old chro)iicles. 

i3 For Poland I am content with the Sarmatia Asiatica et Europa?a of IVTat- 
thew h Michou,or De Michovia, a canon and physician of Cracow (A, D. 1506). 
inserted in the Novus Orbis of Grynaius. Fabric. Bibliot. Latin. iMedise et Inti- 
mae .^Etatis. tom. v. p 56. 

J'5 I should (piole Thuroczius, the oldest general historian (pars. ii. c.74, p. 150) 
in the 1st volume of the Scrlptores Kerum Hungaricarum, did nc>t the same vol- 
ume contain the original narrative of a contemporary, an eye-witness, and a 
sufferer (M. Rogerii, Hungari, Yaradiensis Capituli Canonici, Carmen miserabile, 
sue Historia super Destructione Regni Hungaiije Temporibns Belaj IV. Regis per 
Tartaros facta, pp. 292-321) ; the best picture that I have ever seen of all the cir- 
cumsiances of a I3arbaric invasion. 

1^ Matthew Paris has represented, from authentic documents, the danger and 
distress of Europe (consult the word Tartari in his copious Index). From motives 
of zeal and curiosity, the court of the great klian in the xiiith century was visited 
by two friars, John de Piano Carpini, and William Rubruquis, and by Marco 
Polo, a Venetian gentleman. The Latin relations of the two former are inserted 
in the 1st volume of Hackluyt ; the Italian original or vei-sion of the third (Fab- 
ric. Bibliot. Latin. Medii JEvi, tom. ii. p. 198, torn. v. p. 25) may be found in the 
second tome of Ramusio. 

18 In his gieat History of the Huns, M. de Guignes has most amply treated of 

* The preface to the Hist, des Mongols (Paris, 1824) gives a catalogue of the 
Arabic and Persian authorities. — ^I. 

t A precis at the end of the new edition of Le Beau, Hist. desEmperenrs, vol. 
xvii., by AT. Brosset, gives large extracts from the accounts of the Armenian his- 
torians relating to the JNIogul conquests. 


The arms of Zingis and liis lieutenants successively re- 
duced tlie hordes of the desert, wlio ])itched their tents be- 
tween the wall of Cliina and the Volga ; and the Mogul 
emperor became the monarcli of tlie pastoral world, the lord 
of many millions of shepherds and soldiers, wlf^ felt their 
united strength, and were impatient to rush on tlie mild and 
wealthy climates of the south. His ancestors had been the 
tributaries of the Chinese emperors ; and Temugin himself 
had been disgraced by a title of honor and servitude. The 
court of Pekin w^as astonished by an embassy from its former 
vassal, who, in tlie tone of the king of nations, exacted the 
tribute and obedience which he had paid, and who affected 
to treat the sori of heaven as the most contemptible of man- 
kind. A haughty, answer disguised their secret apprehen- 
sions ; and their fears w^ere soon justified by tke march of 
innumerable squadrons, who ])ierced on all sides the feeble 
ram])art of the great wall. Ninety cities were stormed, or 
starved, by the Moguls ; ten only escaped ; and Zingis, from 
a knowledge of the filial ])iety of the Chinese, covered Iiis van- 
guai'd with their captive parents; an unworthy, and by de- 
grees a fruitless, abuse of the virtue of his enemies. His inva- 
sion was supported by the revolt of a hundred thousand Khi- 
tans, Avho guarded the frontier : yet he listened to a treaty; 
and a ])rincess of China, three tliousand horses, five hundred 
youths, and as many vii-gins, and a tribute of gold and silk, 
were the price of his retreat. In his second expedition, he 
compelled the Chinese empei'or to retire beyond the Yellow 
River to a more southern residence. The sie2:e of Pekin ^'^ 
was long and laborious : the inhabitants were reduced by 
famine to decimate and devour their fellow-citizens; Avhen 

Zinfps Khan aiidliis successors. See torn. iii. 1. xv,-xix., and in the collateral 
articles of the Seljnkians of Itoum, torn. ii. 1. xi., the Carizmians. 1- xiv., and the 
IVtamjliikes, toni. iv. 1. xxi.; consult likewise the tables of the 1st volume. He 
is ever learned and aocuvate ; yet I ar.i only indebted to him for a general view, 
and some passages of Abulfeda, which are still latent in tlie Arabic text.* 

^'' More p'operly Yen-Jdnr/, an ancient city, whose ruii:s still appear some 
fu- longs to the south-east of the modern Pclln, whir h Avas built by Cublai Khnn 
(Ganl)'l, p. 14n). Po-king and Nan-king are vague titles, the courts of tlie north 
and of the south. Tli£ i<leniity and change of names perplex the most sliilful 
readers of the Chinese geography (p. 177). t 

* To this catalogue of the historians of the iVIoguls maybe added D'Ohson, 
Histoire des ^longols ; llistoire d;'S Mongols (from Arabic and Persian author- 
ities), I'aris, l.<-24. Schnii<lt, Geschic hte der Cst INIongolcn, S:t. Pctersluirgh, )K'.^f). 
This curions work, by Ssanang Ssotsen Chungtaidschi, pul)lished in the original 
Mongol, was writtfu after the conversion oi the nation to Dn.ddhism : it is 
enriched with very valuable not' s ly the editor and trnnslator ; but, unfor- 
tunately, is very bar;cn of infovm-ition about the Euro;)ean, and even the 
western A siati" conquests of the Mongols. — M. 

t And likewise in Chinese history— see Abel Ilemusat, Mel. Asiat. 2dser. torn. 
ii. p. 5.— M. 


their ammunition was spent, they discharged ingots of gold 
and silver from tl)eir engines; but tlie Moguls introduced a 
mine to the centre of the capital ; and the conflagration of 
the ])alace burnt above thirty days. China was desolated 
by Tartar ^ar and domestic faction ; and the five northern 
provinces were added to the empire of Zingis. 

In the West, he touched the dominions of IMohammed, 
sultan of Carizme, who reigned from the Persian Gulf to the 
borders of India and Turkestan ; and who, in the proud imi- 
tation of Alexander the Great, forgot the servitude and in- 
gratitude of his fathers to the house of Seljuk. It was the 
wish of Zingis to establish a friendly and commercial inter- 
course with the most ]>owerful of the Moslem princes ; nor 
could he be tempted by the secret solicitations of the calijih 
of Bagdad, who sacrificed to his personal wrongs the safety 
of the church and state. A rash and inhuman deed provoked 
and justified the Tartar arms in the invasion of the southern 
Asia.* A caravan of three ambassadors and one bundled 
and fifty merchants was arrested and murdered at Oti-ar, by 
the command of Mohammed ; nor was it till after a demand 
and denial of justice, till he had prayed and fasted three 
nights on a mountain, that the Mogul emperor appealed to 
the judgment of God and his sword. Our European battles, 
says a i)hilosophic writer,^^ are petty skirmishes, if compared 

to the numbers that have fought and fallen in the fields of 
Asia. Seven hundred thousand Moij^uls and Tartars are said 
to have marched under the standard of Zino-is and his four 
sons. In the vast ])lains that extend to the north of the 
Sihon or Jaxartes, they were encountered by four hundred 
thousand soldiers of the sultan ; and in the first battle, which 
was suspended by the night, one hundred and sixty thou- 
sand Carizmians were slain. Mohammed was astonished by 
the multitude and A^alor of his enemies : lie withdrew from 
the scene of danger, and distributed his troops in the fron- 
tier towns ; trusting that the Barbarians, invincible in the 
field, would be repulsed by the length and difficulty of so 
many regular sieges. But the ])rudence of Zingis had 
formed a body of Chinese engineers, skilled in the mechanic 
arts ; informed j^erhaps of the secret of gunpowder, and 

-0 M. de Voltaire, Essai sitr I'Histoire Generale, torn. iii. e. GO, p. 8. His 
account of Ziiii^is and the Moguls contains, as usual, much general sense and 
truth, with some particular errors. 

* See the particular account of this transaction, from the Kholaussut el 
Akbaur; in Price, vol. ii. p. 402. — M. 


capable, under his discipline, of attacking a foreign conntry 
with more vigor and success tlian they had defended tlieir 
own. The Persian historians will relate the sieges and re- 
duction of Otrar, Cogende, Bochara, Samarcand, Carizme, 
Herat, Merou, Nisabour, Balch, and Candaliar , and tlie 
conquest of the rich and populous countries of Transoxiana, 
Carizme, and Chorazan.* The destructive hostilities of 
Attila and the Huns liave long since been elucidated by the 
example of Zingis and the Moguls ; and in this more proper 
place I shall be content to observe, that, from the Caspian 
to the Indus, they ruined a tract of many hundred miles, 
which was adorned Avith the habitations and labors of man- 
kiml, and that five centuries have not been sufficient to re- 
pair the ravages of four years. The Mogul emperor encour- 
aged or indulged the fury of liis troops: the hope of future 
possession was lost in the ardor of rapine and slaughter ; 
and the cause of the war exasperated their native fierceness 
by tlie pretence of justice and revenge. The downfall and 
death of the sultan Mohammed, Who expired, unpitied and 
alone, in a desert island of the Caspian Sea, is a poor atone- 
ment for the calamities of which he was the author. Could 
the Carizmian empire have been saved by a single hero, 
it would have been saved by his son Gelaleddin, whose 
active valor repeatedly checked the Moguls in the career 
of victorv. Retreatinix, as he fouo'ht, to the banks of 
tlie Indus, he was oppressed by their innumerable host, 
till, in the last moment of despair, Gelaleddin sj)urred his 
horse into the waves, swam one of the broadest and most 
rapid rivers of Asia, and extorted the admiration and ap- 
plause of Zingis himself. It was in this camp that the Mogul 
conqueror yielded with reluctance to the murmurs of his 
weary and wealthy troops, who sighed for the enjoyment 
of their native land. Encumbered with tlie spoils of Asia, 
he slowly measured back his footsteps, betraj^ed some 
pity for the misery of the vanquished, and declared his 
intention of rebuilding tlie cities which had been swept 
away by the tempest of his arms. After he had repassed 
the Oxus and .laxartes, he was joined by two generals, whom 
he had detached with thirty thousand horse, to subdue the 
western jn-ovinces of Persia, They had trani])led on the 
nations which opposed their passage, penetrated through 
the gates of Derbend, traversed the Volga and the desert, 

• Every where they massacred all classes, except the artisans, whom they 
made .slaves. Hist, des Mongols.— M. 


and acconi])lishcd the circuit of the Caspian Sen, by an ex- 
pedition which liad never been attempted, and lias never 
heon repeated. Tlie return of Zingis was signalized by the 
overthrow of the rebeliious or indej)endent kingdoms of 
Tartary j and he died in the fuhiess of years and glory, 
with his last breath exliorting and instructing liis sons to 
achieve the conquest of the Chinese empire.* 

The harem of Zingis was composed of five hundred wives 
and concubines-, and of his numerous progeny, four sons, 
illustrious by their birth and merit, exercised under their 
father the principal offices of peace and war. Toushi was 
his great huntsman, Zagatai ^^ his judge. Octal his minister, 
and Tuli his general ; and their names and actions are often 
cons])icuous in the liistory of his conquests. Firmly united 
for their own and tlie public interest, the three brothers and 
their families were content with dependent scejnres ; and 
Octal, by general consent, was jn'oclaitned great khan, or 
emperor of the Moguls and Tartars. He was succeeded by 
his son Gayuk, after whose death tlie empire devolved to 
his cousins Mangou and Cublai, the sons of Tuli, and the 
grandsons of Zingis. In the sixty-eight years of his four 
first successors, the Mogul subdued almost all Asia, aud a 
large ])ortion of Europe. Without confining myself to the 
order of time, without expatiating on the detail of events, I 
shall ])resent a general picture of the progress of their arms; 
I. In the East; II. In the South; HI. In the West; and 
ly. In the North. 

I. Before the Invasion of Zingis, China Avas divided Into 
two empires or dynasties of the North and South ;^" and the 
difference of origin and interest was smoothed by a general 
conformity of laws, language, and national manners. The 
Northern empii-e, which had been dismembered by Zingis, 
was finally subdued seven years after his death. After the 

2' Zagatai gave his name to lii3 dominions of Maarenahar, or Transoxiana ; 
and tlie ^Mo^f ils of Himlo<tan, who emigrated from that ^o;^ltry, are styled 
Zapatai.s Ijy the Persians, This certain etymology, and the siuiilai example ot 
Uzbek, Nogai, &c , may warn us not absolutely tc reject the derivations of S> 
national, from a perFonal, name.t 

'- In Marco Polo, and the Orienta\ geographers, the names ol Cathay and 
Mangi ilislitigviish tlie lortheni and southern empires, whi^h, frotn A. D. lL'.'^>4 to 
127!), were those of the great khan, and of the Chinese The search of Cathay, 
after China had beet found, exeited and misled oui navigators of the sixteenth 
century, in their attempts to discover the north-east passage. 

♦Their first duty, which he bequealhed \r. them, wa? tc massacre the kin^ of 
Tajigcouie and all the inhabitants of Ninhia, the surrender ot the city being 
already agreed upon, Hist, des Mongols vol. i. p. 286.— M. 

t bee a curious anecdote of Tschagatai, Hist, des Mongols, p. 370.— M. 



loss of Pekin, the emperor had fixed his residence at Kaifong, 
a city many leafjnes in circumference, and Avliich contained, 
according to the Chinese annals, fourteen luindred thousand 
families of inhabitants and fugitives. He escaped from thence 
with only seven horsemen, and made his last stand in a third 
capital, till at length the hopeless monarch, protestinghis inno- 
cence and accusing his fortune, ascended a funeral pile, and 
gave orders, that, as soon as he had stabbed himself, the fire 
should be kindled by his attendants. The dynasty of the 
JSong^ the native and ancient sovereigns of the whole em- 
pire, survived about forty-five years the fall of the Northern 
usurpers ; and tlie perfect conquest was reserved for the 
arms of Cublai. During this interval, the Moguls were often 
diverted by forei2:n wai's : and, if the Chinese seldom dared 
to meet their victors in the field, their passive courage pre- 
sented an endless succession of cities to storm and of millions 
to slaughter. In the attack and defence of places, the engines 
of antiquity and the Greek fire were alternately employed :- 
the use of gunpowder in cannon and bombs appears as a 
familiar practice ;^^ and the sieges w^ere conducted by the 
Mahometans and Franks, Avho had been liberally invited into 
the service of Cublai. After passing the great river, the 
troops and artillery were conveyed along a series of canals, 
till they invested the royal residence of Ilamcheu, or Quin- 
say, in tlie country of silk, the most delicious climate of 
China. The emperor, a defenceless youth, surrendered his 
person and sceptre ; and before he was sent in exile into Tar- 
tary, he struck nine times the ground with his forehead, to 
adore in prayer or thanksgiving the mercy of the great khan. 
Yet the war (it was now styled a rebellion) was still main- 

23 I depend on the knowledge and fidelity of tlie Pfere Ganbil, who translates 
tlie Chinese text of tlie annals of tlie Moguls or Yuen (pp. 71, (W, 153) ; but 1 am 
ignorant at what lime tlnse annals were composed and published. Ihe two 
uncles of Marco I'olo, who served iis engineers at the siege of Siengyangfou * (1. 
ii. c. Gl, in Kamu.-io, torn. ii. See Gaubil. pp. 155, 157) must have felt and related 
the effects of this destructive powder, and their silence is a weighty, and almost 
decisive objection. 1 entertain a suspicion, that ihe lecent discovery was carried 
from Europe to China by ilie Caravans of the xvth century, and falsely a<lopled 
as an old national discovery before the arrival of the Portuguese and Jesuits in 
the xvith. Yet the Pere Ganbil affirms, that the use of gunpowder has beeu 
known to the Chinese above 1600 years. t 

* Sou-houng-kian-lou. Abel Remnsat. — M. 

t La poudr'e a canon et d'autres compositions inflammantes, dont.ils se 
servent pour constniire des pieces <raititice d'un effet suprenant, leur etaient 
connues dt'i)uis t: ^s long-temps, et I'on croit que des bombanles et des pierrieis, 
dont ils avaient enst:igne I'usage anx Tnrtares, ont \n\ donner en Eurcjjc I'idce 
d'artillerie, quoi |ue la forme d»;s fusils et des canons dont ils se servent actuel- 
lement, lenr ait et«i apportee par les Francs, ainsi que lattestenL lesnoms memes 
qu'ils donnent ^ ces sortes d'armes. Abel Kcuiusat, Melanges Asiat. 2d ser. torn, 
i. p. 23.— M. 


tained in the southern provinces from Ilamcheu to Canton , 
and the obstinate remnant of independence and liostility was 
trans])ortedfrom the land to the sea. But when tlie fleet of 
the Song was surrounded and oppressed by a superior arma- 
ment, their last champion leaped into the waves with his infant 
emperor in his arms. "It is more glorious," he cried, "to 
die a prince, than to live a slave." A hundred thousand 
Chinese imitated his example ; and the whole empire, from 
Tonkin to the great wall, submitted to the dominion of Cu- 
blai. His boundless ambition aspired to the conquest of 
Japan : his fleet was twice shipwrecked ; and the lives of a 
hundred thousand Moguls and Chinese were sacrified in the 
f i-uitless expedition, liut the circumjacent kingdoms, Corea, 
Tonkin, Cochinchina, Pegu, Bengal, and Thibet, were reduced 
in different degrees of tribute and obedience by the effort or 
terror of his arms. He explored the Indian Ocean with a 
fleet of a thousand shi])s : they sailed in sixty-eight days, 
most probably to the Isle of Borneo, under the equinoctial 
line ; and though they returned not without spoil or glory, 
the emperor was dissatisfied that the savage king had escaped 
from their hands. 

IL The conquest of Hindostan by the Moguls was re- 
served in a later period for the house of Timour ; but that 
of Iran, or Persia, was acliieved by Holagou Khan,* the 
grandson of Zingis, the brother and lieutenant of the two 
successive emperors, Mangou and Cublai. I shall not enu- 
merate the crowd of sultans, emirs, and atabeks, whom he 
trampled into dust; but the extirpation of 1\\q Assassi7is^ 
or Ismaelians^* of PersLa, may be considered as a service to 
mankind. Among the hills to the south of the Caspian, 
these odious sectaries had reigned with impunity above a 
hundred and sixty years; and their prince, or Imam, es- 
tablished his lieutcn mt to lead and o'overn the colony of 
Mount Libanus, so famous and formidable in the history of 
the crusades. ^^ With the fanaticism of the Koran the 
Ismaelians had blended the Indian transmigration, and the 

2* All that can be kTiowii of the Assassins of Persia and Syria is poured from 
the copious, and even profuse, erudition of M. Falconet, in two Memoires road 
before the Academy of Inscriptions (toni. xvii pp. 127-170) t 

2' The Ismaelians of Syria, -10.000 Assassins, had acquired or founded *en 
castles in the hills above Tortosa. About the year 1280, they were extirpated by 
the iMamaliikes 

♦ See the curious account of the expedition of Holajiou, translated from tho 
Cliinese, by M. Ai el Kemusat, Melanges Asiat. 2d ser. torn. i. p 171 — M. 

t Von Haunner's History of the Assassins has uow thrown Falconet's Disser- 
tation into the shade.— M. 


visions of tlieir own pro])hets ; and it was tlieir first duty to 
devote their souls and bodies in blind obedience to tlie vicar 
of God. The dacr^'ers of Ids missionaries wei-e felt both in 
the East and West : the Chi-istians and the Moslems enumer- 
ate, and perhaps multiply, the illustrious victims that were 
sacrificed to the zeal, avarice, or resentment of the old t/uni 
(as lie was corruptly styled) o/* the mountain. But these 
daggers, his only arms, were broken by the swoi'd of 
Holacrou, and not a vestige is left of the enemies of mankind, 
except the word assassin^ whicli, in the most odious sense, 
has been adopted in the languages of Europe. The extinc- 
tion of the Abbassides cannot be indififerent to the spectators 
of their greatness and decline. Since the fall of their Seljukian 
tyrants, the caliphs had recovered their lawful dominion of 
Bagdad and the Arabian Irak ; but the city was distracted 
by theological factions, and the commander of the faithful 
was lost in a harem of seven hundred concubines. The 
invasion of the Moguls he encountei*ed with feeble arms and 
liaughty embassies. " On the divine decree," said the cali|)h 
Mostasem, "is founded the throne of the sons of Abbas : 
and their foes shall surely be destroyed in this world and in 
the next. Who is this Ilolaixou that dares to rise aoainst 
them? If he be desirous of ])eace, let liim instantly de])art 
from the sacred territory ; and perhaps he may obtain from 
our clemency the pardon of liis fault." This presumj)tion 
was cherished by a perfidious vizier, wlio assured his master, 
that, even if the Barbarians had entered the city, the women 
and children, from the terraces, would be sufficient to over- 
whelm them with stones. But when Ilolaoou touched the 
])hantom, it instantly vanished into smoke. After a seige 
of two months, Bagdad was stoi-med and sacked by the 
Moguls;* and their savage commander pronounced the 
death of the caliph Mostasem, the last of the t('mj)oral 
successors of Mahomet ; whjse noble kinsmen, of the raco 
of Abbas, had reicrned in Asia above five himdred vears. 
Whatever might be the designs of the conqueror, tlie holy 
cities of Mecca and Medina '-^^ were protected by tiie Ara- 
bian desert ; but the Moguls spread beyond the Tigris and 

'" As a proof of the ifrnoraiire of tlie riiiiiese in forcifrn traiipaftioiiP, I must 
observe, tliat some of tlieir liistovians extend tl»e conquest of Zingis Limsell' to 
Medina, the country of Mahomet (Gaubil, p. 42). 

* Compare Von Hammer. Cesdiichte der Assassinen, pp. 2S3, ,?07. AVilkeii, 
Geseliiclite der Kreuzziige, vol. vii. p. 40G. Price, Chronological lietrospect, vol. 
li. pp. 217-223.— M. 


Eu]ihrates, ]^illnged i\]oppo and Damascus, and threatened 
to join tlie JPi-anks in the deliverance of Jerusalem. Egypt 
was lost, had she been defended only by her feeble offsprinp: ; 
but the Mamalnkes had breathed in their infancy the keen- 
ness of a Scythian air: equal in valor, superior in discipline, 
thev mettheMoo:nls in many a well-fouscht field ; and drove 
back the stream of hostility to the eastward of the Euphrates.* 
But it overflowed with resistless violence the kingdoms of 
Armenia f and Anatolia, of which the former was possessed 
by the Christians, and the latter by the Turks. The sultans 
of Iconium opposed some resistance to the Mogul arms, till 
Azzadin sought a refuge among the Greeks of C(mstantino}»le, 
and Ids feeble successors, the last of th« Seljukian dynasty, 
were finally extirpated by the khans of Persia. $ 

III. No sooner had Octal subverted the northern em- 
pire of China, than he resolved to visit with his arms the 
most remote countries of the West". Fifteen hundred 
thousand Moguls and Tartars were inscribed on the military 
roll : of these the great khan selected a third, which he in- 
trusted to the command of his nephew Baton, the son of 
Tuli ; wlio reigned over his father's conquests to the north 
of the Casi)ian Sea.§ After a festival of forty da^^s, Baiou 
set forwards on this great expedition : and such was the 
speed and ardor of his innumerable squadrons, that in less 
than six years they had measured a line of ninety degrees of 
longitude, a fourth part of the circumference of the globe. 
The great rivers of Asia and Europe, the Volga and Kama, 
the Don and Borysthenes, the Vistula and Danube, they 
either swam with their horses or ]^assed on the ice, or trav- 
ersed in leathern boats, which followed the camp, and 
transported their wajxons and artillery. Bv the first victories 
of Bitou, the remains of national fi-eedom were eradicated 
in the immense ])lains of Turkestan and Kijv.ak.-^^ In his 
rajud progress, lie overran the kingdoms, as they are now 
styled, of Astracan and Cazan ; and the troops which he 

27 The Dnahte Kipznl\ or plnin of Kipzak. extends on either side of the, 
in a boundless space towards the Jaik and Borvsthenes, and is supposed to con- 
tain the primitive name and nation of the Cossacks. 

* Compare Wilken, vol. vii. pp. 410. 416.— M. 

.t On the friendly rehition.^ of the Armenians with the Mongols, see Wilken, 
Geschichte der Krenzziisie, vol. vii. p. 402. They eagerly desired an alliance 
against the Alahometan powers. — AI. 

X Trebizond e caped, apparantly by the dexterous politics of the sovereign, 
hut it acknowled'ied the IMocnl supremacy. Falmerayer. p. 127. — M. 

§ Seethe curious extracts from the Mahometan writers, Hist, des Mongols, 
p. 707.— M. 


detached towards Mount Caucasus explored the most secret 
recesses of Georgia and Circassia. The civil discord of the 
great dukes, or princes, of Russia, betrayed their country to 
the Tartars. They sj)read from Livonia to the Black Sea, 
and both Moscow and Kiow, the modern and the ancient 
capitals, were reduced to ashes ; a tem])orary ruin, less 
fatal than the deep, and j^erhaps indelible, mark, which a 
servitude of two hundred years has imprinted on the charac- 
ter of the Russians. The Tartars ravaged with equal fury 
the countries which they hoped to possess, and those whicli 
they were hastening to leave. Fi-om tlie permanent con- 
quest of Russia, they made a deadly, though transient, in- 
road into the heart*of Poland, and as far as the borders of 
Germany. The cities of Lublin and Cracow were obliter- 
ated : ^ they approached the sliores of the Baltic ; and in the 
battle of Lignitz they defeated the dukes of Silesia, the 
Polish palatines, and the great master of the Teutonic order, 
and filled nine sacks with the rii^'lit ears of the slain. From 
Lignitz, the extreme point of tlieir western march, they 
turned aside to the invasion of Hungary ; and tlie presence 
or spirit of Baton inspired the host of five hundred tliousand 
men; the Carpathian hills could not be long impervious to 
their divided columns ; and tlieir aj)})roach had been fondly 
disbelieved till it was irresistibly felt. The king, Bela the 
Fourth, assembled the military force of his counts and 
bishops ; but he had alienated the nation by adoj^tiiig a 
vagrant horde of forty thousand families of Comans, and 
these savage guests were provoked to revolt by the f;us])i- 
cion of treachery and the murder of their prince. The 
whole country north of the Danube was lost in a day, and 
depopulated in a summer ; and the ruins of cities and 
churches were overspread with the bones of the natives, 
who expiated the sins of their Turkish ancestors. An 
ecclesiastic, who fled from the sack of Waradin, describes 
the calamities which he liad seen, or suffered ; and the 
sauGjuinarv rac^e of siesres and battles is far less atrocious 
than the treatment of the fugitives, who had been allured 
from the woods under a promise of peace and pardon, and 
who were coolly slaughtered as soon as they had performed 
the labors of the hai'vest and vintage. In tlie winter, the 
Tartars passed the Danube on the ice, and advanced to 
Gran or Strigonium, a German colony, and the metropolis 

• Olmut:'- wa3 gallantly and successfully defended bv >Stenl)erg, Iljst, des MOJJ- 
gols, p. 3IiO — .M. 

Vol. v.— 18 


of the kingdom. Thirty engines were planted against the 
walls ; the ditches Avere tilled with sacks of earth and dead 
bodies ; and after a promiscuous massacre, three hundred 
noble matrons were slain in the ])resence of the khan. Of 
all the cities and fortresses of Hungary, three alone sur- 
Tived the Tartar invasion, and the unfortunate Bela hid his 
head among the islands of the Adriatic. 

The Latin world was darkened by this cloud of savage 
hostility ; a Russian fugitive carried the alarm to Sweden ; 
and the remote nations of the Baltic and the ocean trembled 
at the approach of the Tartars,^^ whom their fear and ig- 
norance were inclined to separate from the human s]:>ecies. 
Since the invasion of the Arabs in the eighth century, Europe 
had never been exposed to a similar calamity ; and if the 
disciples of Mahomet would have oppressed her religion and 
liberty, it might be apprehended that the shepherds of 
Scythia wouhl extinguish her cities, her arts, and all the in- 
stitutions of civil society. The Roman pontiff attempted to 
appease and convert these invincible Pagans by amission of 
Franciscan and Dominican friars ; but he was astonished by 
the reply of the khan, that the sons of God and of Zingis 
were invested with a divine power to subdue or extirpate 
the nations ; and that tlie pope would be involved in the 
universal destruction, unless he visited in person, and as a 
suppliant, the royal horde. The emperor Frederic the 
Second embraced a more generous mode of defence ; and 
his letters to the kings of France and England, and the 
princes of Germany, represented the common danger, and 
urged them to arm their vassals in this just and rational 
crusade.^^ The Tartars themselves were awed by the fame 
and valor of the Franks ; the town of Neustadt in Austria 
Avas bravely defended against them by fifty knights and 
twenty crossbows ; and they raised the siege on the ap- 
pearance of a German army. After wasting the adjacent 

28 In the year 1238, the inhabitants of Gothia (Siteden) and Frise were pre- 
vented, by their fear of the Tartars, from sending, as usual, their sliips to tha 
herring lishery on the coast of England ; and as tliere was no exportation, forty 
or lifty of these tish were sold for a shilling (^latlhew Paris, p. 3'JG). It is whim- 
eioal enough, that the orders of a Mogul khan, who reigned on the borders of 
China, should have lowered the price of herrings in the English market. 

2-* I shall copy his characteristic or flatteriTig epithets of the di.Terent conn- 
tries of iMivope : Fureris ac feivensad ai ma German.ia, strenu.-u militine genitrix 
et alumna Francia. hellicosa et andax Hispani'i. virtuosa viris et claPse miinita 
fertilis Ane'lia, impetnosis bellatoribns referta Alemannia, navalis Dacia, 
indomita Italia, pacis ignara Burgurdia. inqnjeta Apulia, cnm naris Grnefi, 
Adria ici et Tyrrheni insulis pyraticis et invictis. Greta. Cypro. Si( ilia. cn;i 
Oceano conterminis insulis, et regionbus, eruenta Hybernia. cum apili Walliat 

Salnstris Scotia, glacialis Norwegia, suani electam miiitiam sub vexillo CruoiS 
estiuabunt, &c. (Matthew Paris, p. 4l'8.) 


kingdoms of Servia, Bosnia, and Bulgaria, Batou slowly re- 
treated* from the Danube to tiie Volga to enjoy the rewards 
of victory in the city and palace of ISerai, which started at 
his command from the midst of the desert.* 

IV. Even the poor and frozen regions of the north at- 
tracted the arms of the Moguls: Sheibani khan, the broth- 
er of the great Batou, led a horde of fifteen thousand fam- 
ilies into'tlie wilds of Siberia; and his descendants reigned 
at Tobolskoi above thi'ee centuries, till the Russinn con- 
quest. The s]nrit of enterprise which pursued the course of 
the Oby and Yenisei must have led to the discovery of the 
icy sea. After brushing away the monstrous fables, of men 
with dogs' heads and cloven feet, we shall find, that, fifteen 
years after the death of Zingis, the Moguls were informed 
of the name and manners of the Samoyedes in the neigh- 
borhood of the ])olar circle, who dwelt in subterraneous 
huts, and derived their furs and their food from the sole 
occupation of hunting.^** 

While China, Syria, and Poland, were invaded at the 
same time by the Moguls and Tartars, the authors of the 
miixhty mischief were content with the knoAvledge and dec- 
laration, that their ^vord was the sword of death. Like 
the first caliphs, the first successors of Zingis seldom ap- 
]>eared in person at the head of their victorious armies. 
On the banks of the Onon and Selinga, the royal or golden 
horde exhibited the contrast of simplicity and greatness ; 
of the roasted sheei) and mare's milk which com])Osed their 
banquets ; and of a distribution in one day of five hun- 
dred waii-ons of fj-old and silver. The ambassadors and 
princes of Europe and Asia Avere compelled to undertake 
this distant and laborious pilgrimage ; {\nd the life and 
reiirn of the e:reat dukes of Russia, the kini^s of Georc:ia 
and Armenia, the sultans of Iconium, and the emirs of 
Persia, were decided by the frown or smile of the great 
khan. The sons and grandsons of Zingis had been ac- 
customed to the pastoral life ; but the village of Caracorum 

3^ SeeCarpin's relation in irackluyt, vol. i. \>. 30. The pedigree of the khans 
of Siberia is given by Abiilghazi (part viii. pp. 485-41i.5). Have the llussians 
found no Tartar ch.ronicles at Tobolskoi ?t 

^1 The ^[ap of D'Anville and the Chinese Itineraries (l)e Guicnes, torn. i. jiart 
ii. p. .'57) seem o mark the position of Holin, or Caracorum. about six liundic d 
miles to the north-west of Pekin. The distance between Selin{j;insky ar.d I'ekiu 
is near 2000 Kus?ian veists, between 1300 and 1400 English miles (Bell's Travels, 
vol. ii. p. G7;. 

* lie wa-i rocalled by tlie death of Octal.— M. 

t See the acccmnt of the Monpol library in Bergman, Komadische Strief- 
ereyen, vol. iii. pf). IS"., 20.5. and Remusat, Hist, des Langues Tartares, p. 227, and 
preface to Schmidt, GescLichto der Ost-Mongoleu.— M. 



was gradually ennobled by their election and residence. 
A change of manners is implied in the removal of Oclaiand 
Mangou from a tent to a house ; and their example was 
imitated by the princes of their family and tlie great offi- 
cers of the empire. Instead of the boundless forest, the 
enclosure of a park afforded the more indolent pleasures of 
the chase, their new habitations were decorated with paint- 
ing and sculpture ; their superfluous treasures werfe cast in 
fountains, and basins, and statues of massy silver ; and the 
artists of China and Paris vied with each other in the ser- 
vice of the great khan.^^ Caracorum contained two streets, 
the one of Chinese mechanics, the other of Maliometan 
traders ; and the places of religious worship, one Nestorian 
church, two mosques, and twelve temples of various idols, 
may represent in some degree the number and division of 
inhabitants. Yet a French missionary declares, that the 
town of St. Denys, near Paris, was more considerable than 
the Tartar capital ; and that the whole palace of Mangou 
was scarcely equal to a tenth part of that Benedictine abbey. 
The conquests of Russia and Syria might amuse the vanity 
of the great khans; but they Avere seated on the borders of 
China ; the acquisition of that empire was the nearest and 
most interesting object ; and they might learn from their 
pastoral economy, that it is for the advantage of the shep- 
herd to protect and propagate his flock. I have already 
celebrated the wisdom and virtue of a Mandarin wlio pre- 
A'ented the desolation of five populous and cultivated prov- 
inces. In a spotless administration of thirty years, this 
friend of his country and of mankind continually labored to 
mitigate, or suspend, the havoc of war; to save the monu- 
ments, and to rekindle the flame, of science ; to restrain 
the militarv commander by the restoration of civil macfis- 
trates ; and to instil the love of peace and justice into the 
minds of the Moguls. He struggled with the barbarism of 
the first conquerors ; but his salutary lessons produced a 
rich harvest in the second generation.* The northern, and 
by degrees the soutliern, empire acquiesced in tlie govern- 
ment of Cublai, the lieutenant, and afterwards the succes- 

3- Rubruqiiis found at Caracorum his countryman Guillaitme Honcher, orfevre 
de Paris, wiio had executed lor th;i klian a silver tree, supported by four iiojis, 
and ejecting four ditTerent liquors, Abulghazi (part jv. p. 3GG) ineutions the 
painters of Kitay or China. 

* See the interesting sketch of the life of this minister (Yelin-Tlisouthsai') in 
the second volume of the second series of llecherches Asiatiques, par A. Keinu- 
eat, p. 64.— M. 


sor, of Mjingou ; and the nation was loyal to a prince who 
had been educated in the manners of China. He restored 
tlie forms of her venerable constitution ; and the victors 
submitted to the laws, the fashions, and even the prejudices, 
of the vanquislied people. This j)eaceful triumph, which 
has been more than once repeated, may be ascribed, in a 
great measure, to the numbers and servitude of the Chinese. 
The Mogul army was dissolved in a vast and populous 
country; and their emperors adopted with pleasure a polit- 
ical system, which gives to tlie prince the solid substance of 
despotism, and leaves to the subject the empty names of 
philosophy, freedom, and filial obedience.* Under the 
reign of Cublai, letters and commerce, peace and Justice, 
were restored ; the great canal, of five hundred miles, was 
opened from Kan kin to the capital ; he fixed his residence 
at Pekin ; and displayed in his court the magnificence of 
the greatest monai'ch of Asia. Yet this learned prince de- 
clined from the pure and simple religion of his great ances- 
tor : he sacrificed to the idol Fo ; and his blind attachment 
to the lamas of Thibet and the bonzes of China ^^ provoked 
the censure of the disciples of Confucius. His successors 
polluted the palace with a crowd o£ eunuchs, physicians, 
and astrologers, while thirteen millions of their subjects 
were consumed in the provinces ty^faminc. One hundred 
and forty years after the death of Zingis, his degenerate 
race, the dynasty of the Yuen, was expelled by a revolt of 
the native Chinese ; and the Mogul emperors were lost in 
the oblivion of the desert. Before this revolution, they had 
forfeited their supremacy over the dependent branches of 
their house, the khans of Kipzak and Russia, tlie khans of 
Zagatai, or Transoxiana, and the khans of Iran or Persia. 
13y tlieir distance and power, these royal lieutenants had 
soon been released from the duties of obedience ; and after 
the death of Cublai, they scorned to accept a sceptre or a 
title from his unworthy successors. According to their 
respective situation, they maintained the sim|)licity of the 
])astoral life, or assumed the luxury of the cities of Asia ; 
but tlie princes and their hordes were alike disposed for 

33 The attaflimeiit of the khans, and the hatred of the mandarins, to the 
bonzes and lainad (Duhalde, Iii.-t. do la Chine. tODi. i. pp. 502, 5.).;) seem to repre- 
sent them as the priests of the same god, of the Indian Fo, whose worship pre- 
vails among the sects of Hindostan, Siam, Thibet, China, and Japan. But this 
mysterious subject is Plill lost in the cloud, which the researches of our Asiatic 
Society may gradually dispel. 

* Compare Hist, des Mongols, p. G16.— M. 


the reception of fi foreiiijn worship. After some hesitation 
bet^ween tlie Gospel nnd the Koran, tliey conformed to the 
religion of Mahomet , and while they ado])ted for their 
brethren the Arabs and Persians, they renouncerl all inter- 
coui'se with the ancient Moguls, the idolaters of China. 

In this shipwreck of nations, some surprise may be ex- 
cited by the escape of the Roman empire, whose relics, at 
the time of the Mogul invasion, were dismembered by the 
Greeks and Latins. Less potent than Alexander, they 
were pressed, like the Macedonian, both in Europe and 
Asia, by the she])hercls of Scythia; and had the Tartars 
undertaken the siege, Constantinople must have yielded to 
the fate of Pekin, Sainarcand, and Bagdad. The glorious 
and voluntary retreat of Baton from the Danube was in- 
sulted by the vain triumph of the Franks and Greeks ; ^^ 
and in a second expedition death sur})rised him in full 
march to attack the capital of the Coesars. His brother 
Borcja carried the Tartar arms into Bulgaria and Thrace : 
but he was diverted from the Byzantine war bv a visit to 
Novogorod^ in the fifty-seventh degree of latitude, Avhere 
he numbered the inhabitants and regulated the tributes of 
Russia. The Mogul khan formed an alliance with the 
Mamelukes asfainst his brethren of Persia: three hundred 
thousand horse penetrated through the gates of Derbend ; 
and the Greeks might rejoice in the first example of domes- 
tic war. After the recovery of Constantino] )le, Michael 
Pf.Jseologus,^^ at a distance from his court and army, was 
surprised and surrounded in a Tliracian castle, by twenty 
thousa.nd Tartars. But the object of their march was a 
private interest : they came to the deliverance of Azzadin, 
the Turkish sultan ; and were content with his person and 
the treasure of the emperor. Their general Noga, whose 
nnme is perjoetuated in the hordes of Astracan, raised a 
formidable rebellion against Mengo Timour, the third of the 
khans of Kipzak : obtained in marriage Maria, the natural 
daughter of Paloeologus ; and guarded the dominions of his 
friend and father„ Tlie subsequent invasions of a Scythian 
cast were those of outlaws and fugitives : and some thou- 
sands of Alani and Comans, who had been driven from their 

•''* Some repulse of the Moguls in Himgary (]NTatthew Taris. pp. 54.", 5-16) niieht 
propagate and color the report of the union and victory of the kings of the 
Franks <»n the confines of Bulgaria. Abulpharagius (Dynast, p. 310) after forty 
years, hcvond the Tigris, might be easily deceived. 

'■^•> See "Pachymer, 1. iii. c. 25, and 1. ix. c. 26, 27 ; and the false alarm at Kice, 
1. ii. 0. 27. Nicephorus Gregorae, 1. iv.c. 6. 


native seats, were reclaimed from a vagrant life, and en- 
listed to the service of the empire. Such was the influence 
in Eui'ope of the invasion of the Moguls. The first tei-ror 
of their arms secured, rather than disturbed, the |)eace of 
the Roman Asia. The sultan of Icouium solicited a per- 
sonal interview with John Vataces ; and his artful policy 
encouracred the Turks to defend their barrier a^-ainst the 
common enemy.^^ That barrier indeed was soon over, 
thrown ; and the servitude and ruin of the Seljukians ex- 
posed the nakedness of the Greeks. The formidable Hola- 
gou threatened to march to Constantinople at the head of 
four hundred thousand men ; and the groundless panic of 
the citizens of Nice will present an image of the terror 
which he had inspired. The accident of a procession, and 
the sound of a doleful litany, "From the fury of the Tar- 
tars, good Lord, deliver us," had scattered the hasty report 
of an assault and massacre. In the blind credulitv of fear, 
the streets of Nice wei'e crowded with thousands of both 
sexes, who knew not from what or to whom they f]ed ; and 
some hours elapsed before the firmness of the military offi- 
cers could relieve the city from this imaginary foe. Bjt 
the ambition of Holagou and his successors was fortunately 
diverted by the conquest of Bagdad, and a long vicissitude 
of Syrian wars; their hostility to the Moslems inclined 
them to unite with the Greeks and Franks ;^^ and their 
generosity or contempt had offered the kingdom of Anatolia 
as the reward of an Armenian vassal. The fragments of 
the Seljukian monnrcriy were disputed by the emirs who 
liad occuj)ied the cities or the mountains ; but they all con- 
fessed the su])remacy of the khans of Persia ; and he often 
interposed his authoi-ity, and sometimes his arms, to check 
their depredations, and tcr]>reserve the peace and balance 
of his Turkish frontier. The death of Cazan,^^ one of the 
greatest and most accom])lished princes of the ho.ise of 
Zingis, removed this salutary control, and the decline of 
the Moguls gave a free sco2)e to the rise and progress of 
the Ottoman Empire.^ 

S6 O. Aoropolita, pp. 30, 37. Nic. Crejr. 1. ii. c. 6, 1. iv. c 5. 

" Abul >h;i a cin , who wrote in the yeai* 1J84, declares that the Mosjiils. sinre 
the fabulous deieat of Hiitou, liad not attacked either tl)e Franks or Greeks ) 
and of this he is a f'omf>etent witnes.'*. Hayton likewise, the Armenian prince, 
celebrates lh"-ir frif-ndshio for himself and liis nation. 

M Pa' h" nier gives a 8r)len<lid charMctei oT C'a7an Khan, the rival of Cyrus and 
Alexaniler (1. xi,. c. 1'. In ih- (O 'cinsion of his his'or.' (1. xiii. c. 36) he Imjies 
much from the arr,v;d of 3ii,()fMi 'J'odiars, f)r Tariars. who were ordered by the 
successor of (azan i<i restrain the 'i'urksof p.iiliynia. A. I>, loOS. 

** The origin of the Ottoman dynasty is illustrated by the critical learning of 


After tho retreat of Zinoris, the Sultan Gelaleddin of 
Carizme had returned from India to the possession and de- 
fence of his Persian kingdoms. In the space of eleven 
years, that hero fought in person fourteen battles ; and such 
was his activity, that he led his cavalry in seventeen days 
from Teflis to Kerman, a march of a thousand miles. Yet 
he was oppressed by the jealousy of the Moslem princes, and 
the innumerable armies of the Moguls ; and after his last de- 
feat, Gelaleddin perished ignobly in the mountains of Cur- 
distan. His death dissolved a veteran and adventurous 
army, which included under the name of Carizmians or Cor- 
asmins many Turkman hordes, that had attached themselves 
to the sultan's fortune. The bolder and more powerful 
chiefs invaded Syria, and violated the holy sepulchre of 
Jerusalem : the more humble engaged in the service of 
Aladin, sultan of Iconium ; and among these were the ob- 
scure fathers of the Ottoman line. They had formerly 
pitched their tents near the southern banks of the Oxus, in 
the plains of Mahan and Nesa ; and it is somewhat i-emark- 
able, that the same spot sliould have produced the first 
authors of the Parthian and Turkish empires. At the head, 
or in the rear, of a Carizmian army, Soliman Shah was 
drowned in the passage of the Euphrates : his son Orthogrul 
became the soldier and subject of Aladin, and established 
at Surgut, on the banks of the Sangar, a camp of four hun- 
dred families or tents, whom he governed fifty-two years 
both in peace and Avar. He was the father of Thaman, or 
Athman, whose Turkish name has been melted into the ap- 
pellation of the caliph Othman ; and if W3 describe that 
pastoral chief .as a shepherd and a robber, we must separate 
from those characters all idea of ignominy and baseness. 
Othman ])ossessed, and perhaps mirpassed, the ordinary vir- 
tues of a soldier; and the circumstances of time and ])lace 
were propitious to his independence and success. The Sel- 
jukian dynasty was no more; and the distance and decline 
of the Moo'ul khans soon enfranchised him from the control 
of a superior. He was situate on the verge of the Greek 
em]>ire : the Koran sanctified his gazi^ or holy war, against 
the infidels ; and their j^olitical errors unlocked the passes 

MM. De Guigjies (Hist, des Huns, torn, iv, pp. 329-337) and D'Anville (Empire 
Tiirc, pp. 14 Tl), two inhabitants of Paris, from whom the Orientals may leain 
the history and geography of their own country.* 

* They may he still more enliglitf ned by the Geschichto des Osmanischen 
teiches/by 31. voi^ Hammer Purgstali of Vienna. — M. 


of Mount Olympus, and invited him to descend into the 
plains of Bithynia. Till the reign of Palaeologus, these 
passes had been vigilantly guarded by the militia of the 
country, who were repaid by their o^vn safety and an ex- 
emption from taxes. The emperor abolished their privilege 
and assumed their office ; but the tribute was rigorously col- 
lected, the custody of the passes was neglected, and the 
hardy mountaineers degenerated into a trembling crowd of 
])easants without spirit or discipline. It was on the twenty- 
seventh of July, in the year twelve hundred and ninety- 
nine of the Christian aera, that Othman first invaded the ter- 
ritory of Nicomedia;^^ and the singular accuracy of the 
date seems to disclose some foresight of the rapid and de- 
structive growth of the monster. The annals of the twenty- 
seven years of his reign would exhibit a repetition of the 
same inroads ; and his hereditary troops were multiplied 
in each cam])aign by the accessi(m of captives and volun- 
teers. Instead of retreating to the hills he maintained the 
most useful and defensive posts ; fortified the towns and 
castles which he had first pillaged; and renounced the pas- 
toral life for the baths and palaces of his infant capitals. 
But it was not till Othman was oppressed by age and in- 
firmities, that he received the welcome news of the conquest 
of Prusa, which had been surrendered by famine or treach- 
ery to the arms of his son Orchan. The glory of Othman is 
chiefly founded on that of his descendants ; but the Turks 
have transcribed or composed a royal testament of his last 
counsels of justice and moderation.^^ 

<'' See Pachymer, 1. x. c. 25, 20. 1. xiii. c. 33, 34, 31 ; and concerning the gnard 
of the mountains, 1. i. c. 3-G ; Nicephorus Gregoras, 1. vii. c 1, and the lirst book 
of Laonicus (Jhalcondyles, tlie Athenian. 

*' I am ignorant whether the Turks have any writers older than Mahomet 
II.,* nor (an I reach beyond a meagre chronicle (Annales Turcici ad AnAum 
1550) translated by John Gaudier, and published by Leunclavius (ad calccm 

* We could have wished that M. von Hammer had given a more clear and 
distinct rei)ly to this question of Gibbon, In a note, vol. i. p. GiJO, M. von Ham- 
mer shows tbat they had not only sheiks (religious writers) and learned lawyers, 
but poets and auihors on medicine. But the inquiry of Gibbon obviously refers 
to historians. The oldest of their historical works, of which V. Hammer niakea 
use, is tlie '• Tarichi Aaschik Pas(;hasade," i. e., the History of the Great Grand- 
Bon of .Aaschik Pa-ha, who was a dervis and celebrated ;iscetic poet in Ihe reign 
of Murad (Amura'.h) !. Ahmed, the author of the work, lived during the reign of 
Bajazet 11., but, lie says, derived much information from the book of Sclieik 
Jachshi. the eon of Klfas, who was Imaum to Sultnn Orchan (the second Olloman 
kinc), and who related, from the lips of his father, the circumstances of the 
earliest Ottoman history. This book (having searched for it in vain for tive-and- 
twenty years) our author fouiul at length in the Vatican. All the other Turkish 
histories on his list, as indeed this, were written during the reign of Mahomet II. 
It does not appear whether any of the rest cite earlier authorities of equal value 
with that claimed by the "Tarichi Aaflchik Paschasadc."— M. (in Qiuuterly 
Review, vol. xlix. p. 292). 


From the conquest of Prusa, ^ve may date the true aera 
of tlie Ottoman empire. Tlie lives and ])ossessions of the 
Christian subjects Averc redeemed by a tribute or ransom of 
thirty thousand crowns of gold ; and the city, by the lal)ors 
of Orchan, assumed the aspect of a Maliometan capital ; 
Prusa was decorated with a mosque, a college, and a hospi- 
tal, of royal foundation ; the Seljukian coin was changed for 
the name and im])ression of tlie new^ dynasty ; and the 
most skilful professors of human and divine knowledge, at- 
tracted the Persian and Arabian students from the ancient 
schools of Oriental learning:. The office of vizier was insti- 
tuted for Aladin, tlie brother of Orchan ; * and a different 
habit distinguished the citizens from the peasants, the Mos- 
lems from tl\e infidels. All the troops of Othman had con- 
sisted of loose squadrons of Turkman cavalry ; wdio served 
witliout pay and fought without discipline : but a regular 
body of infantry w^as first established and trained by the 
prudence of his son. A great number of volunteers was en- 
rolled with a small stipend, but with the permission of living 
at home, unless they were summoned to the field : their 
rude manners, and seditious temper, disposed Orchan to 
educate his young captives as his soldiers and those of the 
propliet ; but the Turkish peasants were still allowed to 
mount on horseback, and follow his standard, with the ap- 
pellation and the hopes of freebooters.^ By these arts he 
formed an army of twenty-hve thousand Moslems : a train 
of batterimx en2:ines was framed for the use of siei^es : and 
the first successful exj)eriment was made on the cities of 
Nice and Nicomedia. Orchan granted a safe-conduct to all 
who were desirous of departing with their families and 
effects ; but the widows of the slain were given in marriage 
to the conquerors ; and the sacrilegious plunder, the books, 
the vases, and the images, were sold or ransomed at Con- 

Laonic. Chalcond. pp. 311-350), with copious pandects, or commentaries. The 
history of tlie Growth and Decay (A- D. l.J00-l(J8o) of tlie Othman empire was 
translated into English from the Latin IMS. of Demetrius Cantemir, prince of 
Moldavia (I.ondon, 17.4, in folio). The author is guilty of strange blunders in 
Oriental history ; but he was conversant with the language, the annals, and 
institutions of the Turl<8. Cantemir partly draws his materials from the Synop- 
sis of Saadi ElTendi of Larissa, dedicated iii the year 1U9G to Sultan Mustapha, 
and .. valuable abridgment of the original historians. In one of the Kamblers, 
Dr. .Johnson praises Knolles (a General History of the Turks to the present 
Year. London, 1603) as the iirst of historians, unhappy only in the choice of his 
Bubject. Yet I much douL'^ whether a partial and verbose compilation from 
Latin writers, thirteen hundred folio pages of speeches ai\d battles, can either 
instruci or amnse an eidightened age, which requires from the historian some 
tincture of i)hilosophy and criticism. 

* Von Hanuner, Osm. Goschichte, vol. i. p. 82 — M. 

t Ibidc p. 01.— M. 


stantinople. The emperor Andronicus the Younger was 
vanquishecl and wounded by the son of Otlinian : ^- '■' he sub- 
dued the whole provinee or kingdom of Bitliynia, as far as 
the shores of tlie Bospliorus and Plellespont ; and the Chris- 
tians confessed the justice and clemency of a reign wjjich 
claimed the voluntary attachment of the Turks of Asia. 
Yet Orchan was content with the modest title of emir ; and 
in the list of his compeers, the princes of Koum or Ana- 
tolia,'*^ his military forces were surpassed by the emirs of 
Gliermian and Caramania, each of whom could bring into 
the field an army of forty thousand men. Their dominions 
were situate in the heart of the Seljukian kingdom : but the 
lioly warriors, though of inferior note, who formed new 
principalities on the Greek empire, are more conspicuous in 
the liufht of history. The maritime country from the Pro- 
pontis to the Maeander and the Isle of Rhodes, so long 
threatened and so often pillaged, was finally lost about the 
thirtieth year of Andronicus the Elder.''^ Two Turkish 
chieftains, Sarukhan and Aidin, left their names to their 
conquests, and their conquests to their posterity. The 
captivity or ruin of the seoe?i churches of Asia was con- 
summated ; and the barbarous lords of Ionia and Lydia 
still trample on the monuments of classic and Chris- 
tian antiquity. In the loss of Ephesus, the Christians 
deplored the fall of the first angel, the extinction of 
the first candlestick, of the Revelations ; ^^ the desolation 
is complete ; and the temple of Diana, or the church of 
]Mary, will equally elude the search of the curious traveller. 
The circus and three stately theatres of Laodicea are now 
peopled with wolves and foxes ; Sardes is reduced to a mis- 
erable village ; the God of Mahomet, without a rival or a 

*- Contacuzeiie, tliough he relates the battle and heroic flight of the younger 
Andronicus (1. ii. c. 6, l, 8), dissembles by lii^ silence the loss ot Priisa, Nice, and 
Nicomedia, which are f;urly confessed by Nicei»horus Gregoras (1. viii. If), ix. 9, 
13, xi. 6). it appears that Nice was taken by Orchan in 1.330, and Niconiedia la 
1.j3'J, which are somewh it different frf>m the T'lrkish dates. 

■'s xhe partition of the Tiirkisli emirs i/> extracted from two contemporaries, 
the Greek Nicephorus Gregoras (1. vii. 1) and the Arabian Marakeschi (De 
Guignes, torn. ii. P. ii. pp. 7(J, 77). See likewise the first book of Laonicus Chal- 

** Pachymer, 1. xiii. c. 13. 

<•''• See tlie Travels of Wheeler and Spon, of Pocock and Chandler, and more 
pa'ticnlarly Smith's Survey of the Seven Churches of Asia, pp. 1^05-270. The 
more pious antif)uaries labor to rt-concile the promises and threats of the author 
of tin; Revelations with the present state of the seven cities. I'erhaps it would 
be more ijrudent to conline his prcdiction.s to the characters and events of his own 

* For the conquests of Orchan over the ten pa^^haliks, or kingdoms of the 
Seljukian:-, in Asia Minor, see V. Hammer, vol. i. », 112. — M. 


son, is invoked in the mosques of Thyatira and Pergamus ; 
and the populousness of Smyrna is supported by tlie foreign 
trade of the Franks and Armenians. Phihidelphia ak)ne 
has been saved by prophecy, or courage. At a distance 
from tlie sea, forgotten by the emperors, encompassed on 
all sides by the Turks, her valiant citizens defended their 
religion and freedom above fourscore years ; and at length 
capitulated with the proudest of the Ottomans. Among 
the Greek colonies and churches of Asia, Philadelphia is 
still erect; a column in a scene of ruins; a pleasing ex- 
am ])le, tliat the paths of honor and safety may sometimes 
be the same. The servitude of Khodes was delayed about 
two centuries by the establishment of the knights of St. 
John of Jerusalem ; ^° under the discipline of the order, 
that island emerged into fame and opulence ; the noble 
and warlike monks were renowned by land and sea; and 
the bulwark of Christendom provoked, and repelled, the 
arms of the Turks and Saracens. 

The Greeks, by their intestine divisions, were the au- 
thors of their final ruin. Durinc: the civil wars of the elder 
and younger Androuicus, the son of Otliman achieved, 
almost Avithout resistance, the conquest of Bithynia ; and 
the same disorders encouraged the Turkish emirs of Lydia 
and Ionia to build a fleet, and to jullage the adjacent islands 
and the sea-coast of Europe. In the defence of his life and 
lionor, Cantacuzene was tempted to prevent, or imitate, his 
adversaries, by calling to his aid the public enemies of his 
religion and country. Amir, the son of Aidin, concealed 
under a Turkish garb the humanity and politeness of a 
Greek; he was united with the great domestic by mutual 
esteem and reciprocal services; and their friendship is com- 
pared, in the vain rhetoric of the times, to the perfect union 
of Orestes and Pylades.^' On the report of the danger of 
his friend, who was persecuted by an ungrateful court, the 
ju'ince of Ionia assembled at Smyrna a fleet of three hun- 
di'cd vessels, with an army of twenty-nine thousand men; 
sniled in the depth of winter, and cast anchor at the mouth 
of the Hebrus. From thence, with a chosen band of two 

^e Consult the ivth book of the Histoire de I'Ordre de Mallhe. par I'Ahb^ de 
Vertot. That pleasinsj writer betrays liis ignorance, in supposing that Othman, 
a freebooter of the Bithyni-m hills, could be-iege Rhodes by sea and laud. 

*'' Nicephorns Gregoras has expatiated with pleasure on this amiable cliarac- 
ter (1. xii. 7, xiii. 4, 10, xiv. 1, 0, xvi. 6). Cantacuzene speaks with honor and 
esteem of his ally (1. iii. c. 56, 57, 63. 61, 66. 07, 6S. 86, SO, !)5, J)6) ; but he seems 
ignorant of his own sentimental passion for the Turk, and indirectly denies the 
possibility of much unnatural friendship (.1, iv. c. 40). 



thousand Turks, he marched along the banks of the river, 
and rescued the empress, who was besieged in Demotica by 
the wihl Bulgarians. At that disastrous moment, the life 
or death of his beloved CantacuzcMie was (concealed by his 
flight into Servia : but the grateful Irene, impatient to be- 
hold her deliverer, invited him to enter the city, and accom- 
panied her message with a present of rich apparel, and a 
hundred horses. By a peculiar strain of delicacy, the gentle 
Barbarian refused, in the absence of an unfortunate friend, 
to visit his wife, or to taste the luxuries of the palace ; sus- 
tained in his tent the rigor of the winter; and rejected the 
liospitable gift, that he might share the hardships of two thou- 
sand companions, all as deserving as himself of that honor 
and distinction. Necessity and revenge might justify his 
predatory excursions by sea and land : he left nine thousand 
five hundred men for the guard of his fleet; and persevered 
in the fruitless search of Cantacuzene, till his embarkation 
was hastened by a fictitious letter, the severity of the sea- 
son, the clamors of his independent troops, and the Aveight 
of his spoil and captives. In the prosecution of the civil 
war, the prince of Ionia twice returned to Europe; joined 
his arms with -those of the emperor; besieged Thessalonica, 
and threatened Constantinople. Calumny might afiix some 
reproaxih on his imperfect aid, his hasty departure, and a 
bribe of ten thousand crowns, which he accepted from the 
Byzantine court ; but his friend was satisfied ; and the con- 
duct of Amir is excused by the more sacred duty of defend- 
ing agamst the Latins his hereditary dominions. The mar- 
itime power of the Turks had united the pope, the king of 
Cyprus, the republic of Venice, and the order of St. Joiin, 
In a laudable crusade; their galleys invaded the co<ist of 
Ionia; and Amir was slain with an arrow, in the attempt to 
wrest from the Rhodian knights the citadel of Smyrna.^ 
Before his death, he generously recommended another ally 
of his own nation : not more sincere or zealous than himself, 
but more able to afford a prompt and powerful succor, by 
his situation along the Propontis and in the front of Con- 
stantinople. By tlie prospect of a more advantageous treaty, 
the Turkish ])rince of Bithynia was detached from his en- 
gagements with Anne of Savoy; and the pride of Orchan 
dictatcid the most solemn protestations, that if he could ob- 
tain the daughter of Cantacuzene, he would invariably fulfil 

^* After the conquest of Snivnia by the Lntins. tlie defeiioe of this fort'-ess 
was Imposed by Pope Grej^ory XL on the knijijhLs of Uhodcs (.see VertoL, 1. v.). 


the duties of a subject and a son. Parental tenderness was 
silenced by the voice of ambition: the Greek cler2:v con- 
nived at the marriage of a Chriiftian princess witli a sectary 
of Mahomet ; and the father of Theodora describes, with 
shameful satisfaction, the dishonor of the purple. ^^ A body 
of Turkish cavalry attended the ambassadors, who disem- 
barked from thirty vessels, before his camp of Selybria. A 
stately pavilion Avas erected, in which tlie empress Irene 
passed the night with her daugliters. In the morning, Theo- 
dora ascended a throne, which was surrounded with cur- 
tains of silk and gold : the troops were under arms ; but the 
emperor alone was on horseback. At a signal the curtains 
were suddenly withdrawn, to disclose the bride, or the vic- 
tim, encircled by kneeling eunuchs and hymeneal torches : 
the sound of flutes and trumpets proclaimed the joyful event ; 
and her pretended happiness was the theme of the nuptial 
song, which was chanted by such poets as the age could pro- 
duce. Witliout the rites of the church, Theodora was de- 
livered to her barbarous lord : but it had been stipulated, 
that she sliould preserve her religion in the harem of Bursa; 
and her father celebrates her charity and devotion in ih'iA 
ambiguous situation. After his peaceful establishmen,^ on 
tlie throne of Constantinople, the Greek emperor visited his 
Turkish ally, who with four sons, by various wives, ejq^ected 
liim at Scutari, on the Asiatic shore. The two princes par- 
took, with jseeining cordiality, of the ])leasures of the ban- 
quet and the chase , and Theodora was ])ermitted to re|)nss 
the Bospliorus, and to enjoy some days in the society of her 
mother. But the triendship of Oichan was sul)servient to 
his religion and interest; and in the Genoese war he joined 
without a blush the enemies of Cantacuzene 

In the treaty with the em])ress Anne, the Ottoman prince 
had inserted a singular condition, that it should be lawful 
for him to sell his prisoners at Constantinoj^le, or transport 
them into Asia. A naked crowd of Christians of both sexes 
and every age, of priests and monks, of matrons and virgins, 
was exposed in the public market ; the Avhip was frequently 
used to (piicken the charity of redemjuion ; and the indi- 
gent Greeks de})lored the fate of their brethren, who were 
led away to the worst evils of temporal and sj)iritual bond- 

'•*' See CantacuzeDUS, ! iii. c Or,. Xicojihc'ius ('{reroras. wlo, for the light of 
jNIount Thabor. biaiuN the oniperor. with the nanus of tyrant anil Herod, ex- 
cuses, latlier than lOanns, thit^ Turkish marriage, and alleges the passion and 

power Ol Orchan, eyyvTaTOv, nai T I 61 ra/ua. iou<; Kar' nvTov ri6r] lltpcriKOu? (J'nrk'tsll) 

vnepaipuii' ^aTpdnaq (1. XV 5) He afterwards celebrates Lis kinj^dom anduriuies 
See his leigu iu Canttnur, pp. l'4-30. 


ii<XQ.^^ Cantacuzene Avas reduced to subscribe the same 
terms ; and their execution must liave been still more per- 
nicious to the empire : a body of ten thousand Turks had 
been detached to the assistance of the em])ress Anne ; but 
the entire forces of Oi'chan were exerted in tne service of 
liis father. Yet these calamities were of a transient nature; 
as soon as the storm had passed away, the fui:^itives mijjjht 
return to their liabitations ; and at the conclusion of the civil 
and ioreign Avars, Europe was com])letely evacuated by the 
Moslems of Asia. It was in his last quarrel with his pupil 
that Cantacuzene inflicted the deep and deadly Avound, which 
could never be healod by his successors, and Avhich is poorly 
expiated by his theological dialogues against the prophet 
Mahomet. Ignorant of their own history, the modern 
Turks confound their first and their final passage of the 
Hellespont, ^^ aiul describe the son of Orchan as a nocturnal 
robber, Avho, Avith eighty companions, explores by stratagem 
a hostile and unknown shore. Soliman, at the head of ten 
thousand horse, Avas transported in the vessels, and enter- 
tained as the friend, of the Greek emperor. In the civil 
Avars of Romania, he ])erformed some service and perpe- 
trated more mischief; but the Chersonesus Avas insensibly 
filled with a Turkish colony ; and the I^yzantine court solic- 
ited in vain the restitution of the fortresses of Thrace. 
After some artful delays between the Ottoman prince and 
his son, their ransom Avas valued at sixty thousand crowns, 
and the first payment had been made when an earthquake 
shook the AvalJs and cities of the provinces; the dismantled 
places were occuixicd by the Turks; and Gallipoli, the key 
of the Hellespont, was rebuilt and reneopled by the policy 
of Soliman. The abdication of Cantacuzene dissolved the 
feeble bands of domestic alliance; and his last advice ad- 

50 The most lively and concise picture of tliis captivity may be found in the 
history of iJiicas (^c. 6), who fairly describes what Cautacuzeiie confesses wiLli a 
guilty blush ! 

^1 In this pas-a:je and the first conquests in Europe, Cantemir (p. 27, &c.) gives 
a miserable idea of his Turkish guides ; nor am I nnich better sat;slied with C'hal- 
condyles (1. 1. p. 12, &c.). Tliev forget to consult the most authentic record, the 
ivth book of Cantacuzene. 1 likwise regret the last books, which are still man- 
uscript, of Kicephorus Gregoras.* 

♦ A'on Hammpr excuses the silence with wlnrh the Turkish historians pas8 
over ihe earlier intercourse of ihe Ottomans with the European continent, of 
which he enunierates sixteen different o<!casions. as if they disdained tho-e peace- 
ful incursions l)y wludi they gained no conquest, and established no permanent 
fooling on the liyzantine territory. ()f the romantic account of Solimau's first 
expedili<»n. he says, "'As yet the prose of history had not asserted its li^dit :)ver 
the poetry of tra<lition. ' This defence would scarcely be accepted as .s;i,tislac- 
tory by the historian of the Decline and Fall.— JNI. (,iu Qi^^^^'Lerly Review, vol. xiix. 
p. ^93). 


monished his countrymen to decline a rash contest, and to 
compare their own weakness with tlie numbers and valor, 
ti.e discipline and enthusiasm, of the Moslems. His pru- 
dent counsels were despised by the headstrong vanity of 
youth, and soon justified by the victories of the Ottomans. 
But as he practiced in the field the exercise of the jerid^ 
Soliman was killed by a fall from his horse ; and the aged 
Orchan wept and expired on the tomb of his valiant son.* 
But the Greeks had not time t(5 rejoice in the death of 
their enemies ; and the Turkish cimeter Avas wielded with 
the same spirit by Amurath the First, the son of Oixhm, 
and the bi'other of Soliman. By tlie pale and fainting 
liglit of the Byzantine annals,^^ we can discern, that he sub- 
dued without resistance the whole province of Romania or 
Thrace, from the Hellespont to Mount Ha^mus, and the 
verge of the capital ; and that Adrianople was chosen for 
the royal seat of his government and religion in Europe. 
Constantinople, whose decline is almost coeval with her 
foundation, had often, in the lapse of a thousand years, been 
ass.-.ulted by the Barbarians of the East and West ; but 
never till this fatal hour had the Greeks been surrounded, 
both in Asia and Europe, by the arms of the same hostile 
monarchy. Yet tlie prudence or generosity of Amurath 
postponed for a while this easy conquest ; and his pride was 
satisfied with the fi-equent and humble attendance of the 
emperor John Paloeologus and his four sons, who followe I 
at his summons the court and camp of the Ottoman |)rince. 
He marched against the Sclavonian nations between the 
Dauibe and the Adriatic, the Bulgarians, Servians, Bos- 
nians, and Albanians ; and these w^arlike tribes, who had so 
often insulted the majesty of the em|)ire, were repeatedly 
broken by his destructive inroads. Their countries did not 
abound either in gold or silver ; nor were their rustic ham- 
lets and townships enriched by commerce or decorated by 
the arts of luxury. But the natives of the soil have been 
distinguished in every age by their hardiness of mind and 
body ; and they were converted by a prudent institution 
into the firmest and most faithful supporters of the Otto- 
man greatness.^^ The vizier of Amurath reminded his 

52 After the conclusion of Cantacuzene and Gregoras, llieve follows a dark 
interval of a hundred years, George Pliranza, JMlcliael Ducas, and Laonicus 
Chalcondvles, all three wrote after the taking of CunBtantinople- 

" See Cantemir, pp. 37-41, with his own large and curious annotations. 

* In the 75th year of his age, the o5th of his reign. V. Hammer.— M. 


sovereiixn tliat, accordinii^ to the Mahometan law, he was 
entitled to a fifth part of the s])oiI and caj)tives ; and that 
the duty might easily be levied, if vigilant officers were sta- 
tioned at Gallipoli, to watch the passage, and to select for 
his use the stoutest and most beautiful of the Christian 
youth. The advice was followed : the edict was ])ro- 
cl.iimed ; many thousands of the European captives were 
educated in religion and arms; and the new militia was con- 
secrated and named by a celebrated dervish. Standing in 
the front of their ranks, he stretched the sleeve of his gown 
over the head of the foremost soldier, and his blessing was 
delivered in these words: "Let them be called Janizaries 
( Yengi cheri^ or new soldiers) ; may their countenance be 
ever bright ! their hand victorious ! their sword keen ! may 
tlieir sjjcar always hang over the heads of their enemies ! 
and wheresoever they go, may they return with a lohite 
/Wce/"*^* Such was the origin of these haughty troops, 
the terror of the nations, and sometimes of the sultans them- 
selves. Their valor has declined, their disciplme is relaxed, 
and their tumultuary array is incapable of contending with 
the order and weaj)ons of modern tactics; but at the time 
of their institution, they possessed a decisive superiority in 
war ; since a regular body of infantry, m constant exercise 
and pay, was not maintained by any of the princes of Chris- 
tendom. The Janizaries fought with tlie zeal of proselytes 
against their idolatrous countrymen ; and in the battle of 
Cossova the league and independence of the Sclavonian 
tribes was finally crushed. As the conqueror walked over 
the field, he observed that the greatest part of the slain con- 
sisted of beardless youths; and listened to the flattering 
reply of his vizier, that age and wisdom would have taught 
them not to oppose his irresistible arms. But the sword of 
his Janizaries could not defend him fi'om the daf}:2:er of de- 
spair; a Servian soldier started from the crowd of dead 
bodies, and Amurath was pierced in the belly with a mortal 
wound. t The grandson of Othman was mild in his temper, 

'^ White and b'ack face are oommon and prorerbinl exp-*"'p"ons of praise and 
reproach in tiie Turki-h language. Hie nlytr eat, hunc ta Kouiane caveto, was 
likewiiie a Latin sentence. 

* Accordinj; to Von Hnminer. vol. i. p. 90, Gibbon and the European writers 
assii^n too late a date tu tiiis enrolment of the Janizinies. It luoK piuue uol ill 
the reign of .Ainniath, but in that of his predecessor Orchan. — M. 

t Duoas ha.s rt-laied ihis as a <lelil)evate act of self-devotion on the part of a 
Servian ju)l)le who pretended to desert, and stubbed Ainnrath durin>; a confer- 
ence whicli he liMd jeqnested. 'Jhe, Italian translator of Ducas, pnblislied by 
liekker in the new edition of tlie Byzantines has siiil further heightened the 

Vol.. v.- 19 


modest in his apparel, and a lover of learninf^ and virtue; 
out the Moslems were scandalized at his absence from 
public worship ; and he was corrected by the firmness of the 
mufti, who dared to reject his testimony in a civil cause : a 
mixture of servitude and freedom not unfrequeut in Orien- 
tal history .^^ 

The character of Bajazet, the son and successor of Amu- 
rath, is strongly expressed in his surname of llderim^ or the 
lightning; and he might glory in an epithet, which was 
drawn from the fiery energy of his soul and the rapidity of 
his destructive march. In the fourteen years of his reign,^® 
he incessantly moved at the head of his armies, from 
Boursa to Adrianople, from the Danube to the Euphrates ; 
and, though he strenuously labored for the propagation of 
the law, he invaded, Avith impartial ambition, the Christian 
and Mahometan princes of Europe and Asia. From Angora 
to Amasia and Erzeroum, the northern resrions of Anatolia 
were reduced to his obedience: he stripped of their hered- 
itary possessions his brother emirs of Ghermian and Caia- 
mania, of Aidin and Sarukhan ; and after the conquest of 
Iconium the ancient kingdom of the Seljukians again re- 
vived in the Ottoman dynasty. Nor were the conquests of 
Bajazet less rapid or important in Europe. No sooner had 
he imposed a regular form of servitude on the Servians and 
Bulgarians, than he passed the Danube to seek new enemies 
and new subjects in the heart of Moldavia.^® Whatever yet 
adhered to the Greek empire in Thrace, Macedonia, and 
Thessaly, acknowledged a Turkish master : an obsequious 
bishop led him through the gates of Thermopylae into 
Greece ; and we may observe, as a singular fact, that the 

5' See tlie life and death of Morad, or Amurath I., in Cantemir (pp. 33-4r>), the 
ist book of Chalcondyles, and the Annales Tunici of Leiinclavius. According to 
aiiotlier storj', ihe sultan was stabbed by a Cioat in his tent; and this accident 
w;is allej^ed to Busbequius (Epist. i. p. *J8) as an excnse for the uiiwortliy precau- 
tion of pinioning, as it were, between two attendants, an ambassadors arms, 
when lie is introduced to the royal iiresence. 

-^ The reign of Bajazet I.. oV Ilderim Bayazid, is contained in Cantemir (p. 
46), the iid book of (Jbalcondyles, and the Annales Turcici. The surname of 
lldei'im, or lightning, is ;in example, that tbe conque ors and poets of every age 
have./t?// the trutli of a system which derives the sublime from the principle of 

^'' Cantemir, who celebrates the victories of the great Stephen over the Turks 
(V). 47), bad composed the ancient and modern state of his principality of Molda- 
via, which has been long promised, and is still unpublished. 

romance. See likewise in Yon Hammer (Osmanische Geschichte, vol. i. p. 138) 
the popular Servian account, which resembles that of Du>a.', and may ha> e 
been the source of that of his Italian translator. The Turkish account agrccS 
more nearly with Gibbon ; but the Servian (Milosch Kobilovisch), wlii' ^ he lay 
among the heap of the dead, pretended to have some secret to impart to Amu- 
nvth, and stabbed him while he leaned over to listen. — M. 


widow of a Spanish chief, who possessed the ancient seat of 
the oracle of Del])hi, deserved his favor by the sacrifice of 
a beauteous daugliter. The Turkish communication be- 
tween Europe and Asia had been dangerous and doubtful, 
till he stationed at Gallipoli a fleet of "galleys, to command 
the Hellespont and interce])t the Latin succors of Constan- 
tinople. While the monarch indulged his passions in a 
boundless range of injustice and cruelty, he imposed on his 
soldiers the most rigid laws of modesty and abstinence ; 
and the harvest was peaceably reaped and sold within the 
j)i-ecincts of his camp. Provoked by the loose and corrupt 
administration of justice, he collected in a house the judges 
and lawyers of his dominions, who expected that in a few 
moments the fire would be kindled to reduce them to ashes. 
His ministers trembled in silence : but an Ethiopian buf- 
foon presumed to insinuate the true cause of the evil : and 
future venality was left Avithout excuse, by annexing an ad- 
equate salary to the office of cadhi.^^ The humble title of 
emir was no loncrer suitable to the Ottoman srreatness ; and 
Bajazet condescended to acce])t a patent of sultan from the 
calij)lis who served in Egypt under the yoke of the Mame- 
lukes : ^^ a last and frivolous homage that was yielded by 
force to o])inion ; by the Turkish conquerors to the house of 
Abbas and the successors of the Arabian pro])het. The am- 
bition of the sultan was inflamed by the obligation of de- 
serving this august title ; and he turned his arms against 
the kingdom of Hungary, the perpetual theatre of the Turk- 
ish victories and defeats. Sigismond, the Hungarian king, 
was the son and brother of the emperors of the West : his 
cause was that of Europe and the church ; and on the re- 
port of his danger, the bravest knights of France and Ger- 
many were eao^er to march under his standard and that of 
the cross. In the battle of Nico])olis, Bajazet defeated a 
confederate armv of a hundred thousand Christians, who 
had pi-oudly boasted, that if the sky should fall, they could 
uphold it on their lances. The far greater part were slain 
or driven into the Danube; and Sigismond, escaping to 
Constantinople by the river and the Black Sea, returned 

58 Leunclav. Anual. Tnroici, pp. r518, 310. Tlie venality of the oadhis has long 
been an object of scandal and satire ; and if we distrust the observations of our 
travellers, we may consnlr the feeling of the Turks themselves (D'Herbelot, 
Bibliot. 0riental(\ pp. 2U). 217. 22i», 2:50). 

'"^ The fact,\\ hich is attested by the Arabic history of Ben Schounah, a contem- 
porary Syrian (De Giii<4n(;s, Hi>t. des llms, torn. iv. p. 3:5'')), destroys the testi- 
mony of Saad Effeiidi and Cautemir (pp. 14, 15), of the election of Othmau to the 
disuity of sultau. 


after a lonix circuit to liis exhausted kiiiGcdom.^ In the 
pride of victory, Bajazet threatened tliat he would besiege 
Buda ; tliat he would subdue the adjacent countries of Ger- 
many and Italy ; and that he would feed his horse with a 
bushel of oats on the altar of St. Peter at Rome. His ]u-og- 
ress was checked, not by the miraculous interposition of the 
apostle, not by a crusade of the Christian powers, but by a 
long and painful fit of the gout. The disorders of the moral, 
are sometimes corrected by those of the physical, world ; 
and an acrimonious humor falling on a single fibre of one 
man, may prevent or suspend the misery of nations. 

Such is the general idea of the Hungarian war ; but the 
disastrous adventure of the French has procured us some 
memorials which illustrate the victory and character of 
Bajazet. ^^ Tlie duke of Burgundy, sovereign of Flanders, 
and uncle of Charles the Sixth, yielded to the ardor of his 
son, John count of Nevers ; and the fearless youth was ac- 
companied by four princes. Ids cousins, and those of the 
French monarch. Their inexperience was guided by the 
Sire de Coucy, one of the best and oldest captains of 
Christendom;*^^ but the constable, admiral, and marshal of 
France ^^ commanded an army which did not exceed the 
number of a thousand knights and squires.* These splen- 
did names were the source of presumption and the bane of 
discipline. So many might aspire to command, that none 

CO f5ee the Decades Rerum HiingaricaruTn (Dec iii. 1. ii. |». 379) of Boiifinius, 
an Italian, who, in the xvtli centuiy. was invited into Hungary to compose an 
eloquent histoiy of that ki]igdom. Yet. if it be extant and accessible, 1 should 
give the preference to some homely clnonicle of the time and country. 

'1 I should not co'nplain of the labor of tliis work, if my materials were 
always derived from such books as the chronii le of honest Froissnrd (vol. iv. c. 
fiT, 6'i. 72, 74, 70-S.3, S.o. ST. 8fn, who read little, inquired much, and believed all. 
The ori<?inal Memoircs of the Mar^chal de Boucicault (Partie i. c. 22 -2S) add some 
facts, but they are dry and deticient, if compared with the pleasant garrulity of 

«>- An accnrate "Memoir oi the Life of Fncrnerrand VIL. Sire de Coucy, has 
been given bv the Baron de Zurlauben (Hist, de I'Acadcnde des Inscriptions, 
tom. XXV.). His rank and possessions were eqnallv considerable in France and 
England ; and, in l.'>7.o. he led an armv of a(lve)iturers into Switzerland, to re- 
cover a large patrimony which he claimed in right of his grandmother, the 
daughter of the emperor Albert I. of Austria (Sinner, Voyage dans la Suisse Oc- 
cidentale. tom. i. pp. 118-124.) 

63 That military ofHce. so respectable at present, was still more conspicuous 
when it was divided between two persons (Daniel, Hist, de la Mili<'e Fraii9oise, 
tom. ii. p. .5). One of these, the marshal of the crusade, was the famous Bouci- 
cault, who afterwards defended Constantinople, governed Genoa, invaded the 
coast of Asia, and died in the tickl of Azincour. 

* Darn, Hist, de Venice, vol. ii. p. 101, makes the whole French armTamoTint 
to 10.000 men, of whom 1000 were knights. Tlie curious volume of SdiiUberirer, 
a German of Munich, who was taken prisoner in the battle (edit. Munich, 1813), 
and which V. Hammer receives as authentic gives the whole number at 6000. 
See Sohiltberger, Reise in dem Orient, and V. Hammer, note, p. GIO.— M. 


were willing to obey; their nationnl spirit despised both 
their enemies nnd their allies ; and in tlie persuasion that 
Bajazet mould ^y^ or must fall, they began to ('oni])ute how 
80011 they should visit Constantinojile and deliver the holy 
sepulchre. When their scouts announced the a])proach of 
the Turks, the gay and thoughtless youths Avere at table, 
already heated with wine : they instantly clasped their 
armor, mounted their horses, rode full speed to the van- 
guard, and resented as an affront the advice of Sigismond, 
which would have deprived them of the right and honor of 
the foremost attack. The battle of Nicopolis would not 
Jiave been lost, if the French would have obeyed the pru- 
dence of the Hungarians ; but it might have been gloriously 
Avon, had the Hungarians imitated the valor of the French. 
They dis])ersed the first line, consisting of the troops of 
Asia; forced a rampart of stakes, which had been planted 
against the cavalry ; broke, after a bloody conflict, the Jan- 
izaries themselves; and were at length overwhelmed by 
the numerous squadrons that issued from the Avoods, and 
charged on all sides this handful of intrepid Avarriors. In 
the speed and secrecy of his march, in the order and evolu- 
tions of the battle, his enemies felt and admired the military 
talents of Bajazet. They accuse Ids cruelty in the use of 
victorv. After reserviuGc the count of ISTevers, and four-and- 
twentv lords,* whose birth and riches were attested bv his 
Latin intei'preters, the remainder of the French captives, 
who liad survived the slaughter of the day, were led before 
liis throne; and, as they I'efused to abjure their faith, were 
successively beheaded in his presence. The sultan was ex- 
asperated by the loss of Ids bravest Janizaries ; and if it be 
true, that, on the eve of the engagement, the French had 
massacred their Turkish prisoners,^^ they might im]^ute to 
themselves the consequences of a just retaliation. f A knight, 
whose life liad been spared, was permitted to return to 
Paris, that he might relate the deplorable tale, and solicit 

" For this odious fact, the Ahb6 de Vertot quotes the Kist. Anoiiynie de St. 
Deiiys, 1. xvi. c. 10, 11. (Ordre de Maltbe, torn. ii. p. 310.) 

* AcoordinGT to Schiltberfjer there were oiilv twelve French lords j^ranted to 
the prayer of the " duke of Burjiuiuly," and " Herr Stephau Synlher, and Johanu 
von Bodein." Sohiltberger, ]>. l.i. — M. 

t See Sciiiltberger's very graphic account of the massacre. He was led out to 
be sla.ijihtereil in cold blood with the rest of the Christian prisoners, amounting 
to l!»,o;)(). He was spared, at the intercession of the son of Bajazet, with a few 
other.", on fl<-eo;int of their extreme youth. No one under 20 years of aixt; was put 
to death. The '' (luke of Burgundy" was obliged to be a spectator of tlii;> butch- 
ery, wliich lasted from early in the morning till four o'clock, P. M. Jt cease<l 
only at the supplication of the leaders of Bajazet's army. Schiltberger, p. 14.— M. 


tho ransom of the noble captives. In tlic mean while, the 
count of Nevers, with the j)rinces and l)aroiis of France, 
were dragged along in the marches of the Tnrkish cam]), 
exposed as a grateful trophy to the Moslems of Euro])e and 
Asia, and strictly confined at Boursa, as often as Bnjazet 
resided in his capital. The sultan was pressed each day to 
expiate with their blood the blood of his martyrs ; but he 
had pronounced that they should liv^e, and either for mercy 
or destruction liis word was irrevocable. He was assured 
of their value and importance by the return of the messen- 
ger, and the gifts and intercessions of the kings of Fi-ance 
and of Cyprus. Lusignan presented him with a gold salt- 
cellar of curious workmanship, and of the price of ten thou- 
sand ducats ; and Cliarles the Sixth despatched by the way 
of Hungary a cast of Norwegian hawks, and six horse-loads 
of scarlet cloth, of fine linen of Rlieims, and of Arras tapes- 
try, representing the battles of the great Alexander. After 
much delay, the effect of distance rather than of art, Bajazet 
agreed to accept a ransom of two hundred thousand ducats 
for tho count of Nevers and the surviving princes and bar- 
ons : the marshal Boucicault, a famous warrior, Avas of the 
number of the fortunate; but the admiral of France had. 
been slain in battle, and the constable, with the Sire de 
Coucy, died in the prison of Boursa. This heavy demand, 
which was doubled by incidental costs, fell chiefly on the 
duke of Burgundy, or rather on his Flemish subjects, who 
were bound by the feudal laws to contribute for the knight- 
hood and captivity of the eldest son of their lord. For the 
faithful discharge of the debt, some merchants of Genoa 
were securitv to the amount of five times the sum , a lesson 
to those warlike times, that commerce and credit are the 
Imks of the society of nations. It had been stipulated m 
the treaty that the French captives should swear never to 
bear arms against the person of their conqueror , but the 
unirenerous restraint was abolislied bv Baiazet himself. "I 
desire," said he to the heir of Burgundy, '' thy oaths and 
thy arms. Thou art voung^, and mavesc be ambitious of 
effacing the disgrace or misfortune of tliy first chivalry. 
Assemble thy powers, proclaim thy design, and be assured 
that Bajazet will rejoice to meet thee a second time in a 
field of battle." Before their de])arture, they were indulged 
in tlie freedom and hospitality of the court of Boui-sa. The 
French princes admired the magnificence of tlie Ottoman, 
whose hunting and hawking equipage was composed of 


seven tliousaud huntsmen and seven thousnnd falconers.^^ 
In their presence, and at his command, tlie belly of one of 
Ids chamberlains was cut open, on a complaint against 
him for drinking the goat's milk of a ])oor woman. The 
stranirers were astonished bv this act of iustice ; but it was 
the justice of a sultan Avho disdains to balance the weight 
of evidence, or to measure the degrees of guilt. 

After his enfranchisement from an oppressive guardian, 
John PahTologus remained thirty-six years, the helpless, and, 
as it should seem, the careless spectator of the public ruin.^^ 
Love, or rather lust, was liis only vigorous passion ; and in 
the embraces of the wives and virgins of the city, the Turk- 
ish slave forgot the dishonor of the emperor of the Momans. 
Andronicus, his eldest son, had formed, at Adrianople, an in- 
timateandguilty friendship with Sauzes, the son of Amurath; 
and the two youths conspired against the authority and lives 
of their parents. The presence of Amurath in Europe soon 
discovered and dissipated their rash counsels ; and, after de- 
priving Sauzes of his sight, the Ottoman threatened his 
vassal with the treatment of an accomplice and an enemy, 
unless lie inflicted a similar punishment on his own son. 
Pala3ologus trembled and obeyed ; and a cruel precaution 
involved in the same sentence the childhood and innocence 
of John, the son of the criminal. But the operation was so 
mildly, or so unskilfully, performed, that the one retained 
the sight of an eye, and the other was afilicted only with the 
infirmity of squinting. Thus excluded from the succession, 
the two princes were confined in the tower of Anema; and 
the piety of Manuel, the second son of the reigning monarch, 
was rewarded with the gift of the Imperial crown. But at 
the end of two years, the turbulence of the Latins and the 
levity of the Greeks produced a revolution ; * and the two 
emperors were buried in the tower from whence the two 
prisoners were exalted to the throne. Another period of 
two years afforded Palaeologus and Manuel the means of 
escape : it Avas contrived by the magic or subtlety of a monk, 

«5 Sherefeddin Ali (Hist, de Timour Bee, 1. v. c. 13) allows Bajazet a round 
number of i?.,<M)i) olhcers and servants of the chase. A part of liis spoils was after- 
wards displayed ill a huiitinj^-niateh of Timour: 1. hounds with satin housings : 
2. leopards with collars set with jjwels ; 8. Grecian greyhounds ; and 4, dogsfiom 
Europe, as strong as African lions (iilem. 1. vi. c. 15). Bajazet was particularly- 
fond of liying his hawks at cranes (Chalcondyles, 1. ii. p. 3r>). 

'^'' For the reigns of John Paheologus and his son Manuel, from 1354 to 14U2, 
see Ducas. c. 9-15, Phranza, 1. i. c. lG-21j and the i::t and iid books of Chalcou- 
dyles, whose proper subject is diowned in a sea of episode. 

♦ According to Von Hammer it was tX& i>ower of Bajazet, vol. i. p. 218. — M. 


who was alternately named tlie angel or the devil : they fled 
to Scutari ; tlieir adherents armed in their cause ; and the 
two Byzantine factions displayed the ambition and animosity 
with which CiX3sar and Pompey had disj)uted the empire of 
the world. The Roman world was now contracted to a 
corner of Tln-ace, between tiie Propontis and tlie Black Sea, 
about fifty miles in length and thirty in breadth ; a space of 
ground not more extensive than the lesser principalities of 
Germany or Italy, if the remains of Constantinople had not 
still represented the wealth and populousness of a kingdom. 
To restore the ])ublic peace, it was found necessary to divide 
this fragment of the em})ire ; and while Palieologus and 
Manuel Avere left in possession of the capital, almost all that 
lay without the walls Avas ceded to the blind ])rinces, Avho 
fixed their residence at Rhodosto and Selymbria. In the 
tranquil slumber of royalty, the passions of John Paljeologus 
survived his reason and his strength : he deprived his favorite 
and heir of a blooming princess of Trebizond ; and while the 
feeble emperor labored to consummate his nuptials, Manuel, 
with a hundred of the noblest Greeks, was sent on a peremp- 
tory summons to the Ottoman i^orte. They served with 
honor in the wars of Bajazet ; but a plan of fortifying Con- 
stantinople excited his jealousy : lie threatened their lives ; 
the new Avorks Avere instantly demolished ; and Ave shall 
bestoAV a praise, perhaps above the merit of Palasologus, if 
Ave impute this last humiliation as the cause of his death. 

The earliest intellio'ence of that event Avas communicated 
to Manuel, Avho esca])ed Avith speed and seci'ecy from the 
palace of Boursa to the Byzantine throne. Bajazet affected 
a proud indifference at tlie loss of this valuable pledge ; and 
while he pursued his conquests in Europe and Asia, he left 
the emperor to struggle Avitli his blind cousin John of Selym- 
bria, Avho, in eight years of civil war, asserted his right of 
primogeniture. At length, the ambition of the victorious 
sultan pointed to the conquest of Constantinople ; but he 
listened to the advice of his vizier, who represented that 
such an enterprise might unite the poAvers of Christendom 
in a second and more formidable crusade. His epistle to 
the emperor Avas conceived in these Avords : "By the divine 
clemency, our invincible cimeter has reduced to our obe- 
dience almost all Asia, Avith many and large countries in 
Europe, excepting only the city of Constantinople ; for be- 
yond the Avails thou hast nothing left. Resign that city ; 
stipulate thy reAvard ; or tremble, for thyself and thy un- 


happy people, at the coiisequenoes of a rasli refusal." But 
his ambassadors were instructed to soften their tone, and to 
pro]K:)se a treaty, wliicli was subscribed with submission and 
gratitude. A truce of ten years was purchased by an annual 
tribute of thirty thousand crowns of gold ; the Greeks de- 
plored the public toleration of the law of Mahomet, and 
Bajazet enjoyed the glory of establishing a Turkish cadhi, 
and founding a royal mosque in the metropolis of the Eastern 
church.*^^ Yet this truce was soon violated by the restless 
sultan : in the cause of the prince of Selymbria, the lawful 
em])eror, an army of Ottomans again threatened Constanti- 
n(^ple ; and the distress of Manuel implored the protection 
of the kimr of France. His plaintive embassy obtained much 
])ity and some relief ; and the conduct of the succor was in- 
trusted to the marshal Boucicault,^^ whose religious chivalry 
was inflamed by the desire of revenging his captivity on the 
infidels. He sailed with four shii)S of war, from Aigues- 
mortes to the Hellespont ; forced the passage, which was 
guarded by seventeen Turkish galleys ; landed at Constan- 
tino))le a supply of six hundred men-at-arms and sixteen 
Imndred archers; and reviewed them in the adjacent plain, 
w^ithout condescending to numljer or array the multitude of 
Greeks. By his j^resence, the blockade was raised both by 
sea and land ; the flying squadrons of Bajazet were driven 
to a more respectful distance ; and several castles in Europe 
and Asia were stormed by the em])eror and the marshal, 
who fought with equal valor by each other's side. But the 
Ottomans soon returned with an increase of numbers ; and 
the intrepid Boucicault, after a year's struggle, resolved to 
evacuate a country which could no longer afford either pay 
or provisions for his soldiers. The marshal offered to con- 
duct Manuel to the French court, where he mioht solicit in 
person a sup])ly of men and money; and advised, in the 
mean while, that, to extinguish all domestic discord, he 
should leave his blind competitor on the throne. The pro- 
j)osal was embraced : the prince of Selymbria was introduced 
to the capital; and such was the public misery, that the lot 
of the exile seemed more fortunate than that of the sovereign. 
Instead of ap))lauding the success of his vassal, the Turkish 
sultan claimed the city as his own ; and on the refusal of the 
emjjeror John, Constantinople was more closely pressed by 

«^ Canteniir, pp. 50-53. Of tlie Greeks, Ducas alone (c. 1.3, 1") acknowl'dges 
the Turkish cadhi at Constantinople. Yet even Ducas dissembles the mos(jue. 

63 Memoires du bon lAIessire Jean le Maingre, dit Boucicault, Marechal de 
France, paitie ire, c. 30, 35. 


the calamities of war and famine. Against such an enemy 
prayers and resistance were alike unavailing; and tlie savage 
would have devoured his prey, if, in tlie fatal moment, he 
had not been overthrown by another savage stronger than 
himself. By the victory of Timour or Tamerlane, the fall 
of Constantinople was delayed about fifty years; and this im- 
portant, though accidental, service may justly introduce the 
life and character of the Mogul conqueror. 

OF TixE R0MA>7 e:.:?tre. 299 









The conquest and monarchy of the world was the first 
ooject of tlie lunbition of Timour. To live in the memory 
anci esteem or futui-e ages was the second wish of his niag- 
n.jnimons spirit. All the civil and military transactions of his 
re.'gn were diligently recorded in the journals of his secre- 
taries ; ^ the authentic nai-rative was revised by the pei-sons 
bestin!"ormed of each particular transact o i ; andit is bel ev.d 
in tlie empire and family of Timour, thar tlie monai-ch him- 
seii composed the comtnentcnnes ^ of his life, and the insti- 

1 These journals were communicated to Sherefeddin, or Cherefeddin Ali, a 
native of Ve/d, wjjo (onipoi-ed i;i the Persian iai guage a hiblory of 'J iiuour Bej;, 
which h IS been uuiislated inno French by i\L Pelit de la Croix (Paris, \T12. in 4 
vols. 12ino ) and has always been my faithful giu»le. His geography and chio- 
nology are woiiderlully accurate ; and he may b-i trusted for public facts, though 
he servilely praises the virtue and fortune of the hero. Tiraour's attention to 
procure intelligence from his own and foreign countries may be seen in the In- 
Slitut ons. pp. 21.5, 217. 349, .'51. 

2 Tin se Commentaries are yet unknown in Europe : but Mr. White gives some 
hope that th«'.y may be imported and translated by his friend Major Davy, vvlio 
liad rend in the East this "minute and faithful narrative of an interesting and 
eventiui period." ♦ 

♦ The manuscript of Major Davy has been translated by Major Stewart, a'td 
publi.hed by the Orient d Translatio i Ci'inniitti e of London. It conlans tha 
lile of 'I'mour, from his birth to his forty-lirst yeuj- ; but ihe last thirty years of 
western vsar aiid conquest are wanting. Majf)r Stewart intinnites that two man- 
uscripts exist in this country containing the whole work, but excuses himself, on 
ac o mt of hi- a-^e, from under'. ;iking the laborious task of completing the trans- 
lation. It is to be hoped that the Europfan public will be =oon enabled to ju<lge 

or J imoursnoiiui awanen a rennniscence oi me auirv oc A:cnoisnoj> i>,:iuii ; Jiie 
eavlv dawn and the gradual expres-ion of his not less splendid but more real 
visions of ambition are to:uh«'d with the simplicity of truth and nature. But 
we long tot s -ap* fioni the petty fends of the pastoral chieftain, to the tiiumphs 
and the legislation of the conqueror of the world.— M. 


tutlons ^ of his government.^ But these cares were ineffect- 
ual for the ])reservation of liis fame, and these precious me- 
morials in the Mog:u1 or Persian lansiuaixe were concealed 
from the world, or, at least, from the knowledge of Europe. 
The nations which he vanquished exercised a base and im- 
potent revenge ; and ignorance has long repeated the tale 
of calumny/ which had disfigured the birth and character, 
the person, and even the name, of Tamerlane.^ Yet his real 
merit would be enhanced, rather than debased, by the eleva- 
tion of a peasant to the throne of Asia; nor can his lame- 
ness be a theme of reproach, unless he had the weakness to 
blush at a natural, or ])erhaps an honorable, infirmity. f 

In the eyes of tlie Moguls, who held the indefeasible suc- 
cession of the house of Zingis, he was doubtless a rebel sub- 
ject ; yet lie sprang from the noble tribe of Berlass : his 
fifth ancestor, Carashar Xevian, had been the vizier % of 
Zagatai, in iiis new^ realm of Transoxiana ; and in the ascent 
of some generations, the branch of Timour is confounded, 

s I am ignorant whether the original institution, in the Turki or Mogul lan- 
guage, be htill extant. The Persic version, with an English translation, and 
most valuable index, was i)ublished (Oxford, ITSo, in -Jto.) by tlie joint labors of 
Major Davy ami Mr. Wliite, the Arabic professor. This work has been since 
translated from the Persic into French (Paris, 1787), by M. Langles, a learned Oii- 
entalist, who has added the life of Timour, and many curious notes. 

4 Shaw Allum, the present Mogul, reads, values, but cannot imitate, the insti- 
tutions of Ids great ancestor. The English translator relies on their i:ilernal 
evidence ; but if any suspicions should arise of fraud and fiction, they will not 
be dispelled by Major Davys letter. -^ The Orientals have never cultivated tlie 
art of criticism ; tlie patronage of a prince, less honorable, perhaps, is not less 
lucrative than tliat of a bookseller ; nor can it be deemed incredible that a Per- 
sian, the real author, should renounce the credit, to raise the value and price, of 
the work. 

5 The original of tlie tale is found in the following work, which is much 
e^teemeu for its florid elegance of style : Ahmed is Arabsiadm (Ahmed Ebn Arab- 
shah) Vlfse et RtTtun gestanim Tlmuri. Arahice et Latine. JulUIit Samuel Henri- 
cns Maiif/cr. Franequcrse, 17G7, 2 tom. in 4to. This Syrian author is ever a ma- 
licious, and often an i.i^norant, enemy : the very titles of his chapters are injuri- 
ous ; as how the wicked, as how the impious, as how the viper, &c. The copious 
article of Timor, in Bibliotheque Orient.ile. is of a mixed nature, as D'Herbelot 
iiidilferenily draws his materials (pp. 877-888) from Khondemir, Ebn Schounah, 
and the Lei»ta:ikh. 

« JJemtr ov Timour signifies, in the Turkish language. Iron ; and Ber/ ^s the 
appellation of a lord or prince. By the change of a letter or accent, it is changed 
into Leiic, or Lame ; and a European corruption confounds the two words in the 
name of Tamerlane.* 

* According to the memoirs he was so called by a Shaikh, who, when visited 
by his mother on his birth, was reading the verse of the Koran, " Are you sure 
that he who dwelleth in heaven will not cause the earth to swallow you up, and 
behold it shall shaL-e, Tamuru." The Shaikh then stopped and said, " We have 
named your son 7V»i(l/-," p. 21. — jNI. 

t He was lamed by a wound at the siege of the capital of Sistan. Shorefed- 
diU; li'„. iii. c. 17, p. loG. See Von Hammer, vol. i. p. 2(!0.— M. 

i in the memoirs, the title Gurgaii is in one place (p. 23) interpreted the son- 
in-law ; in another (p. 28) as Kurkan, great prince, generalis?>imo, and prime 
minister of Jagtai.— M. 


at least by tlie females,' with the Imperial stem.^ He was 
born forty miles to the south of Samarcaiid in the village 
of Sebzar, in tlie fruitful territory of Cash, of which liis 
fathers Avere the hereditary chiefs, as well as of a toman of 
ten thousand horse.^ His birth ^"^ was cast on one of those 
periods of anarchy, which announce the fall of the Asiatic 
dynasties, and open a new field to adventurous ambition. 
Tlie khans of Zagatai were extinct ; the emirs aspired to 
independence; and their domestic feuds could only be sus- 
pended by the con(|uest and tyranny of the khans of Kash- 
gar, who, with an army of Getes or Calmucks,^^ invaded the 
Transoxian kingdom. From, the twelfth year of his age, 
Timour liad entered the field of action ; in the twenty-fifth f 
he stood forth as the deliverer of his country ; and the eyes 
and wishes of the people were turned towards a hero who 
suffered in their cause. The chiefs of the law and of the 

7 After relating some false and foolish tales of Timour Lenc, Arabsliah is 
compelled to speak truth, and to own him for a kiuamaii of Zingis, per mulieres 
(as he peevishly adds) laqueos Saiaiue (pars i. c. i. p. 25). The testimony of Abul- 
ghazi Khan (P. ii. c. 5, P. c. v. 4) is clear, unquestionable, and decisive. 

« According to one of the pedigrees, the fourth ancestor of Zingis, and tlie 
ninth of Timour, were brotliers ; and they agreed, that tlie posterity of the elder 
should succeed to the dignity of khan, and that ihe descendants of the younger 
should till the ptlice of theii" nunister and general. Tlii.s tradition was at least 
convenient to .j.istify Ihejirat steps of Timour's ambition (Institutions, pp. 24, 25, 
from the MS. fragments of Timour's History). 

9 See the preface of Sherefeddin, and Abnlfeda's Geography (Chorasmire, &c., 
Descriptio. pp.60, Gl), in the iiid volume of Hudson's Minor Greek Geographers. 

1" See his nativity in Dr. Hyde (Syntagma Dissertat. tom. ii. p. 4C6j. as it was 
cast by the astrologers of his grandson Ul;igh Beg. He was born, A. I). 1336, 
Apiil 1), 11° 57''. V. M., lat. 36. I know not whether they can prove the great con- 
junction of the planets from whence, like other conquerors and prophets, Ti- 
mour derived the surname of Saheb Kerau, or master of the conjunctions (Bib- 
liot. Orient, p. 878). 

" In the Institutions of Timour, these subjects of the khan of Kashgar are 
most improperly styled Ouzbcgs, or Usbeks, a name which belongs to nnother 
branch and country of Tart irs (Abulghazi, P. v. c. A^ P. vii. c. 5). Could I be 
sure that this word is in the Turki. h original, I would boldly pronounce, that the 
Institutions were framed a century after the death of Timour, since the establish- 
ment of the Usbeks iuTranaOxiana.* 

• Col. Stewart observes, that the Persian translator has sometimes made use 
of the name Uzbek by anticipation. He observes, likewise, that these Jits (Getes) 
are not to be confounded with the ancient Geta) : they were unconverted Turks. 
Col. Tod (History of Kajasthan, vol. i. p. 106) would identify the Jits wiih the 
ancient race. — M. 

t He was twenty-seven before he served his first wars iinder the emir Hous- 
sein, who ruled over Khorasan and INTawerainnehr. Von Hammer, vol. i. p. 262. 
Keither of these statements agrees with the Memoirs. At twelve he was a boy. 
*' 1 fa)icied that I perceived in myself all the pjgiis of greatness and wisdom, and 
whoever came to vi>it me, I received with great hauteur and dignity." At seven- 
teen he undertook the management of the Hocks and herds of the family (p. 24). 
At nineteen he became religious, and " left off playing chess," made a kind of 
Budhist vow never to injure living thing, and felt his foot paralyzed from having 
accidentally trod upon an ant (p. 30). At twenty, thoughts of rebellion and great- 
ness rose in his mind ; at twenty-one, he seems to have i)erformed bis first feat of 
arms. He was a practised warrior when he served, iu his twenty-seventh year, 
under Emir lloussein. 


army had pledged their salvation to support hiiu with their 
lives and fortunes ; but in the hour of danger they were 
silent and afraid; and, after waiting seven days on the'hills 
of Samarcand, he retreated to the desert with only sixty 
horsemen. The fugitives w^ere overtaken by a thousand 
Getes, whom he repulsed with incredible slaughter, and his 
enemies were forced to exclaim, " Tiniour is a wonderful 
man : fortune and the divine favor are with him." But iu 
this bloody action his own followers were reduced to ten, a 
number which was soon diminished by the desertion of three 
Carizmians.J He w^andered in the desert Avith his wife, 
seven companions, and four horses ; and sixty-two days was 
he plunged in a loathsome dungeon, from whence he escaped 
by his own courage and the remorse of the oppressor. After 
swimming the broad and rapid stream of the Jihoon, or 
Oxus, lie led, during some months, the life of a vagrant and 
outlaw, on the borders of the adjacent states. But his fame 
shone brighter in adversity ; he learned to distinguish the 
friends of his person, tlie associates of his fortune, and to 
apply the various characters of men for their advantage, and 
above all, for his own. On his return to his native country, 
Timour was successively joined by the parties of his con- 
federates, who anxiously sought him in the desert ; nor can 
I refuse to describe, in his pathetic simplicity, one of their 
fortunate encounters. He presented himself as a guide to 
three cliiefs who were at the head of seventy horse. " When 
their eyes fell upon me," says Timour, " they were over- 
whelmed with joy ; and they alighted from their horses ; 
and they came and kneeled ; and they kissed my stirrup. I 
also came down from mv horse, and took each of them in 
my arms. And I \)\\t my turban on the head ot the first 
chief; and my girdle, rich in jewels and wrought with gold, 
I bound on the lohis of the second ; and the third I clothed 
in my own coat. And they wept, and I wept also ; and the 
hour of prayer Avas arrived, and we prayed. And we 
mounted our horses, and came to my dwelling ; and I col- 
lected my people, and made a feast." His trusty bands were 
soon increased by the bravest of the tribes ; he led them 
against a superior foe ; and, after some vicissitudes of war, 
the Getes were finally driven from the kingdom of Trans- 
oxiana. He had done much for his ow^i glory ; but much 

X Compare Me-noirs, page Gl. Tl\e imprisonment is tliere stated at lifty-three 
days. '• At this time 1 made a vow to God that I would never keep any person, 
whether guilty or innoceut, for any length of time iu prison or in chains." p. 
63.— M. 


remained to be done, much art to be exerted, and some 
blood to be spilt, before he could teach his equals to obey 
him as their master. The birth and power of emir Houssein 
compelled him to ac ept a vicious and unworthy colleague, 
whose sister was the best beloved of his wives. Their union 
was short and jealous ; but the policy of Timour, in their 
frequent quarrels, exposed his rival to the reproach of injus- 
tice and pei-fidy ; and, after a final defeat, Houssein was 
slain by some sagacious friends, who presumed, for the last 
time, to disobey the commands of their lord."* At the age 
of thirty-four,^-^ and in a general diet or couroultai., he was 
invested with Imperial command, but he affected to- revere 
the house of Zingis ; and while the emir Timour reigned 
over Zagitai and tlie East, a nominal khan served as a 
private officer in the armies of his servant. A fertile king- 
doiu, fiA'e hundred miles in length and in breadth, might have 
satisfied the ambition of a subject ; but Timour aspired 
to the dominion of the world ; and before his death, the 
crown of Zagatai was one of the twenty-seven ci'owns which 
lie had placed on his head. Without expatiating ( n the 
victories of thirtv-five campai2i;ns ; without describing the 
lines of march, which lie repeatedly traced over the conti- 
nent of Asia ; I shall briefly represent liis conquests in, I. 
Persia, II. Tartary, and. III. India," and from thence pro- 
ceed to the more interesting narrative of his Ottoman war. 
I. For every war, a motive of safety or revenge, of honor 
or zeal, of right or convenience, may be readily found in the 
jurisprudence of conquerors. No sooner had Timour re- 
uni^^ed to the patrimony of Zagatai the dependent countries 
of Carizme and Candahar, than he turned his eyes towards 
the kin<]^doms of Iran or Persia. From the Oxus to the 
Tigris, that extensive country was left without a lawful sov- 
ereign since the death of Abousaid, the last of the descend- 

12 The ist book of Sherefeddiii is employed on the private life of the hero; and 
he himself, oi- his secretary (Institiuions, pp. 3-77), enlarges with pleasure on the 
thirteen designs a;id enterprises which most truly constitute his personal merit. 
It even shines through the dark coloring of Arabshah (1*. i. c. 1-12). 

1^ The conquests of Persia, Tartaiy, nnd India, are represented in the ii<l and 
iiid books of Sherefeddin, and by Arabshah (c. 13-55). Consult the excellent 
Indexes to the Institutions.! 

* Timour^ on one occasion, sent him this message : " He who wishes to em- 
brace the bride of royalty must kiss her across the edge of the sharp sword," p. 
83. The scene of the trial of iroussein, the resistance of Timour gra«lnally be- 
coming more feeble, the vengeance of the chiefs becoming proportionably more 
determined, is strikingly port; ayed, Mem. p. l;i().— M. 

t Compare the Beveuth book of Vou Haiuuier, Gescluchte des Oamauischen 
Reiches.— M. 


ants of the great Ilolacoii. Peace and justice liad been 
banislied from the land abov^e forty years ; and the Mogul 
invader might ?eem to listen to the cries of an oppressed 
people. Tlieir petty tyrants iniglit have opposed him with 
confederate arms : they separately stood, and successively 
fell ; and tlie difference of their fate was only marked by 
the promptitude of submission or the obstinacy of resistance. 
Ibrahim, prince of Shirwan or Albania, kissed the footstool 
of the Imperial throne. His peace-offerings of silks, horses, 
and jewels, were composed, according to the Tartar fashion, 
each article of nine pieces ; but a critical spectator observed, 
that there were only eight slaves. " I myself am the 
ninth," replied Ibrahim, who w^as prepared for the remark; 
and his flattery was rewarded by the smile of Timour.^* 
Shah Mansour, jn-ince of Fars, or the proper Persia, was one 
of the least powerful, but most dangerous, of his enemies. 
In a battle under the walls of Shiraz, he broke, with three 
or four thousand soldiers, the coid or main body of thirty 
thousand horse, where the emperor fought in person. No 
more than fourteen or fifteen guards remained near the 
standard of Timour : he stood firm as a rock, and received 
on his helmet two weighty strokes of a cimeter : ^^ the 
Moguls rallied ; the head of Mansour was thrown at his 
feet ; and he declared his esteem of tlie valor of a foe, by 
extirpating all the males of so intrej)id a race. From Shiraz, 
his troops advanced to the Persian Gulf; and the richness 
and weakness of Ormuz^° were displayed in an annual trib- 
ute of six hundred thousand dinars of ii'old. Bnsfdad was 
no longer the city of peace, the seat of the cali])hs : but the 
noblest conquest of Ilolacou could not be overlooked by his 
ambitious successor. The whole course of the Ticfris and 
Euj^lirates, from the mouth to the sources of those rivers, 
was reduced to his obedience : he entered Edessa; and the 

^* The reverence of the Tartars for the mysterious number of nine is declared 
by Abulgliazi Khan, who, for that reason, divides his Genealogical History into 
nine parts. 

5 Accoiding to Arabshab (P. i. c. 28, p, 183). the coward Timour ran away to 
his tent, and liid himself from the pursuit of Shah ISraiisour under the women's 
garments. Perhaps Shereted<lin (1. iii. c. 25) has magnified his courage. 

16 The history of Ormuz is not unlike that of Tyre. The old city, on the con- 
tinent, was destroyed by the Tartars, and renewed in a neighboring island witli- 
out fresh water or vegetation. The kings of Ormuz, rich inthe Indian trade and 
the pearl fishery, possessed large territo ies both in Persia and Arabia ; but they 
were at first the tributaries of the sultans of Kerman, and at last were delivered 
(A. D. 1505) by the Portuguese tvrants from the tvrannv of their own viziera 
(Marco Polo, 1. i. c. 15, 16, lol. 7, 8. Abulfeda, Geogrftph. tabul. xi. pp. 2r>l. 202, 
an original Chronicle of Oriniiz, in Texcdia, or Stevens Ilistorv of r*ersia. pp. 
37G-116, and the Itineraries inserted in llie ist volume of Katiiusio, of Ludovico 
Barthema (150;'.), fob 1G7. of Andres Corsali (1517), fols. 202, 203, and of Odoardo 
Barbessa (in 1516), fols. 315-318). 


Turkmans of the black sheep were chastised for tlie sacri- 
leirioiis ijiUai>e of a caravan of Mecca. In the mountains 
of Georgia, the native Christians still braved the law and 
tlie sword of Mahomet ; by three expeditions he obtained 
the merit of the gazie^ or holy war ; and the prince of Teflis 
became his proselyte and friend. 

II. A just retaliation might be urged for the invasion of 
Turkestan, or the Eastern Tartary. The dignity of Timour 
could not endure the impunity of the Getes' he passed the 
Sihoon, subdued the kingdom of Kashgar, and marched 
seven times nito the heart of their country. His most dis- 
tant camp was two months' journey, or four hundi'cd and 
eighty leagues to the north-east of Samarcand ; and his 
emirs, who traversed the Ri\'er Irtish, engraved in the for- 
ests of Siberia a rude memorial of their exploits. The con- 
quest of Kipzak, or the Western Tartary,^'^ was founded on 
the double motive of aiding the distressed, and chastising 
the ungrateful. Toctamish, a fugitive prince, was enter- 
tained and protected in his court: the ambassadors of Au- 
russ Khan were dismissed with a haughty denial,* and fol- 
lowed on the same day by the armies of Zagatai; and tlieir 
success established Toctamish in t!ic Mogul empire of the 
North. But, after a reign of ten ycar.^, the new khan foi-got 
the merits and the strength of his benefactor ; th<3 base 
visur])er, as lie deemed hnn,of the sacred riglits of the house 
of Zingis. Througli tlie gates of Derbend, he entered Per- 
sia at the head of ninety thousand horse: with the innumer- 
able forces of Kipzak, Bulgaria, Circassia, and Russia, he 
passed tlie Silioon, burnt the palaces of Timour, and com- 
23elled him, amidst the winter snows, to contend for Samar- 
cand and his life. After a mild ex])ostulation, and aglorious 
victory, the em])eror resolved on revenge ; and by the east, 
and the west, of the Caspian, and the Volga, he twice in- 
vaded Kipzak with such mighty powers, that thirteen miles 
were measured from his right to his left wing. In a marcli 
of five months, they rarely beheld the footstci)S of man; and 
their daily subsistence was often trusted to the fortune of 
the chase. At length the armies encountered each other; 
but the treachery of the standard-bearer, who, in tlie heat 
of action, reversed the Im])erial standard of Kipzak, deter- 
mined the victory of the Zagatais; and Toctamish (I speak 
the language of the Institutions) gave tlie tribe of Touslii to 

" Arabshali liart travene<l into Kipznk, and acquired a fiingular knowledge of 
the gcogravihy, ciluj*, and revolutions, of that northern regioii (P. i. c. 45-49). 

Vol. v.— 20 


the wind of desolation.^^ He fled to the Christian duke of 
Lithuania ; again returned to the banks of the Volga ; and, 
after fifteen battles with a domestic rival, at last perished in 
the wilds of Siberia. The pursuit of a ilymg enemy carried 
Timour into the tributary provinces of Russia : a duke of 
the reigning family was made prisoner amidst the ruins of 
his capital; and Yeletz, by the pride and ignorance of the 
Orientals, might easily be confounded with the genuine 
metropolis of the nation. Moscow trembled at the approach 
of the Tartar, and the resistance would have been feeble, 
since the hopes of the Russians were placed in a miraculous 
image of the Virgin, to whose protection they ascribed the 
casual and voluntary retreat of the conqueror. Ambition 
and prudence recalled him to the South, the desolate coun- 
try was exhausted, and the Mogul soldiers were enriched 
with an immense spoil of precious furs, of linen of Antioch,^* 
and of ingots of gold and silver."-^* On the banks of the Don, 
or Tanais, he received an humble deputation from the con- 
suls and merchants of Egypt, ^^ Venice, Genoa, Catalonia, 
and Biscay, who occupied the commerce and city of Tana, 
or Azoph, at the mouth of the river. They offered their 
gifts, admired his magnificence, and trusted his royal word. 
But the peaceful visit of an emir, who explored the state of 
the magazines and harbor, was speedily followed by the de- 
structive presence of the Tartars. The city was reduced to 
ashes; the Moslems were pillaged and dismissed; but all 
the Christians, who had not fled to their ships, were con- 
demned either to death or slavery.^^ Revenge prompted 
him to burn the cities of Serai and Astrachan, the monu- 
ments of rising civilization; and his vanity proclaimed, that 

*^ Institutions of Timour, pp. 123, 125. Mr. White, the editor, bestows some 
auiniadversion on the superlicial account of Sherefeddin (1. iii. c. 12, 13, 14), who 
was iiuorant of the designs of Timour, and the true springs of action. 

^y The furs of Russia are more credible than the ingots. But tlie linen of 
Antioch l>as never been famous : and Antioch was in ruins. 1 suspect that it 
was some manufacture of Europe, which the Hanse merchants had imported by 
tlie way of Novogorod. 

2^ M. Levesqiie (Hist, de Russie, torn. ii. p. 247. Vie de Timour, pp. 64-C7, be- 
fore the French version of the Institutes) has corrected the err( r of Sherefeddin, 
and marked tlie true limit of Tiniour's comiuests. His arguments are superilu- 
ous ; and a simple appeal to the Russian annals is suliicient to prove that. Mos- 
cow, which six years before had beeu taken by Toctainish, escaped the arms of a 
more formidable invader. 

■■^1 An Egyptian consul from Grand Cairo is mentioned in Barbaro's voyage to 
Tana in 1436, after the city had been rebuilt (Rnniusio, torn. ii. fol. 92). 

22 The sack of A^oph is described by Sherefeddin (1. iii. c. 55), and much more 
particularly by the author of an Italian chronicle (Andreas de Redusiis de Qnero, 
in Chron. Tarvisiano, in Muratori, Script. Rerum Italicarum, torn. xix. pp. 802- 
805). He had conversed with the Mianis, two Venetian brotheis, one of whom 
had been sent a deputy to the camp of Timour, and the other had lost at Azoph 
three sons and 12,000 ducats. 


he had penetrated to tlie region of perpetual daylight, a 
strange }>benouienon, "which authorized his Mahometan doc- 
tors to dispense with the obligation of evening prayer.^'^ 

III. When Tiraour first proposed to his princes and 
emirs the invasion of India or IIindostan,^*he was answered 
by a murmur of discontent: "The rivers! and the moun- 
tains and deserts! and tlie soldiers clad in armor! and tlie 
elephants, destroyers of men ! " But the displeasure of the 
em2:»eror was more dreadful than all these terrors ; and liis 
superior reason was convinced, that an enter])rise of such 
tremendous aspect was safe and easy in the execution. He 
was informed by his spies of the weakness and anarchy of 
Hindostan: the soubahs of tlie provinces had erected the 
standard of rebellion ; and the perpetual infancy of Sultan 
Hahmoud was despised even in the harem of Delhi. The 
Mogul army moved in three great divisions ; and Timour 
observes with pleasure, that the ninety-two squadrons of a 
thousand horse most fortunately corresj)onded with the 
ninety-two names or epithets of the prophet Mahomet.* 
Between the Jihoon and the Indus they crossed one of the 
ridges of mountains, which are styled by the Arabian 
geographers The Stony Girdles of the Earth. The highland 
robbers were subdued or extirpated; but great numbers of 
men and liorses perished in the snow; the emperor himself 
was let down a precipice on a portable scaffold — the ropes 
were one hundred and fifty cubits" in lengtli.; and before he 
could reacli the bottom, this dangerous operation was five 
times re[)eatcd. Timour crossed the Indus at the ordinary 
passage of Attok ; and successively ti-aversed, in the foot- 
ste])s of Alexander, the Punjab^ or five rivers,-^ that fall 
into the master stream. From Attok to Delhi, the high road 


the rising 

SherefedcUn only says (1. iii. c. 13) tliatthe rays of the setting, and tliose of 
ii.v- rising sun, were scarcely separated by any interval ; a problem which may 
be solved in the latitude of Moscow (the reth degree), with the aid of llie Aurora 
Borealis, and a long summer twilight. But a (Jdij of forty days (Khondemir apud 
D'Herbelot, p. 8H0) would riizoroiisly conline us within the polar circle. 

2< For the Indian war, see the Institutions (pp. 12i)-13y), the fourth book of 
Sherefeddin, and the history of Ferishta (in Dow, vol. ii. pp. 1-20), which throws 
a general li'^ht on the aflairs of Hindostan. 

■-^The rivers of the Punjab, the live eastern branches of the Indus, have been 
laid down for the t'rst time with truth and accuracy in Major Keniiel's incom- 
parable mrip of Hindostan. In his ('riti< al Memoir he illustrates with judgment 
and learning the marches of Alexander and Timour.t 

^ * Gibbon (observes M. von Hammer) is mistaken in the correspondence of the 
ninety-two squadrons of his army witli the ninety-two name s of (iod : the names 
of (iod an; ninetv-nine, and Allah is the hundredth, j). 2Sr>, note. But Gibbon 
speaks of the names or opithets of Mahomet, not of God. — M. 
t See vol. i. ch. ii. note 1.— M. 


measures no more tlmn six hundred miles ; but the two con- 
querors deviated to the soutli-east; and tlie motive of Ti- 
mour was to join liis grandson, who liad achieved by liis 
command the conquest of Moultan. On the eastern bank 
of the Hyphasis, on the ed^e of the desert, the Macedonian 
hero halted and wept: the Mogul entered the desert, reduced 
the fortress of Batnir, and stood in arms before the gates 
of Delhi, a great and flourishing city, which had subsisted 
three centuries under the dominion of the MahouK^tan 
kings.* The siege, more especially of the castle, miglit have 
been a work of time ; but he tempted, by the appearance of 
weakness, the Sultan Mahmoud and his vizier to descend 
into the plain, with ten thousand cuirassiers, forty thousand 
of his foot-guards, and one hundred and twenty ele])hants, 
whose tusks are said to have been armed with sharp and 
poisoned daggers. Against these monsters, or rather against 
the imagination of his troops, he condescended to use some 
extraordinary precautions of fire and a ditch, of iron spikes 
and a rampart of bucklers ; but the event taught the Moguls 
to smile at their own fears; and as soon as these unwieldy 
animals were routed, the inferior species (the men of India) 
disappeared from the field. Timour made his triumphal 
entry into the capital of Hindostan ; and admired, with a 
view to imitate, the architecture of the stately mosque; but 
the order or license of a general ])illage and massacre pol- 
hited the festival of his victory. Pie resolved to purify his 
soldiers in the blood of the idolaters, or Gentoos, who still 
surpass, in the proportion of ten. to one, the numbers of the 
Moslems. t In tliis pious design, he advanced one hundred 
miles to the north-east of Delhi, passed the Ganges, fought 
several battles by land and water, and penetrated to the 
famous rock of Coupele, the statue of the cow,$ that seems 
to discharge the mighty river, whose source is far distant 
among the mountains of Thibet.-^ His return was along 

26 The two great rivers, the Ganges and Burrampooter, rise in Thibet, fiom 

* They took, on their march, 100,000 slaves, Guebers : ihey were all munlered. 
V. Ilanimer, vol. i. p. 286. They are called idolaters. Driggs s i-'eribhta, vol. i. 
p. 491— M. 

t See a curious passage on the destruction of the Hindoo Idols, ^lenioirs, p. 16. 
— M. 

X Consult the very striking description of the Cow's Moiith, "by Captain Hodg- 
son, Asiat. Res. vol. xiv, p. 117- *' A most wonderful Hcene. 'J lie B'lia< irati a or 
Ganges issues from under a very low arch attlie fcot of tlie grand snow bed. My 
guide, an illiterate mountaineer, <ompared the pendent i( ides to ]\!aliodeva s 
hair." (Compare Poems, Quarterly llev. vol. xiv. p. ol, and at the end of uiy 
translation of Nala.) *' Ilijidoos of" rese;irth may formerly bave been here; aid 
if so, I cannot think of any place to which they might more aptly give the uam© 
of a cow's mouth than to this extraordinary debouche."— M. 


the skirts of the northern hills^ nor could this rapid cam- 
paign of one year justify the strange foresiglit of his emirs, 
that tlieir children in a warm climate would degenerate into 
a race of Hindoos. 

It was on the banks of the Gan2:es that Timour was in- 
formed, by his speedy messengers, of the disturbances which 
liad arisen on the confines of Georgia and Anatolia, of the 
revolt of the Christians, and the ambitious designs of the 
sultan Bnjazet. His vigor of mind and body was not im- 
paired by sixty-three years, and innumerable fatigues ; and, 
after enjoying some tranquil months in the palace of Samar- 
cand, he proclaimed a new expedition of seven years into 
the western countries of Asia.^"^ To the soldiers who had 
served in the Indian war he granted the choice of remaining 
at home, or following their prince ; but the troops of all the 
provinces and kingdoms of Pei-sia were commanded to 
assemble at Ispahan, and wait the arrival of the Im])erial 
standard. It was first directed against the Christians of 
Georgia, 'who were strong only in their rocks, their castles, 
and the winter season ; but these obstacles were overcome 
bv the zeal and nerseverance of Timour : the rebels sub- 
niitted to the tribute or the Koran ; and if both religions 
boasted of their martyrs, that name is more justly due to 
the Cliiistian prisoners, who were offered the choice of ab- 
juration or death. On his descent from the hills, the em- 
peror gave audience to the first ambassadors of Bajazet, and 
opened tlie liostile correspondence of complaints nnd men- 
aces, which fermented two years before the final explosion. 
Between two jealous and haughty neighbors, the motives of 
quarrel will seldom be wanting. The Mogul and Ottoman 
conquests now touched each other in the neighborhood of 
Erzeroum, and the Euphrates ; nor had the doubtful limit 
been ascertained by time and treaty. Each of these ambi- 
tious monarchs might accuse his rival of violating his ter- 
ritory, of threatening his vassals and protecting his rebels ; 
and, by the name of rebels, each understood the fugitive 
princes, whose kingdoms he had usurped, and whose life or 
Lberty he implacably pursued. The resemblance of char- 

tlie opt)Osite ri<l^es of the same liilla. separate from eacli other to the distance of 
I2i!() inilns, and, alter a wiiHling course of 2001) miles, ngain n»tet in oiie point 
Hear tlie GnU of Beiioral. Yot so f-apricious is Fame, tluit the fiiinampooter is a 
late iliseovery, wliile liis brother (lamies has been the tlieine of aiieient and mod- 
ern Ptory. Conpele., (lie snene of 'J'inioiir"s last viitory, nuist be situate iiear Lol- 
doug, I inn niiles from Calcutta ; and iu 1774, a Britisli camp ! (.Keuuers Memoir, 
pp.7, 50, <K», 91, !»!•.) 

2' See Uie Institution';, p. 141, to the end of the ist book, and Sbcrefeddin (1. 
V. c. 1-lG, to the entrance of Timour into Syria. 


acter was still more dangerous tlinn the opposition of inter- 
est ; and in theii- victorious career, Tim our was impatient of 
an equal, and Bajazet was ignorant of a superior The first 
epistle ^^ of the Mogul emperor must have })rovoked, instead 
of roconciling, the Turkish sultan, whose family and nation 
he affected to despise.^ "Dost thou not know, that the 
greatest part of Asia is subject to our arms and our laws ? 
that our invincible forces extend from one sea to the other ; 
that the potentates of the earth form a line before our gate? 
and that we have compelled Fortune herself to watch over 
the prosperity of our empire ? What is the foundation of 
thv insolence and follv? Thou hast fouo'ht some battles in 
the woods of Anatolia; contemptible tro])hies ! Thou hast 
obtained some A'ictories over the Christians of Europe ; thy 
sword was blessed by the a])ostle of God ; and thy obedience 
to the precept of the Koran, in wnging war against the in- 
fidels, is the sole consideration that prevents us from de- 
stroying thy country, the frontier and bulwark of the Moslem 
world. Be wise in time; reflect; repent; and avert the 
thunder of our vengeance, which is yet suspended over thy 
head. Thou art no more than a pismire ; why wilt thou 
seek to provoke the elephants? Alas! they will trample 
thee under their feet." In his replies, Bajazet poured forth 
the indignation of a soul which was deej^ly stung by sucli 
unusual contempt. After retorting the basest reproaches 
on the thief and rebel of the desert, the Ottoman recapitu- 
lates his boasted victories in Iran, Touran, and the Indies; 
and labors to prove, that Timour had never triumplied un- 
less by his own perfidy and the vices of his foes. "Thy 
armies are innumerable : be they so : but what are the 
arrows of the flying Tartar against the cimeters and battle- 
axes of my firm and invincible Janizaries? I will guard the 
princes who have implored my protection : seek them in 
my tents. The cities of Arzingan and Erzeroum are mine ; 

'3 We hr\vc three copies of these hostile epistles in the Institutions (p. 147>, in 
Sherefeddin (1. v. c. li), and in ArabshriL (torn. ii. c. 19, j)p. 183-201) ; which agree 
with each otiier in the spirit and substance rather than in the style. It i ' jirob- 
able, that they have been translated, with various latitude, from the Turkish 
original into the Arabic and Persian tongues.* 

-' The Mogul emir distinguishes himself and his countrymen by the name of 
Ti/H-.s-, and stigmatizes the r.ace and nation of Hajazet with the less honorable 
epithet of TnrL-mmis. Yet I do not understand how the Ottomans could lie 
descended from a Turkman sailor ; those inland shepherds were so remote from 
the sea, and all maritime alTairs.t 

* Von Hammer considers the letter which Gibbon inserted in the text to be 
spurious. On the vai ions copies rif these letters, see his uote, p. 816. — M. 
t Price translates the word pilot for boatman. — M, 


and unless the tribute be duly paid, I will demand the 
arrears under the walls of Tauris and Sultania." The un- 
governable rage of the sultan at length betrayed him to an 
insult of a more domestic kind. " If I fly from thy arms," 
said he, " may my wiyes be thrice divorced from my bed : 
but if thou hast not courage to meet me in the field, niayest 
thou again receive thy wives after they have thrice endured 
the embraces of a stranger." ^° Any violation by word, or 
deed of the secrecy of the harem is an unpardonable offence 
among the Turkish nations ; ^^ and the political quarrel of 
the two monarchs was imbittered by ])rivate and personal 
resentment. Yet in his first expedition, Timour was satis- 
fied with the siege and destruction of Suvas or Sebaste, a 
strong city on the borders of Anatolia ; and he revenged 
the indiscretion of the Ottoman, on a garrison of four thou- 
sand Armenians, who were buried alive for the brave and 
faithful discharge of their duty.f As a Mussulman, he 
seemed to respect the pious occupation of Bajazet, who was 
still engaged in the blockade of Constantino})le : and after 
this salutary lesson, the Mogul conqueror checked his pur- 
suit and turned aside to the invasion of Syria and Egypt. 
In these transactions, the Ottoman ])rince, by the Orientals, 
and even by Timour, is styled the Kaissar of Roiim., the 
Caisar of the Romans ; a title which, by a small anticipation, 
might be given to a monarch who possessed tlie provinces, 
and threatened the city, of the successors of Constantine.^^ 
The military republic of the Mamelukes still reigned in 
Egypt and Syria: but the dynasty of the Turks was over- 
thrown by that of tlie Circassians ; ^^ and their favorite Bar- 
kok, f rom a slave and a prisoner, was raised and restored to 

"> According to the Koran (c. ii. p. 27, and Sale's Discourses, p. 134), a Mnspul- who had thrice divorced liis wife (who had thrice repeated the words of a 
divorce), could not take her attain, till after she had been married Co. and repu- 
diated h]i. another husbfi'id ; an i^nomiiions tran>action, which it is needless to 
agt^ravate, by 8uppoyi:i;:j that the lirst husband must see her enjoyed by a eecond 
before hifi face (Kycaut's State of the Ottoman Empire, 1. ii. c. 21). 

*i The common delicacy of the Orientals. iM never speaking of their women. Is 
ascribed in a much hirrher degree bv /Xrabsliah to tlie Turkish rations ; and it is 
remarkable enough, that Chalcondyles (1. ii. p. 5"^) had some knowledge of the 
prejudice and the ins'ilt.* 

-^ For the st' le of the Moguls, s'-e the Institutions (pp. 131. 147), and for tho 
Persians, the Bibliotheq'ie Orientale (u. 882); but I do not fiml that the title 
of Caesar has been applied by the Arabians, or assumed by the Ottomans them- 

23 See the reigns of Bark ok and Pharadge, in M. De Guignes (torn. iv. 1. xxii.), 
•who, from the Arabic texts of Aboiilmahasen, Ibu Schounah, and Aintabi haa 
added Bome facts to our common stock of materialB. 

* See yon ITammer. p. 3f;8. and note p. 621.— M. 

t .Still worse barbarities were perpetrated on these brave men. Yon Hammerj 
ol. i. p. 295.— M. 


the throne. In the midst of rebellion and discord, he 
braved the menaces, corresponded with tlie enemies, and 
detained the ambassadors, of the Mogul, who patiently ex- 
pected his decease, to revenge the crimes of the fatiier on 
the feeble reign of his son Farage. The Syrian emirs ^^ 
were assembled at Aleppo to repel the invasion : they con- 
fided in the fame and discipline of the Mamalukes, in the 
temper of their swords and lances of the purest steel of 
Damascus, in the strength of their Availed cities, and in the 
popalousness of sixty thousand villages ; and instead of sus- 
taining a siege, they threw open their gates, and arrayed 
their forces in the plain. But these forces were not cemented 
by virtue and union, and some powerful emirs had been se- 
duced to desert or betray their more loyal companions. 
Timour's front was covered with a line of Indian cle{)hants, 
whose turrets were filled with archers, and Greek fire : the 
rapid evolutions of his cavalry completed the dismay and 
disorder; the Syrian crowds fell back ou each otlier ; many 
thousands were stified or slaughtered in the entrance of the 
great street ; the Moguls entered with the fugitives ; and 
after a short defence, the citadel, the impregnable citadel of 
Aleppo, was surrendered by cowardice or treachery. Among 
the suppliants and captives, Timour distinguished the doc- 
tors of the law, whom he invited to the dangerous honor of 
a personal conference.^^ The Mogul ])rince was a zealous 
Mussulman ; but his Persian schools had taught him to 
revere the memory of Ali and Hosein ; and he liad imbibed 
a deep prejudice against the Syrians, as the enemies of the 
son of the daughter of the apostle of God. To these doc- 
tors he proposed a captious question, which the casuists of 
Bochara, Samarcand, and Herat, were incapable of resolv- 
ing. " Who are the true martyrs, of those who are slain 
on my side, or on that of my enemies?" But he was si- 
lenced, or satisfied, by the dexterity of one of the cadhis of 
Aleppo, who replied in the words of Mahomet himself, that 
the motive, not the ensign, constitutes the martyr ; and that 
the Moslems of either party, wlio fight only for the glory of 
God, may deserve that sacred appellation. The true suc- 

^ For these recent and dome^nc" transactions, Affli-sliah, tUough a pama., ifl a 
credible, witness (torn. i. c. 64-68. toni. ii. c. 1-14). Timour must have been odious 
to a Syrian ; but the notoriety of facts would have obliged him, in some measure, 
to respect his enemy and himself. His bitters may correct the luscious sweets of 
Sherefeddin (1. v. c 17-29). 

36 These interesting conversations appear to have been copied by Arabsluih 
(torn, i, c. 6S, pp. 625-645) from the cadbi and historian Ebn Scboiinah, a prii-ci- 

f>al actor. Yet how could ho be alive seveiity-hve years afterwards V (jJ'lierbe* 
ot, p. 792.) 


tv<?ssion of the calijihs was a controversy of a still more del- 
icate nature ; and the frankness of a doctoi', too honest for 
his situation, provoked the eni})eror to exclaim, " Ye are 
as false as those of Dainoscus : Moawiyah was a usurper, 
Yezid a tyrant, and Ali alone is the lawful successor of the 
prophet." A ])rudent explanation restored his tranquillity ; 
and he passed to a more familiar to])ic of conversation. 
" What is your age ? " said he to the cadhi. " Fifty years." 
— '^ It would be the age of my eldest son : you see me here 
(continued Timour) a poor lame, decrepit mortal. Yet by 
my arms has the Almighty been pleased to subdue the king- 
doms of Iran, Touran, and the Indies. I am not a man of 
blood ; and God is my witness, that in all my wars I have 
never been the aggressor, and that my enemies have always 
been the authors of their own calamity." During this 
peaceful conversation the streets of Aleppo streamed with 
blood, and reechoed with the cries of m.others and children, 
with the shrieks of violated virgins. The rich plunder that 
was abandoned to his soldiers might stimulate their avarice ; 
but their cruelty was enforced by the peremptory command 
of producing an adequate number of heads, which, accord- 
ing to his custom, were curiously piled in columns and ]\yr- 
amids : the Moguls celebrated the feast of victory, while 
the surviving Moslems passed the night in tears and in 
chains. I shall not dwell on the march of the destroyer 
from Aleppo to Damascus, where he was rudely encoun- 
tered, and almost overthrown, by the armies of Egypt. A 
retrograde motion was imputed to his distress and despair: 
one of his nephews desei'ted to the enemy; and Syria re- 
joiced in the tale of his defeat, when the sultan was driven 
by the revolt of the Mamelukes to escajie with precipitation 
and shame to his palace of Cairo. Abandoned by their 
prince, the inhabitants of Damascus still defended their 
walls ; and Timour consented to raise the siege, if they 
would adorn his retreat with a gift or ransom ; each article 
of nine pieces. But no sooner had he introduced himself 
into the city, under color of a truce, than he perfidiously 
violated the treaty; imposed a contribution of ten millions 
of gold ; and animated his troops to chastise the posterity 
of those Syrians who had executed, or approved, the murder 
of the grandson of Mahomet. A family which had given 
honorable burial to the head of ITosein and a colony of arti- 
ficers, whom he sent to labor at Samarcand, were alone re- 
served in the general massacre ; and after a period of seven 


centuries, Damascus was reduced to ashes, because a Tartar 
was moved by reliLc'ious zeal to avenge the blood of an Arab. 
The losses and fatigues of tlie campaign obliged Timour to 
renounce the conquest of Palestine and Egypt; but in his 
return to the Euphrates he delivered Aleppo to the flames; 
and justified his pious motive by the pardon and reward of 
two thousand sectaries of Ali, who were desirous to visit 
the tomb of his son. I have expatiated on the personal 
anecdotes which mark the character of the Mogul hero ; but 
I slinll briefly mention,^" that he erected on the ruins of 
ii.'.gdad a j)}ramid of ninety thousand heads; again visited 
Georgia ; encamped on the banks of the Araxes ; and pro- 
claimed his resolution of marching against the Ottoman 
emperor. Conscious of the importance of the war, he col- 
lected his forces from every province : eight hundred thou- 
sand men were enrolled on his military list ; ^^ but the splen- 
did commands of five, and ten, thousand horse, may be 
rather expressive of the rank and pension of the chiefs, 
than of the genuine number of effective soldiers. ^'^ In the 
pillage of Syria, the Moguls had acquired immense riches : 
but the delivery of tlieir pay and arrears for seven years 
more firmly attached them to the Imperial standard. 

During this diversion of the Mogul arms, Bajazet had 
two j^ears to collect his forces for a more serious encounter. 
They consisted of four hundred thousand horse and foot,^^ 
whose merit and fidelity were of an unequal complexion. 
We may discriminate the Janizaries, who have been grad- 
ually raised to an establishment of forty thousand men ; a 
national cavalry, the Spahis of modern times ; twenty thou- 
sand cuirassiers of Europe, clad in black and impenetrable 
armor ; the troops of Anatolia, whose princes had taken 
refuge in the camp of Timour, and a colony of Tartars, 

3« The raarehea ard occupations of Timour between the Syrian and Ottoman 
wars are represented by Sherefeddiu (1. v. c. 29-43) and Arabshah (torn. ii. c. IS- 

3' This number of 800,000 was extracted by Arabshah, or rather by Ebn Schou- 
nah. ex rationario Timiiri, on tiie faith of a Carizmian ollicer (torn. i. c. 68, p. 617); 
and it is rem;irk:ible enough, tliat a Greek historian (Phninza, 1. i. c. 29) adds no 
more than 20.0;i0 men. Poggius reckons I,0ii0,0(i0 ; another Lntin contemporary 
(Chron. Tarvisianum, apud Muratori, torn. xix. p. 800) 1,100,000: and the enor- 
mous sum of 1,600,000 is attested by a German soldier, who was present at the 
battle of Angora (Leunclav. ad Clialcondyl.l. iii- p. 82"). Timour, in his Institu- 
tions, has not deigned to calculate liis troops, liis subjects, or his revenues. 

33 A wide latitude of non-eltectives was allowed by the Great Mogul for his 
own pride and the benefit of his officers. Bernier's patron was Penge-Hazari, 
commander of 50no horse ; of which he main;,'ained no more than 500 (Voyages, 
tcm. i. pp. 288, 289). 

35 Tiraonr Jiimse^f fixes at 400,000 men the Ottoman army (Institutions, p. 153), 
which is reduced to 150,000 by PJiranza (1. i. c. 29), and swelled by the German 
soldier to 1, 100,000. It is evident that the Moguls were the more numerous. 


whom he had driven from Kipzak, and to whom Bajazet 
had assigned a settlement in tlie j)lains of Adrianople. The 
fearless confidence of the sultan urged him to meet his an- 
tagonist; and, as if he had chosen that spot for revenge, he 
displayed his banner near the ruins of the unfortunate 
Siivas. In the mean while, Timour moved from the Araxes 
through the countries of Armenia and Anatolia : his bold- 
ness was secured by the wisest ])recautions ; his sj)eed was 
guided by order and discipline; and the woods, the moun- 
tains, and the rivers, were diligently explored by the flyiug 
squadrons, who marked his road and ])receded his stand- 
ard. Firm in his ])\i\n of fighting in the heart of the Otto- 
man kingdom, he avoided their camp ; dexterously inclined 
to the left ; occupied Caesarea ; traversed the salt desert 
and the River llalvs : and invested AnG^ora : while the sul- 
tan, immovable and ignorant in his post, compared the Tar- 
tar swiftness to the crawling of a snail ; '^^ he returned on 
the wings of indignation to the relief of Angora ; and as 
both generals were alike impatient for action, the plains 
round that city were the scene of a memorable battle, which 
has immortalized the glory of Timour and the shame of 
B ijazet. For this signal victory the Mogul emperor was 
indebted to himself, to the genius of the moment, and the 
discipline of thirty years. He had improved the tactics, 
witliout violating the manners, of his nation, ^^ whose force 
still consisted in the missile weapons, and rapid evolutions, 
of a numerous cavalry. From a single troop to a great 
army, the mode of attack was the same : a foremost line 
first advanced to the charge, and was supported in a just 
order by the squadrons of tlie great vanguard. The gen- 
eral's eye watched over the field, and at his command the 
front and rear of the right and left wings successively moved 
forwards in their several divisions, and in a direct or oblique 
line : the enemy was pressed by eiglitecn or twenty attacks; 
and each attack afforded a chance of victory. If they all 
proved fruitless or unsuccessful, tlie occasion was worthy of 
the emperor himself, who gave the signal of advancing to 
the standard and main body, which he led in person.'''^ But 

*'^ It may not be useless to mnrk the distances between Angora and the neigh- 
boring cities, by the journey8 of the caravans, each of twenty or twenty-tive 
miles ; to Smyrna xx., to Kiotahia x., to lioursa x., to Caesarea, viii., to Sinope 
X.. to Nicomedia ix., to Constantinople xii or xiii. (see Tournefort, Voyage ail 
Leva-tt, to-n. ii. lettre xxi.). 

*i See the Systems of Tactics in the Institutions, which the Englisli editors 
have illustrated with elaborate plans (pp. ;sr;3-l()7). 

*2 The sultan himself (says Timour) must then put the foot of coat age into the 
stirruD of patience. A Tartar mctaph jr, which is lost in the EngliBU, t)Ut pre- 
served in the French, version of the Institutes (pp. 1;>G, loT). 


in the battle of Angora, tlie main body itself was supported, 
on the flanks and in the rear, by the bravest squadrons of 
the reserve, commanded by the sons and grandsons of 
Timour. The conqueror of Ilindostan ostentatiously showed 
a linG of elephants, the trophies, rather than the instruments, 
of victory ; the use of the Gi-eek fire was familiar to the 
Moguls and Ottomans; but had they borrowed from];e 
tlie recent invention of gunpowder and cannon, the artificial 
thunder, in the hands of either nation, must have turned 
the fortune of the day.''^ In that day Bajazet displayed the 
qualities of a soldier and a chief : but his genius sunk under 
a stronger ascendant ; and, from various motives, the great- 
est jiart of his troops failed him in the decisive moment. 
His rigor and avarice^ had provoked a mutiny among the 
Turks; and even his son Solimantoo hastily withdrew from 
the field. The forces of Anatolia, loyal in their revolt, 
were drawn away to the banners of their lawful princes. 
His Tartar allies had been tem])ted by the letters and emis- 
saries of Timour ; ^^ who reproached their ignoble servitude 
under the slaves of their fathers ; and offered to their hopes 
the dominion of their new, or the liberty of their ancient, 
country. In the right wing of Bajazet the cuirassiers of 
Europe charged, with faithful hearts and irresistible arms : 
but these men of iron were soon broken bv an artful flio-ht 
and headlong pursuit ; and the Janizaries, alone, without 
cavalry or missile weapons, were encompassed by the circle 
of the Mogul hunters. Their valor was at lengtli oppressed 
by heat, thirst, and the Aveight of numbers; and the unfor- 
tunate sultan, afilictcd with the gout in his hands and feet, 
was transported from the field on the fleetest of his horses. 
He was pursued and taken by the titular khan of Zagatai ; 
and, after his capture, and the defeat of the Ottoman povv- 
ei's, the kingdom of Anatolia submitted to the conqueror, 
who planted his standard at Kiotahia, and dispersed on all 
sides the ministers of rapine and destruction. Mirza Mc- 
hemmed Sultan, the eldest and best beloved of his grand- 

<■» The Greek firo, on Timonr'a side, ia attested by Sherefeddin (1, r. c.47) ; but 
Voltaire's Btraiige euapicion, that some cannon, inscribed withntrange characters, 
must have been sent by that monarch to Delhi, is refuted by the universal silence 
of contemporaried. 

** Timour has dissembled this oecret and important negotiation with the 
Tartars, which is indisputably proved by the joint evidence of the Arabians 
(torn. i. c. 47, p. 391\ Turl<ish (Annul. Leunclav. p. 321), and Persian historiana 
(Khondemir, apud D'Herbelot, p. 882). 

* See Y. Hammer, vol. i. p. 310, for the singular hints which were conveyed to 
him of the wisdom of unlocking his hoarded treasures. — M. 


sons, was despatched to Boursa, with thirty thousand horse ; 
and such was his youthful ardor, that lie arrived with only 
four thousand at the gates of the capital, after performing 
in five days a inarch of two hundred and thirty miles. Yet 
fear is still more rapid in its course; and Soliman, the son 
of Bajazet, had already passed over to Euro])e with the 
royal treasure. The s])oil, however, of the palace and city 
was immense : the inhabitants had escaped ; but the build- 
ings, for the most part of Avood, were reduced to aslies. 
From Boursa, the grandson of Timour advanced to Nice, 
even yet a fair and flourishing city ; and the Mogul squad- 
rons were only stopped by the waves of the Propontis. The 
same success attended the other mii-zas and emirs in their 
excursions ; and Smyrna, defended by the zeal and courage 
of the Hhodian knights, alone deser,ved the presence of the 
emperor himself. After an obstinate defence, the place was 
taken by storm : all that breathed was put to the sword; 
and the heads of the Christian heroes were launched from 
the engines, on board of tw^o carracks, or great ships of 
Europe, that rode at anchor in the harbor. The Moslems 
of Asia rejoiced in their deliverance from a dangerous and 
domestic foe; and a parallel Avas draAvn betAveen the two 
riA^'ils, by observing that Timour, in fourteen days, had re- 
duced a fortress Avhich had sustained seven years the siege, 
or at least the blockade, of Bajazet.^^ 

The iron cage in Avhich Bajazet was imprisoned by Tam- 
erlane, so long and so often repeated as a moral lesson, is 
nov/ rejected as a fable by tlie modern Avriters, Who smile 
at the vulgar credulity.^^ They appeal with confidence to 
the Persian history of Sherefeddin Ali, Avhich has been 
given to our curiosity in a French version, and from Avhich 
I shall collect and abridge a more specious narrative of this 
memorable transaction. No sooner Avas Timour informed 
that the captive Ottoman Avas at the door of his tent, than 
he graciously stepped forAvards to receiA'e him, seated him 
by his side, and mingled Avitli just reproaches a soothing 
])ity for his rank and misfortune. " Alas ! " said the emjjcr- 
or, " the decree of fate is noAV accomplished by your own 

<5 For the war of Anatolia or Roum, I add some hiuta in the Institutions, to 
tho copious narrativcB of Slierefeddin (1. v. c. 44-05) aiid Aiabhliah (loni. ii. c. L'O- 
35). Uii tills part only of Tiniour's histo.y it is lawful to quote; tho Ti.rk tit, Canto- 
mi", pp. 53-55, Annul. Leunclav. pi). 320-322), and the Greckb (^Phranza, h i. c. 5J, 
Ducus. c. 15-17, ( haicondylce, 1. iii.). 

*■• 'ihe BkepLicism of A'ollaiie (Essai Rur I'Histoire Gendiale, c. ^%) is rea<ly on 
this, as on ev<iry occasion, to reject a popular tale, audio diniinirh ihema^nituda 
of vice aiid virtue ; and on most occasions Lis incredulity is reasonable. 


fault, it is the web vhich you have woven, the thorns of 
the tree wliicli yourself have ])lanted. I wished to spare, 
and even to assist, the cliamjtion of the ^Moslems : you 
braved our threats ; you despised our friendsliip ; you forced 
ns to enter your kinQ:dom with our invincible armies. Be- 
hold the event. Had you vanquished, I am not ig lorant of 
the fate wliich you reserved for m3'self and my troops. But 
I disdain to retaliate : your life and honor are secure ; and 
I shall express my gratitude to God by my clemency toman." 
The royal captive showed some signs of repentance, accepted 
the humiliation of a robe of honor, and embraced with tears 
his son Mousa, who, at his request, was sought and found 
among the captives of the field. The Ottoman princes were 
lodged in a splendid pavilion ; and the respect of the guards 
could be surpassed oidy by their vigilance. On the arrival 
of the harem from Boursa, Timour restored the queen Des- 
pina and her daughter to their father and husband ; but he 
piously required that the Servian princess, who had hitherto 
been indulged in the profession of Christianity, should em- 
brace without delay tlie religion of the pro])het. In the feast 
of victory, to which BajazJt was invited, the Mogul emperor 
placed a crown on his head and a scej^tre in his hand, with 
a solemn assurance of restoring him with an increase of glory 
to the throne of his ancestors. But the effect of this ])rom- 
ise was disappointed by the sultan's untimely death : amidst 
the care of tlie most skilful ])hysicians, he expired of an 
apoplexy at Akshehr, the Antioch of Pisidia, about nine 
months after liis defeat. The victor droi)ped a tear over his 
grave: his body, with royal pomp, was conveyed to the 
mausoleum Avhi::h he had erected at Boursa ; and liis son 
Mousa, after receiving a rich present of gold and jewels, of 
horses and arms, was invested by a patent in red ink with 
the kingdom of Anatolia. 

Such is the portrait of a generous conqueror, which has 
been extracted from his own memorials, and dedicated to 
his son and grandson, nineteen years after his decease ; ^"^ 
and, at a time when the truth was remembered by thou- 
sands, a manifest falsehood would have implied a satire on 
his real conduct. Weighty indeed is this evidence, adopted 
by all the i*ersian histories ; "^^ yet Hattery, more especially 

47 See the History of Sherefeddin (1. v. c. 40, 52, HO, oO, CO). TLis work was 
fiiiibhe*! at Sliiiaz, in the year H2J, and dedi ated to S iltan ll)raliiin. \hc son of 
Sbarokli, the son of 'J'iniour, wlio r(jigiied in Farsiijtan in his lather's lifetime. 

•'=' After the perusal of Khoixlemir, Kbn Sohonnah, &c., the learned D'Jierbe- 
lot (Bibliot. Oriental, p. 882) may atlirni, that this fable is not meiitioiicd in the 


in the East, is base and audacious ; and the harsh and igno- 
minious treatment of Bajazet is attested by a chain of wit- 
nesses, some of whom shall l)e produced in the order of 
their time and country. 1. The reader has not fororot the 
garrison ot French, whom the marshal Boucicault left behind 
him for the defence of Constantinople. They were on the 
spot to receive the earliest and most faithful intelligence of 
tlie overthrow of their great adversary; and it is more 
than jjrobable that some (-f them accompanied the Greek 
embassy to the camp of Tamerlane. From their account, 
the hardships of the prison and death of Bajazet are af- 
firmed by the marshal's servant and historian, within the 
distance of seven years.^^ 2. The name of Poggius the 
Italian ^^ is deservedly famous among the revivers of learn- 
ing' in the fifteenth century. His elei^ant dialoo-ne on the 
vicissitudes of fortune ^^ was composed in his fiftieth year, 
twenty-eight years after the Turkish victory of Tamerlane f^ 
whom he celebrates as not inferior to the illustrious Barba- 
rians of antiquity. Of his exploits and discipline Poggius 
was informed by several ocular witnesses ; nor does he for- 
get an example so ap[)osite to his theme as the Ottoman 
monarch, whom the Scythians confined like a wild beast in 
an iron cage, and exhibited a spectacle to Asia. I might 
add the authority of two Italian chronicles, perhaps of an 
earlier date, which would prove at least that the same story, 
whether false or true, was imported into Europe with the 
first tidiness of the revolution.^^ 3. At the time when Poir- 
gius flourished at Rome, Ahmed Ebn Arabshah composed 
at Damascus the florid and malevolent history of Timour 

most authentic histories ; but his denial of the visible testimony of Arabshah 
leaves some room to suspect his accuracy. 

<3 Et fut lui meme (/Jnjazef) pris et men6 en prison, en laquelle mourut de 
dure niort : Memoires de Boucicault, P. i. c. 37. Tiiese memoirs were composed 
while the marshal was still governor o Genoa, from whence he was expelled in 
the vear 140'J, by a popular insurrection (Muratori, Annali d' Italia, torn. xii. pp. 

»J The reader will And a satisfactory account of the life and writings of Pog- 
gius in the Poggiana, an entertaining work of M. Lenfant, and in the Bibliotheca 
Latina Medio; et Intimae /Etatis of Fabricius (torn, v, pp. 305-308). Poggius was 
born in the year 1380, and died in 145i). 

"1 The dialogue de VarietaLe Fortunge (fi which a complete and elegant edition 
has been published at Paris in 172;'., in 4to.), was composed a short time before the 
death of Pope Martin V. (p. o), and conseiuently about the end of the year 1430. 

^- See a splendid and eloquent encomium of Tamerlane, pp. 3()-.;0, ipse enim 
novi (savs P<)ggiu.')gui fuere in ejus castris * * * Kegem vivum cepit, caveUiqe 
in moilum ferne iiu-lusum per omnem Asiara circumtulit egregium adnnrandum- 
que spectaculum fortuna?. 

^a Tlie Chronicon Tarvisianum (in Muratori, Script. Rerum Italicarum. torn. 
xix. p. 800), and the Annales Estenses (,tom. xviii. p. 974). The two authors, 
Andrea de Bedusiis de Quero, and James de Delayto, were both contemporaries, 
and \)oth chancellors, the one of Trevigi, the other of Ferrara. The evidence of 
the former is the most positive. 


for wliich he had collected materials in his journeys over 
Turkey and Tartary/* AVitliout any possible correspond- 
ence betAveen tlie Latin and the Arabian writer, they agree 
m the fact of tlie iron cage ; and their agreement is a strik- 
ing proof of their common veracity. Ahmed Arabshah 
likewise relates another outrage, which Bajazet endured, of 
a more domestic and tender nature. Ilis indiscreet mention 
of women and divorces was deeply resented by the jealous 
Tartar : in the feast of victory tlie wine was served by fe- 
male cup-bearers, and the sultan beheld his own concubines 
and wives confounded among the slaves, and exposed with- 
out a veil to the eyes of intemperance. To escape a similar 
indignity, it is said tliat his successors, except in a single in- 
stance, have abstained from legitimate nuptials ; and the 
Ottoman practice and belief, at le«ist in the sixteenth cen- 
tury, is attested by the observing Busbequius,^'' ambassador 
fi'om the court of Vienna to the c:reat Soliman. 4. Such is 
the separation of language, that the testimony of a Greek is 
not less inde])endent than that of a Latin or an Arab. I 
suppress tlie names of Clialcondyles and Ducas, who flour- 
ished in tlie latter period, and who speak in a less positive 
tone ; but more attention is due to George Phranza,^® proto- 
vestiare of the last emperors, and who was born a year be- 
fore the battle of Angora. Twenty-two years after that 
event, he was sent ambassador to Amurath the Second ; 
and the historian might converse with some veteran Janiz- 
aries, who had been made prisoners with the sultan, and had 
themselves seen him in his iron cage. 5. The last evidence, 
in every sense, is that of the Turkish annals, which have 
been consulted or transcribed by Leuncla^ius, Pocock, and 
Cantemir.^"^ They unanimously deploi'c the captivity of the 
ii'on cage ; and some credit niay be allowed to national his- 
torians, who cannot stigmatize the Tartar without uncover- 
inty the sh;ime of their kin<i: and country. 

From these opposite premises, a fair and moderate con- 

5^ See Arabshab, <om. ii.-c 28, .34, He travelled in regiones Rumreas A. H, 839 
(A. D 1435, July ^7), lom li c _', p. 13. 

^' Busbequius 111 Legal ioue'lurcica. epist i p. 52. Vet his respectable author- 
ity is soiiH'vvua' >lt;ik»Mi l>y ihe Bubi^eqiienl marriages of Amurath 11 with a Ser- 
vian, auil ol Ma!iome< ii \vi!li ;in Asiatic, princess (CaiUemir. pp 83, 93). 

^"' See ine testimony of Georye Phranza (1. i c •.^•i), and his life in Hanckius 
(de Script. Byzant. P. i c. 4U;. Chalcondyies and Ducas speak in general terms 
of Bajazet's chains. 

*>' Annales Leuuclav. p. 321 Pocock, Prolegomen. ad Abulpharag. Dynast. 
Cantemir, p. 55.* 

* Vou Hammer, p. 318, cites several authorities uuknov.-n to Gibbon —31. 


elusion may be deduced. I am satisfied tliat vSlierefeddin 
All has faithfully described the first ostentatious interview, 
in which tlic conqueror, whose spirits were harmonized by 
success, affected the character of generosity. But his mind 
was insensiljly alienated by the unseasonable arrogance of 
Bajazet ; the coniphunts of liis enemies, the Anatolian 
princes, were just and vehement; and Timour betrayed a 
design of leading Ids royal captive in triumph to Samarcand. 
An attemj:)t to facilitate liis escape, by digging a mine under 
the tent, provoked the Mogul emperor to impose a harsher 
restraint ; and in his perpetual marches, an iron cage on a 
wagon might be invented, not as a wanton insult, but as a 
rigorous precaution, Timour had read in some fabulous 
liistory a similar treatment of one of his predecessors, a 
king of Persia; and Bajazet was condemned to represent 
the ]^erson, and exi:)iate the guilt, of the Roman Coesar,^^ * 
But the strength of liis mind and body fainted under the 
trial, and his premature deatli might, ^^■ithout injustice, be 
ascribed to the severity of Timour. He warred not with 
the dead : a tear and a sepulchre were all that lie could be- 
stow on a captive who was delivered from his power; and 
if Mousa, the son of Bajazet, was permitted to reign over 
the ruins of Boursa, the greatest part of the province of 
Anatolia had been restored by the conqueror to their law- 
ful sovereiijns. 

From the Irtish and Volga to the Persian Gulf, and from 
the Ganges to Damascus and the Archipelago, Asia was in 
the hands of Timour: his armies were invincible, his ambi- 
tion was boundless, and his zeal might aspire to conquer 
and convert the Christian kingdoms of the West, which 
already trembled at his name. He touched the utmost ver<xe 
of the land ; but an insuperable, though narrow, sea rolled 

" A Sapor, king of Pereia, had been made prisoner, and enclosed in tlie fipure 
of a cow'8 hide by Maxiniiaii or (Jalerius (Jajsar. Such is the fable related by 
EutychiuB (Aniial. torn. i. p, 421, vers. Pocock). The recollection of the true liia- 
lory (Docline and Fall, &c., vol. j. pp. 4:32-4.35) will teach us to appreciate the 
knovvledtiJ of th« Orientals of the ages which precede the Hegira. 

* Yon Hammer's explanation of this contested point is both simple and patis- 
factory. It orijjiiiated in a mistake in the meaning of the Turkish word kafe, 
wliich means a covered litter or palanquin drawn by two horses, and is generally 
used to convey the harem of an Eastern monarch. In such a litter, with tho 
lattice-work made of iron, Bajazet either chose or was constrained to travel. 
This was either mistaken for, or transformed by, ignorant relaters into a cage. 
The European Schiltberger, the two oldest of the Turkish historians, and the 
mo^t valuable of the later compilers, Seadeddin, describes this litter. Seadeddin 
discusses the question with eon>e degree of historical criticism, and ascribes the 
choice of such a vehicle to the indignant slate of Bajazet's mind, which would 
not brook the sitrht of his Tartar conquerors. Yon Hammer, p. 320.— M. 

Vol. v.— 21 


between the two continents of Europe and Asia ; ^^ and the 
lord of so many tomans^ or myriads, of horse, was not 
master of a single galley. The two passages of the Bos- 
phorus and Hellespont, of Constantinople and Gallipoli, 
were possessed, the one by tlie Christians, the other by the 
Turks. On this great occasion, they forgot the difference 
of religion, to act with nnion and firmness in the common 
cause : the double straits were guarded with sliips and 
fortifications ; and tliey separately witldield tlie transports 
which Timour demanded of either nation, under tlie pre- 
tence of attacking their enemy. At the same time, they 
soothed liis j)ride with tributary gifts and suppliant em- 
bassies, and prudently tempted liim to retreat with the 
honors of victory. Soliman, the son of Bajazet, im])lored 
his clemency for his father and himself; accepted, by a red 
patent, the investiture of the kingdom of Romania, which 
he already held by the sword ; and reiterated his ardent 
wish, of casting himself in person at the feet of the 
king of the world. The Greek emperor ^*^ (either John or 
Manuel) submitted to pay the same tribute which he Jiad 
stipulated with the Turkish sultan, and ratified the treaty 
by an oath of allegiance, from which he could absolve his 
conscience so soon as the Mogul arms had retiied from 
Anatolia. But the fears and fancy of nations ascribed to 
the ambitious Tamerlane a new de<imi of vast and romantic 
compass; a design of subduing Egy]it and Africa, marching 
from the Nile to the Atlantic Ocean, entering Europe by 
the Straits of Gibraltar, and, after imposing his yoke on tho 
kingdoms of Christendom, of returnimx home by the deserts of 
Russia and Tartary. This remote, and perhaps imaginary, 
dano'or was averted by the submission of the sultan of 
Egypt : the honors of the prayer and the coin attested at 
Cairo the supremacy of Timour; and a rare gift of ii(/iraffey 
or camelopard, and nine ostriches, represented at Samarcand 
the tribute of the African world. Our imagination is not 
less astonished by the portrait of a Mc^gul, who, in his camp 
before Smyrna, meditates, and almost accomplishes, the in- 

"» Arabshah (torn. ii. c. 25) describes, ]ike a curious traveller, the Straits of 
Gallipoli and Constantinople. To acquire a just idea of these events, I h ivo 
compared the narratives and prejudices of the INIoguls, Turks, Greeks, ;ir.d 
Arabians. The Spanish ambassador mentions this hostile union of the Christians 
and Ottomans (Vie de Timour, p. P6^. 

"'^ Since the name of Caesar had been transferred to the sultans of Ronm, the 
Greek princes of Constantinople (Sherefeddin, 1. v. c. 54) were confounded with 
the Christian lords of Gallipoli, Thesealonica, &c., under the title of TeLkur, 
which is derived by corruption froua the genitive rot Kvplov (Cantemir, p. 51). 


vasion of the Cliinese empire.^^ Timour was urged to tliis 
enterprise by national honor and religious zeal. The tor- 
rents which he had shed of Mussulman blood could be 
expiated only by an equal destruction of the infidels ; and 
as he now stood at tlie gates of paradise, he might best 
secure his glorious entrance by demolishing the idols of 
China, founding mosques in every city, and establishing the 
profession of faith in one God, and his prophet Mahomet. 
The recent expulsion of the Jiouse of Zingis was an insult on 
the Mogul name ; and the disorders of the empire afforded 
the fairest 0{)portunity for revenge. The illustrious Ilong- 
vou, founder of the dynasty of Mincj^ died four years before 
the battle of Angora ; and his grandson, a weak and un- 
fortunate youth, was burnt in his palace, after a million of 
Chinese had perished in tlie civil Avai-.®- Before he evacuated 
Anatolia, Timour despatched beyond the Sihoon a numerous 
army, or rather colony, of his old and new subjects, to open 
the road, to subdue the Pagan Calmucks, and Mongals, and 
to found cities and magazines in the desert ; and, by the 
diligence of his lieutenant, he soon received a perfect map 
and descri])tion of the unknown regions, from the source of 
Irtish to the Avail of China. During the preparations, tlie 
emperor acliieved the final conquest of Georgia; passed the 
winter on the banks of the Araxes ; appeased the troubles 
of Persia ; and slowly returned to his caj^ital, after a cam- 
paicrn of four Shears and nine months. 

On the throne of Samarcand,^^ lie displayed, in a short 
repose, his magnificence and power ; listened to the com- 
plaints of the people; distributed a just measure of rewards 
and punishments ; employed his riches in the architecture 
of palaces and temples; and gave audience to the ambas- 
sadors of Egypt, Arabia, India, Tartary, Russia, and Spain, 
the last of whom ])resented a suit of tajiestry which eclipsed 
the pencil of the Oriental artists. The marriage of six of 
the emperor's grandsons was esteemed an act of religion as 
well as of paternal tenderness ; and the pomp of the an- 
cient caliphs w^as revived in their nuptials. They were 
celebrated in the gardens of Canighul, decorated with in- 

«> See Slierefeddin, 1. v. c. 4, -who marks, in a just itinerary, the road to China, 
whioh Arnbsliah (loni. ii. c. 3ii) paints in vague and rhetorical Cdiors. 

" Synoi)sis Hist. Sinicai, pp. 74-7f; (in llic ivtli part of the Relations de Thevo- 
rot), Dnhalde. Hist. ;le la Chine (torn. i. ))p. .5(iJ, 508, folio edition) ; and for tlie 
Clironology of the Chinese emperors, de Guignes, Hist, des Huns (loni. i. pp. 71, 

63 For the return, triumph, and death of Timour, see Sherefeddiii(l. vi. c. i-30) 
and Arabshali (torn. ii. c. 35-17). 


numerable tents and pavilions, which displayed the luxury 
of a great city and the spoils of a victorious camp. Whole 
forests were cut down to supply fuel for the kitchens ; tJie 
plain was spread with pyramids of meat, and vases of every 
liquor, to which thousands of guests were courteously in- 
A^ited : the orders of the state, and nations of the earth, 
were marshalled at the royal banquet; nor were the amba^s- 
sadors of Europe (says the haughty Persian) excluded from 
the feast ; since even the casses, the smallest of fish, find 
their place in the ocean. ^"^ The public joy was testified by 
illuminations and masquerades ; the trades of Samarcand 
passed m review; and every trade was emulous to execute 
some quaint device, some marvellous pageant, with the 
materials of their peculiar art. After the marriage contracts 
had been ratified by the cadhis, the bridegrooms and their 
brides retired to the nuptial cliambers : nine times, accord- 
ing to tlie Asiatic fashion, they were dressed and undressed ; 
and at each change of a])])arel, pearls and rubies were 
showered on their heads, and coiitemptuously abandoned to 
their attendants. A general indulgence was proclaimed : 
every law was relaxed, every pleasure was allowed ; tlie 
people was free, the sovereign was idle ; and the historian 
of Timour may remark, that, after devoting fifty years to 
tlie attainment of empire, the only happy period of his life 
were the two months in which he ceased to exercise his 
power. But he soon awakened to the cares of government 
and war. The standard was unfurled for the invasion of 
China: the emirs made their report of two hundred thou- 
sand, the select and veteran soldiers of Iran and Tou- 
ran : their baggage and provisions were transported by five 
hundred great wagons, and an immense train of horses 
and camels ; and the troops might prepare for a long ab- 
sence, since more than six months were employed in the 
tranquil journey of a caravan from Samarcand to Pekin. 
Neither age, nor the severity of the winter, could retard the 
impatience of Timour ; he mounted on horseback, passed 
the Sihoon on the ice, marclied seventy-six parasangs, three 
liundred miles, from liis capital, and ])itched his last camp 
in the neighborhood of O.rar, where he was expected by the 

^ Slierefeddin (1 vi. o 24) mentions the ambassadoi-s of one of the most poteut 
sovereigns of Europe. We l<no\v that it was Henry ill king of (. astile , and the 
curious relation qJ liis two euibassies is still extant Oiariana. Hist. Hispan l.xix. 
c 11. torn. ii. pp 329, 330. AdveMissement a I'Hist de Tiniiir Beo, pp. 2S-3:J). 
There appears likewise to have been some correspondence between the Mogul 
emperors and the court of Cha)les \"il. king of Fiance (,HlsLoire de France, par 
Velly et Villaret, tpm. xii. p. 336). 


flcncel of death. Fatimie, and the indiscreet use of iced 
water, accelerated the ]:)rogress of liis "fever ; and the con- 
queror of Asia expired in the seventietli year of his age, 
thirty-five years after he had ascended the throne of Zaga- 
tai. His designs were lost ; his armies w^ere disbanded ; 
Ciiina was saved ; and fotirteen years after his decease, the 
most powerful of his children sent an embassy of friendship 
and comnu'ice to the court of Pekin.*^^ 

The fame of Timour has pervaded the East and West : 
his posterity is still invested with the Imperial title ; and 
the admiration of his subjects, who revered him almost as a 
deity, may be justified in some degree by the praise or con- 
fession of his bitterest enemies.^^ Although he was lame of 
a hand and foot, his form and stature were not unworthy of 
his rank ; and his vigorous health, so essential to himself 
and to the world, was corroborated by temperance and ex- 
ercise. In liis familiar discourse he was grave and modest, 
and if he was ignorant of the Arabic language, he spoke with 
fluency and elegance the Persian and Turkish idioms. It 
was his delight to converse with the learned on topics of 
history and science ; and tlie amusement of his leisure hours 
Avas the game of chess, which he improved or corrupted with 
new refinements." In his religion, he was a zealous, though 
not perhaj)S an orthodox, Mussulman ; ^^ but his sound un- 
derstanding may tempt us to believe, that a su})erstitious 
reverenr*e for omens and prophecies, for saints and astrolo- 
gers, was only affected as an instrument of policy. In the 
government of a vast empire, he stood alone and absolute, 
without a rebel to oppose his ])ower, a favorite to seduce his 
affections, or a minister to mislead his judgment. It was 
his firmest maxim, that whatever might be the consequence, 
the word of the prince should never be dis])uted or recalled ; 
but his foes have maliciously observed, that the commands 
of anger and destruction were more strictly executed than 

•"* See the translation of the Persian account of their embassy, a curious and 
original piece (in the ivth part of the Kelalious de 'I'lieveJiot). They presented 
the enipeior of Cliiiia with an old hoise which 'I'iniour had formerly rode. It was 
in the year 141!) that they departed from the court of Herat, to which jdace they 
returned in 1422 fioin Pekin. 

•* Fronj Araiisliah, tom. ii. c. 96. The bright or softer colors are borrowed 
from Sherefeddin, I)'Herl)elot, ami the Institutions. 

G^ His new system was nuiltiplic<l from .'!2 pieces and G4 squares to 50 pieces 
a!id 110 or !.■?() squares , but. except in his court, the old game lias been thduglit 
sufficiently elalioiate. The Moi^ul euipeior was ratlier pleased tlian l.urt with 
the victory of a subject: a chess-i)layer will feel the value of this encomium ! 

'^ .See Sherefeiiilm, 1. v. c. 15,25." Arahsliah (tom. ii. c. 9(5, pp. 801, 803) re- 
proves the impiety of limour and the Moguls, who almost {deferred to the Ko- 
ran the I',, or I^aw of Zingis (cui Df'us mah'dicat) : nor will he believe that 
Shaiolih lij'.U abolished the use ur.d authority of that l*agau code. 


those of beneficence and favor. His sons and grandsons, of 
■\vlioni Timour left six-and-thirty at Lis decease, were liis 
first and most submissive subjects ; and whenever they 
deviated from their duty, they were corrected, according to 
the laws of Zmgis, with the bastinado, and afterwards i-e- 
stored to honor and command. Perhaps his heart was not 
devoid of the social virtues ; perhaps he was not incapable of 
loving his friends and pardoning his enemies ; but the rules 
of morality are founded on the public interest ; and it 
may be sufficient to applaud the icisdoni of a monarch, for 
the liberality by which he is not impoverished, and for the 
justice by which he is strengthened and enriched. To 
maintain the harmony of authority and obedience, to chas- 
tise the proud, to j^rotect the weak,, to reward the deserv- 
ing, to banish vice and idleness from his dominions, to 
secure the traveller and merchant, to restrain the de])reda- 
tions of the soldier, to cherish the labors of the husbandman, 
to encourage industry and learning, and, by an equal and 
moderate assessment, to increase the revenue, without in- 
creasing the taxes, are indeed the duties of a prince; but, in 
the discharge of these duties, he finds an ample and im- 
mediate recompense. Timour might boast, that, at his 
accession to the throne, Asia was the prey of anarchy and 
rapine, whilst under his prosperous monarchy a child, fear- 
less and unhurt, might carry a purse of gold from the East 
to the West. Such was his confidence of merit, that from 
this reformation he derived an excuse for his victories, 
and a title to universal dominion. The four followinc: 
observations Avill serve to appreciate his claim to the ].ublic 
gratitude : and perhaps we shall conclude, that the Mogul 
emperor was rather the scourge than the benefactor of man- 
kind. 1. If some partial disorders, som.e local o]>pressicns, 
were healed by the sword of Timour, the remedy was far 
more pernicious than the disease. By their ra])ine, cruelty, 
and discord, the petty tyrants of Persia might afiiict tlieir 
subjects; but whole nations were crushed under the foot- 
steps of the reformer. The ground which had been occu])ied 
by fiourishing cities was often marked by his :ibominable 
trophies, by columns, or pyramids, of human heads. Astra- 
can, Carizme, Delhi, Ispahan, Bagdad, Aleppo, Damascus, 
Boursa, Smyrna, and a thousand others, Avere sacked, or 
burnt, or utterly destroyed, in liis presence, and by his 
troops : and perhaps his conscience vrould have been star- 
tled, if a priest or philosopher had dared to number the 



milHons of victims whom he had sacrificed to the establish- 
ment of peace and order.^^ 2. His most destructive wars 
Avere rather inroads than conquests. He invaded Turk- 
estan, Kipzak, Russia, Hindostan, Syria, Anatolia, Armenia, 
and Georgia, without a hope or a desire of preserving those 
distant provinces. From thence he departed laden with 
spoil; but he left behind him neither troops to awe the con- 
tumacious, nor magistrates to protect the obedient, natives. 
When he had broken the fabric of their ancient govern- 
ment, he abandoned them to the evils which his invasion 
had aggravated or caused ; nor were these evils compen- 
sated by any present or possible benefits. 3. The kingdoms 
of Transoxiana and Persia were the proper field which he 
labored to cultivate and adorn, as the perpetual inheritance 
of his family. But his peaceful laboi's were often inter- 
r'lpted, and sometimes blasted, by the absence of the con- 
queror. While he triumjjhed on the Volga or the Ganges, 
}iis servants, and even his sons, forgot their master and 
their duty. The public and private injuries were poorly 
redressed by the tardy rigor of inquiry and punishment ; 
and we must be content to praise the Instihitions of Ti- 
rnour, as the specious idea of a perfect monarchy. 4. 
Whatsoever might be the blessings of his administration, 
they evaporated with his life. To reign, rather than to 
govern, was the ambition of his children and grandchil- 
dren ; '^*' the enemies of each other and of the people. A 
fragment of the empire was upheld with some glory by 
Sharokh, his youngest son ; but after Jiis decease the scene 
was again involved in darkness and blood ; and before the 
end of a century, Transoxiana and Persia were trampled by 
the Uzbeks from the north, and the Turkmans of the black 
and white sheep. The race of Timour would have been 
extinct, if a hero, his descendant in the fifth degree, had 
not fled before the Uzbek arms to the conquest of Hindos- 
tan. His successors (the great JVIoguls''^) extended their 

«9 Besides the bloody passages of this narrative, 1 must refer to an anticipation 
in the third vohime of the Decline and Fall, which in a sin<jle note (p. 153, note 
2i") accumulates nearly .'^00,000 heads of Ihe monuments of liis cruelty. Kxiept in 
Rowes play on the lifrh of November, I did not expect to hear of Tinioiir's amiable 
moderation (White's preface, p. 7). Yet 1 can excuse a generous enthusiasm in 
tlie reader, and still more in the edit or, of the InsWxitions. 

^° Consult the last chapters of Sherefeddin and Arabshah, and M. De Guignea 
(Hist, des Huns, tom. iv. 1. xx). Fraser's History of Kadir Shah (pp. 1-62). The 
Btory of Timour's descendants is imperfectly told; and the second and third 
parts of Sherefeddin are unknown. 

'1 Shall Allum, the present Mogul, is in the fourteenth degree from 'I'imour, 
by Mirau Shah, hia third sou. See the aecoud voliuue of Dew's History of liiu- 


sway from the moiintpjns of Cashmir to Cape Comorin, and 
from Candahar to the Gulf of BengaL Since tl)e reign of 
Aurnngzebe, their empire has been dissolved ; their treasures 
of Delhi have been rifled by a Persian robber ; and the 
richest of their kingdoms is now possessed by a company of 
Christian merchants, of a remote island in the Northern 

Far different was the fate of the Ottoman monarchy. 
The massy trunk was bent to the ground, but no sooner did 
the hurricane pass away, than it again rose with fresh vigor 
and more lively vegetation. When Tirnour, in every sense, 
had evacuated Anatolia, he left the cities without a palace, 
a treasure, or a king. The open country was overspread 
with hordes of Kshepherds and robbers of Tartar or Turkman 
origin ; the recent conquests of Bajazet were restored to the 
emirs, one of whom, in base revenge, demolished his sepul- 
chre ; and liis live sons were eager, by civil tliscord, to con- 
sume the remnant of their patrimony. I shall enumerate 
their names in the order of their ac^e and actions.'^- 1. It is 
doubtful, whether I relate the story of the true Miistapha^ 
or of an impostor who personated that lost prince. Ho 
fought by his f ather^s side in the battle of Angora : but 
when the captive sultan was permitted to inquire for his 
children, Mousa alone could be found ; and the Turkish 
historians, th.e slaves of the triumphant faction, are per- 
suaded that his brother was confounded among the slain. 
If Mustapha escaped from that disastrous field, he was con- 
cealed twelve years from his friends and enemies ; till he 
emerged in Thessaly, and was hailed by a numerous party, 
as the son and successor of Bajazet. His first defeat would 
have been his last, had not the true, or false, Mustapha been 
saved by the Greeks, and restored, after the decease of his 
brother Mahomet, to liberty and em])ire. A degenerate 
mind seemed to argue his spurious birth ; and if, on the 
throne of Adrianople, he was adored as the Ottoman sultan, 
his flight, his fetters, and an ignominious gibbet, delivered 
the impostor to popular contempt. A similar character and 
claim was asserted by several rival pretenders : thirty per- 
sons are said to have suffered under the. name of Mustapha ; 
and these frequent executions may perhaps insinuate, that 
the Turkish court was not perfectly secure of the death of 

'- 1 he civil wars, from the death of Bajazet to that of Mustapha, are relate*?, 
according to ihe Turks, by Demetrius Cantemir (pp. 58-82). Of the Greeks, Chal- 
condyles (1. iv. and v.), Phranza (1. i. c. 30-^32), and Ducaa (c. 18-27), the last la th« 
most copioua and best informed. 


the lawful prince. 2. After his father's captivity, Isa '* 
reicrned for some time in the neiiz:]iborhood of An<>:ora, Sin- 
ope, and tlie Black Sea ; and liis ambassadors were dis- 
missed from the presence of Timour with fair promises and 
honorable gifts. But tlieir master was soon deprived of his 
province and life, by a jealous brother, the sovereign of 
Amasia ; and the final event suggested a pious allusion, tliat 
the law of Moses and Jesus, of Isa and Mousa., had been 
abrogated by the greater Mdhomet, 3. >S'o/i7?7an is not num- 
bered in the list of tlie Turkish emperors : yet he checked 
the victorious progress of tlie Moguls ; and after their de- 
parture, united for a while the thrones of Adrianoj)le and 
Boursa. In war he was brave, active, and fortunate : his 
courage was softened by clemency ; but it was likewise 
inflamed by presumption, and corrupted by intemperance 
and idleness. He relaxed the nerves of discipline, in .'i 
government where either tho subject or the sovereign must 
continually tremble : his vices alienated the chiefs of tlie 
army and the law ; and his daily drunkenness, so con- 
temptible in a prince and a man, was doubly odious in a 
disciple of the ]irophet. In the slumber of intoxication he 
was surprised by his brother Mousa; and as he fled from 
Adriano])le towards the Byzantine capital, Solimnn was 
overtaken and slain in a bath,* after a reimi of seven years 
and ten months. 4. The investiture of Mousa degraded 
him as the slave of the Moguls: his tributary kingdom of 
Anatolia Avas confined within a narrow limit, nor could liis 
broken militia and empty treasury contend Avith the hardy 
and veteran bands of the sovereimi of Romania. Mousa 
fled in disguise from the palace of Boursa ; traversed the 
Propontis in an o])en boat ; wandered over the Walachiait 
and Servian hills; and after some vain attempts, ascended 
the throne of Adrianople, so recently stained with the blood 
of Soliman. In a reign of three years and a half, his troops 
were victorious ai^ainst the Christians of Hunccary and the 
Morea ; but Mousa was ruined by his timorous dis])osition 
and unseasonable clemency. After resigning the sover- 

■^3 Arabshah (tom. ii. c. 2C), wlioso testimony on this oocaBioTi is weiglity and 
Taluable. The existence of Isa (uuknowu to the Turks) is likewise conliimed by 
Sheret'eiidin (1. v. c. 57). 

* He escripcd from the bath, and (led towards Constantinople. Five brothero 
from a villaj^e, Dugnndsdii, wlioaii inhabitants ha<l sulfered !-everelv from tin- ex- 
actions of lii.s ofticera, recoy;ni/,ed and followed liiin. Soliman sliot two <f Ihem 
the others disnl.arged tlieir arrows in their turn, the suilaa fell, and Uis iiead 
was cut oJ. v. Hammer, Vol. i. p. Sl'J.— M. 


cignty of Anatolia, lie fell a victim to the perfidy of his 
niinistei'S, and the superior ascendant of his brother Ma- 
lioniet. 5. The final A'ictory of Mahomet was the just 
recompense of his ])i-udence and moderation. Before his 
father's captivity, the royal youth had been intrusted "with 
the goveriiment of Amasia, thirty days' journey from Con- 
stantinople, and the Turkish frontier against the Christians 
of Trebizond and Georgia. The castle, in Asiatic warfare, 
was esteemed impregnable ; and the city of Amasia,'^ which 
is equally divided by the River Iris, rises on either side in 
the form of an amphitheatre, and represents on a smaller 
scale the image of Bagdad. In his rapid career, Timour 
a])pears to have overlooked this obscure and contumacious 
angle of Anatolia; and Mahomet, without provoking the 
conqueror, maintained his silent independence, and chased 
from the province the last stragglers of the Tartar host.^ 
lie relieved himself from the dansrerous nei2:hborhood of 
Isa ; but in the contests of their more powerful brethren 
]iis firm neutrality was respected; till, after the triumph of 
Mousa, he stood forth the heir and avenger of the unfor- 
tunate Soliman. Mahomet obtained Anatolia by treaty, 
and Romania by arms; and tlie soldier Avho presented him 
Avith the head of Mousa was rewarded as the benefactor of 
liis king and country. The eight years of his sole and 
peaceful reign were usefully employed in banishing the 
vices of civil discord, and restoring on a firmer basis the 
fabric of the Ottoman monarchy. His last care was the 
choice of two viziers, Bajazet and Ibrahim,'^ who might 
guide the youth of his son Amurath ; and such was their 
union and prudence, that they concealed above forty days 
the emperor's death, till the arrival of his successor in the 
palace of Boursa. A new war was kmdled in Europe by 
the prince, or impostor, Mustapha ; the first vizier lost his 
army and his head ; but the more fortunate Ibrahim, whose 
name and family are still revered, extinguished the last pre- 
tender to the throne of Bajazet, and closed the scene of 
domestic hostility. 

In these conflicts, the wisest Turks, and indeed the body 

7* Arabsli.-ih, loc. citat. Abulfeda, Geograph. tab. xvii. p. 302. Busbequius, 
epist. i. p 91), 9T, in Itiiiere C. P. et Ainasiano. 

'^ Tlie virtues of ib.abiiu are praised by a contemporary Greek (Ducas, c. 25)* 
Hi3 descemlaius are tbo sole nobles in Turkey : they content themselves with the 
administration of lus pious foundations, are excused from public oflices, and re- 
ceive two annual visits from the sultan (Canterair, p. 77). 

* See Ills nine battles. Von Hammer, p. 3;i9.— M, 


of the nation, ^verc strongly attached to the unity of the em- 
pire ; and Romania and Anatolia, so often torn asunder by 
private ambition, were animated by a strono; and invincible 
tendency of cohesion. Their efforts might liave instructed 
tlie Christian powers ; and had they occuj)ied, with a confed- 
erate fleet, the Straits of Gallipoli, the Ottomans, at least in 
Europe, must have been speedily annihilated. But the schism 
of the West, and the factions and wars of France and Eng- 
land, diveiled the Latins from this generous enterprise : they 
enjoyed the present respite, without a thought of futurity ; 
and were often tempted by a momentary interest to serve the 
common enemy of their religion. A colony of Genoese,'^ 
whicli had been planted at Phocaia''^ on the Ionian coast, was 
enriched by the lucratix e monopoly of aluin;"^ and their 
tranquillity, under the Turkish em|)ire, was secured by the 
annual payment of tribute. In the last civil war of the Otto- 
mans, the Genoese governor, Adorno, a bold and ambitious 
youth, embraced the party of Amurath ; and undertook, with 
seven stout galleys, to transport hiin from Asia to Europe. 
The sultan and five hundred oruards embarked on board the 
admiral's shij) ; which was manned by eight hundred of the 
bravest Franks. His life and liberty were m their hands ; 
nor can we, without reluctance, apjdaud the fidelity of Adoi'uo, 
who, in the midst of the passage, knelt before him, and grate- 
fully accepted a discharge of his arrears of tribute. They 
landed in sight of Mustapha and GaHi})oli ; two thousand Ital- 
ians, armed with lances and battle-axes, attended Amurath to 
the conquest of Adrianople ; and this venal service was soon 
repaid by the ruin of the commerce and colony of Phocaa. 
If Timour had generously marched at the request, and to 
the relief, of the Greek em|)eror, he might be entitled to the 
praise and gratitude of the Christians ^^ But a Mussulman, 

76 See Pa(!hyiMer (1. v c. 29), Nicephorus Gregoms (1. ii. c. 1). Sljerefeddin(l. v. 
c. 57), and I)iu;as (c. 25). The last of Uiese, a curious and careful observer, ia 
entitled, from his birth and station, to particular credit in all that onceriis Ionia 
and the islands. Among the nations that resorted to New Phociea, he mentions 
the English (" ly-yArji/oi) ; an early evidejice of Mediterranean trade. 

" For the spirit of navigation, and freedom of ancient Phocaea, or rather of 
iha Phoceans, consult the Ist book of Herodotus, and the Geographical liidexof 
hia last and learned French translator, M. Larcher (torn, vii p. 200). 

'« Phoctea is not enumerated by Pliny (Hist. Nat. xx.xv 52) among the places 
productive of alum : he re(rkonP ih'gvpt as the first, and for the second the Jple of 
Melos, whose alum mines are described by Tonrnefort (torn, i lettre iv.). atravel- 
I'^r and a naturalist. After the loss of I'hoca;a, the Genoese, in 1450, found that 
useful mineral in the Isle of Ischia (Ismael Bouillaud. ad Ducam. c. 25^. 

■"' The writer who has llie most abuseii this fabulous genero.fitv, is our ingenious 
Sir William Temple (his Works, vol. ili. pp. StO, 350, octavoedition).that lover of 
exotic virtue. After the conquest of Russia, &c , and the passage of the Danubs, 
his Tartar hero relievi'S, visits, admires, and refuses the city of Constantine. 
His flattering pencil deviates in every iine from the truth of history ; yet his 
pleasing tictious are more excusable than the groea errors of Cantemir. 


who carried into Georgia the sword of persecution, and re- 
spected the holy warfare of J3ajazet, Avas not disposed to ]>ity 
or succor the idolaters of Europe. The Tartar followed the 
impulse of ambition ; and the deliverance of Constantinople 
was the accidental consequence. When Manuel abdicated 
the government, it was his prayer, rather than his hope, that 
the ruin of the church and state might be delayed beyond his 
unhappy days ; and after his return from a western pilgrim- 
age, he expected every hour the news of the sad catastro])he. 
On a sudden, he Avas astonished and rejoiced by the intelli- 
gence of the retreat, the overthrow, and the captivity of the 
Ottoman. Manuel^'' immediately sailed from Modon in the 
Morea ; ascended the throne of Constantinople, and dismissed 
his blind com])etitor to an easy exile in the Isle of Lesbos. 
The ambassadors of the son of Baiazet were soon introduced 
to Ins presence : but their ])ride was fallen, their tone was 
modest: they were awed by the just a])})reheiiSion, lest the 
Greeks should open to the Moguls the gates of Euro])e. Soli- 
man saluted the emperor by the name of father ; solicited at 
his hands the government or gift of Romania ; and })romised 
to deserve his favor by inviolable friendship, and the restitu- 
tion of Thessalonica, with the most important places along 
the Strymon, the I*ropontis, and the Black Sea. The alliance 
of Soliman exposed the emperor to the enmity and revenge 
of Mousa: the Turks appeared in arms before the gates of 
Constantinople ; but they were repulsed by sea and land ; 
and unless the city was guarded by some foreign mercenaries, 
the Greeks must have wondered at their own triumph. But, 
instead of prolonging the division of the Ottoman powers, the 
policy or passion of Manuel was tempted to assist the most 
formidable of the sons of Bajazet. lie concluded a treaty 
with Mahomet, whose progress was checked by the insuper- 
able barrier of Gallij)oli : the sultan and his troops were trans- 
ported over the Bosphorus : he was hospitably entertained 
in the capital ; and his successful sally was the first step to 
the conquest of Romania. The ruin was suspended by the 
prudence and moderation of the conqueror ; he faithfully dis- 
charged his own obligations and those of Soliman, respected 
the laws of gratitude and peace ; and left the emperor guard- 
ian of his two younger sons, in the vam hope of saving them 
from the jealous cruelty of their brother Amurath. But the 

8" For the reigns of Manuel and John, of IMahoniet I. and Amurath II,, see the 
Othmau history of Canteniir (p. 70-^5), and the three Greeks, Chalcoudyles, 
Plirauza, and Ducas, who is still superior to his rivals. 


execution of his last testament would have offended the na- 
tional Jionor and religion; and the diA^an unanimously pro- 
nounced, that the royal youths sliould never be abandoned 
to the custody and education of a Cliristian dos*. On this 
refusal, the Byzantine councils Avere divided ; but the age and 
caution of Manuel yielded to the presumption of his son Jolin ; 
and they unsheathed a dangerous weapon of revenge, by dis- 
missing the true or false Mustapha, who had long been de- 
tained as a captive and hostage, and for whose maintenance 
tliey received an annual pension of three hundred thousand 
aspers.^^ At the door of liis prison, Mustapha subscribed to 
every proposal ; and the keys of Gallipoli, or rather of Eu- 
rope, were stipulated as the price of his deliverance. But no 
sooner was he seated on the throne of Romania, than he dis- 
missed the Greek ambassadors with a smile of contempt, 
declaring, in a pious tone, that, at the day of judgment, he 
Avould ratlier answer for the violation of an oath, than for the 
surrender of a Mussulman city into the hands of the infidels. 
The emperor was at once the enemy of the two rivals ; from 
whom he had sustained, and to whom he liad offered, an inju- 
ry ; and tlie victory of Amurath was followed, in the ensuing 
spring, by the siege of Constantinople.^'-^ 

The religious merit of subduing the city of the Caesars 
attracted from Asia a crowd of volunteers, wlio aspired to 
the crown of martyrdom : their military ardor was inflamed 
by the promise of rich spoils and beautiful females ; and the 
sultan's ambition was consecrated by the presence and pre- 
diction of Seid Bechar, a descendant of the prophet,^^ who 
arrived in tlie camp, on a mule, with a venerable train of 
five hundred disciples. But he might blush, if a fanatic 
could blush, at the failure of his assurances. The strengtli 
of tlie walls resisted an army of two hundred thousand 

81 The Turkisli asper (from the Greek ao-n-pbq) is, or was, a piece of white or 
silver money, at present much debased, but which was formerly equivalent to 
tlie 5Uh part, at least, of a Venetian ducat or sequin ; and the 300,000 a^pers, a 
I)riucely allowance or ro>al tribute, may be computed at 2500Z. sterling (Leun- 
clav. Pandect. Turc. pp. 406-40h).* 

82 For the siege of Constantinople in 1422, see the particular and contemporary 
narrative of John Cananus, published by Leo Allatius, at the end of his edition 
of Acropolita (pp. 1X8-100). 

8^ Cantemir, p. 80. Cananus, wlio describes Seid Bechar. without naming him. 
supposes that the friend of Mahomet assumed in his amours the privilege of a 

Erophet, and that the fairest of tlio Greek nuns were promised, to the saint and 
is disciples. 

* According to Von Hammer, this calculation is much too low. The asper was, 
a century before the time of which Leunclavius writes, the tenth part of a ducat ; 
for the same tribute which the Bvzantine writers state at 300,000 aspera the 
Ottomans state at 30,000 ducats, about 15,000/. Note, vol. i. p. 636.— M. 


Turks : their assaults were repelled by the sallies of tlie 
Greeks and tlieir foreign mercenaries ; the old resources of 
defence were opposed to the new engines of attack ; and tlie 
enthusiasm of the dervish, who was snatched to heaven in 
visionary converse with Mahomet, Avas answered by the 
credulity of the Christians, who beheld the Virgin Mary, in a 
violet garment, walking on the rampart and animating their 
coura2:e.^* After a sicG^e of two months, Amurath was 
recalled to Boursa by a domestic revolt, which had been 
kindled by Greek treachery, and was soon extinguished by 
the death of a guiltless brother. While he led his Janizaries 
to new conquests in Europe and Asia, the Byzantine empire 
was indulged in a servile and precarious respite of thirty 
years. Manuel sank into the grave; and John Palseologus 
was permitted to rei'gn, for an annual tribute of three hun- 
dred thousand aspers, and the dereliction of almost all that 
he held beyond the suburbs of Constantinople. 

In the establishment and restoration of the Turkish em-" 
pire, the first merit must doubtless be assigned to the per- 
sonal qualities of the sultans ; since, in human life, the most 
important scenes will de})end on the character of a single 
actor. By some shades of wisdom and virtue, they may be 
discriminated from each other; but, except in a single in- 
stance, a period of nine reigns, and two hundi-ed and sixty- 
five years, is occupied, from the elevation of Othman to the 
death of Soliman, by a rare series of warlike and active 
princes, who im])ressed their subjects with obedience and 
their enemios with terror. Instead of the slothful luxury 
of the seraglio^ the heirs of royalty were educated in the 
council and the field : from early youth they were intrusted 
by their fathers Avith the command of provinces and armies ; 
and this manly institution, which was often productive 6i 
civil w^ar, must have essentially contributed to the disci})line 
and viizor of the monarchy. The Ottomans cannot style 
themselves, like the Arabian caliphs, the descendants or suc- 
cessors of the a])ostle of God ; and the kindred which they 
claim with the Tartar khans of the house of Zingis appears 
to be founded in flattery rather than in truth. ^^ Their origin 
is obscure ; but their sacred and indefeasible right, which no 
time can erase, and no violence can infringe, Avas soon and 
unalterably implanted in the minds of their subjects. A 

8* For tills miraculous apparition. Cananus appeals to the Mussulman saint; 
but who will bear testimony for Seid Bochar ? 

*^ See Rioaut (1. i. c. 13). The Turkish sultans assume the title of khan. Yet 
Ahulgliazi is ignorant of his Ottoman cousins. 


weak or yicious sultan may be deposed and strangled ; but 
his inheritance devolves to an infant or an idiot : nor has the 
most daring rebel presumed to ascend the throne of his law- 
ful sovereign.^^ 

While the transient dynasties of Asia have been continu- 
ally subverted by a crafty vi/ier in the palace, or a victorious 
general in the camp, the Ottoman succession has been con- 
iirmed by the practice of five centurie's, and is now incorpo- 
rated with the vital principle of the Turkish nation. 

To the spirit and constitution of that nation, a strong and 
singular influence may, however, be ascribed. The primitive 
siibjects of Uthman were the four hundred families of wan- 
dei-ing Turkmans, who had followed his ancestors from the 
Oxus to the Sangar ; and the plains of Anatolia are still 
covered with the white and black tents of their rustic breth- 
ren. But this original drop was dissolved in the mass of 
voluntary and vanquished subjects, who, under the name of 
Turks, are united by the common ties of religion, language, 
and manners. In the cities, from Erzeroum to Belgrade, 
that national appelhation is common to all the Moslems, the 
first and most honorable inhabitants; but they have aban- 
doned, at least in Romania, the villages, and the cultivation 
of the land, to the Christian peasants. In the vigorous age 
of the Oltoman government, the Turks were themselves ex- 
cluded from all civil and military honors ; and a servile class, 
an artificial people, was raised by the discipline of education 
to obey, to conquer, and to command.*'^ From the time of 
Orclian and tlie first Amurath, the sultans were persuaded 
that a government of the sword must be renewed in each 
generation with new soldiers ; and that such soldiers must 
be sought, not in effeminate Asia, but among the hardy and 
warlike natives of Europe. The provinces of Thrace, Mace- 
donia, Albania, Bulgaria, and Servia, became the perpetual 
seminary of the Turkish army ; and when the royal fifth of 
the captives was diminished by conquest, an inhuman tax 
of the fifth child, or of every fifth year, was rigorously levied 
on tlie Christian families. At the age of twelve or fourteen 
years, the most robust youths were torn from their parents ; 

8'' The third grand vizier of the name of Kiuperli, who was plain at the "battle 
of Salankanen \n 16;)1 (Cantemir, p. 382). presumed to say, that all the successors 
of Soliman had hopn fools or tyrants, and that it was time to abolish the race 
rMarsi^ili Stato Militaire, Sic, p. 28). This political heretic was a good Wliig, 
and justified a£?ainst the French ambassador the revolution of England (Mignot, 
Hist, des Ottomans, torn. iii. p. 434). His piesumntion condemns the singular 
exception of continuing ofHces in the same family. 

*^ Chalcondvles (1. v.) and Ducas (c. 23) exhibit the rude lineaments of the 
Ottoman policy, and the transmutation of Christian children into Turkish soldiers. 


their names were enrolled in a book; and from that moment 
they were clothed, taught, and maintained, for the public 
service. According to the promise of their ap])earance, they 
were selected for the royal schools of Boursa, Pera, and 
Adrianople, intrusted to the care of the bashaws, or dispersed 
in the houses of the Anatolian ]^easantry. It was the first 
care of their masters to instruct them in the Turkish lan- 
guage : their bodies were exercised by every labor that could 
fortify their strength ; they learned to wrestle, to leap, to 
run, to shoot with the bow, and afterwards with the musket; 
till they were drafted into the chambers and companies of 
the Janizaries, and severely trained in the military or mon- 
astic disci])line of the order. The youths most cons])icuous 
for birth, talents, and beauty, Avere admitted into the inferior 
class of Agiamoglans^ or the more liberal rank of IcJioglans^ 
of Avhom the former were attached to the palace, and the 
latter to the ])erson, of the prince. In four successive schools, 
under the rod of the white eunuchs, the arts of horseman- 
ship and of darting the javelin were their daily exercise, 
while those of a more studious cast applied themselves to 
the study of the Koran, and the knowledo-e of the Arabic 
and Persian ton<xues. As they ad\ anced in seniority and 
merit, they were gradually dismissed to military, civil, and 
even ecclesiastical employments : the longer their stay, the 
higher was their 'ex])ectation ; till, at a mature period, they 
were admitted into the number of the forty agas, who stood 
before the sultan, and were promoted by his choice to the 
goverinnent of provinces and the first honors of the empire. ^^ 
Such a mode of institution w^as admirably adapted to the 
form and spirit of a despotic monarchy. The ministers and 
generals were, in the strictest sense, the slaves of the em- 
peror, to whose bounty they were indebted for their instruc- 
tion and support. When they left the seraglio, and suf- 
fered their beards to grow as the symbol of enfranchisement, 
they found themselves in an important oftice, without faction 
or friendship, without parents and without heirs, dependent 
on the hand which had raised them from the dust, and which, 
on the slightest displeasure, could break in pieces these 
statues of glass, as they were aj^tly termed by the Turkish 

89 This sketch of the Turkish education and discipline is chiefly borrowed from 
Ricaut'8 State of the Ottoman Empire, the Stato Militaire del' linperio Ottoman© 
of Count Marsigli (in Haya, 1732, in folio), and a Description of the Seraglio, ap- 
proved by Mr. Greaves himself, a curious traveller, and inserted in the second 
volume of his works. 


proverb.^^ In the slow and painful steps of education, their 
characters and talents were unfolded to a discerning eye : 
the nian^ naked and alone, was reduced to the standard of 
his personal merit ; and, if tlie sovereign had wisdom to 
olioose, lie possessed a pure and boundless liberty of choice. 
The Ottoman candidates were trained by tlie virtues of ab- 
stinence to those of action ; by the habits of submission to 
ti osc of command- A similar spirit was diffused amono; the 
troops ; and their silence and sobriety, their ])atience and 
modesty, have extorted the reluctant ])raiseof their Christian 
enemies-^^ Nor can the victory appear doubtful, if we com- 
pare the discipline and exercise of tlie Janizaries with the 
jjride of birth, the independence of chivalry, the ignorance 
of the new levies, the mutinous temper of the veterans, and 
the vices of intem])erance and disorder, which so long con- 
taminated the armies of Europe. 

The only hope of salvation for the Greek empire, and the 
adjacent kingdoms, would liavc been some more powerful 
weapon, some discovery in the art of war, that should give 
them a decisive superiority over their Turkish foes. Such 
a weapon was in their iiands; such a discovery had been 
made in the critical moment of their fate. The chemists of 
China or Europe had found, by casual or elaborate experi- 
ments, that a mixture of saltpetre, sul])hur, and charcoal, 
])roduces, with a spark of lire, a tremendous explosion. It 
was soon observed, that if the expansive force were com- 
pressed in a sti'ong tube, a ball of stone or iron might be ex- 
])elled with irresistible and destructive velocity. The pre- 
cise aera of the invention and application of gunpowder®^ is 
involved in doubtful traditions and equivocal language; yet 
we may clearly discern, that it was known before the middle 
of the fourteenth century ; and that before the end of the 
game, the use of artillery in battles and sieges, by sea and 
land, was familiar to the states of Germany, Italy, Spain, 
France, and England.^^ The priority of nations is of small 

^ From the sorios of cxv. viziers, till the siege of Vienna (Marsigli, p. 13), 
their place may l)e valued at three years an<l a half purchase. 

'^ See the entertaii)iii{< and judicioiig letters of Busbequius. 

51 The first find secoii.l volumes of Dr. Watson's Chemical Essays contain two 
valuable disoourseg on the discoveiy an<l comriosition of j»unpowder. 

»2 On this subject modem testimonies cannot be tnisted. The original passages 
Rrc collected by Ihuancre (Glops. Latin, torn. i. p. CT.'S, Bowhar(hi). But in the 
early doubtful twilisrht. the name, p,onnd, fire, and effect, that peem to express 
o?/r artillery, may be fairlv interpreted of the old engines and the Greek tire. 
For the English cannon at Creey, the authority- of John Villnni CChron. 1. xii. c. 
6.')) must be weighed against the silence of Froissard. Yet Mnratori (Antiquit- 
Jtaliae Medli ^Evi, torn. ii. Dissert, xzvi. pp. i)U-515), has produced a decifiive 

Vol. v.— 22 


account : none could derive anv exclusive benefit from their 
previous or superior knowledge ; and in the common im- 
provement, they stood on tlie same level of relative power 
and military science. Nor was it ])()ssible to circumscribe 
the secret within the pale of the chuich ; it was disclosed to 
the Turks by the treachery of apostates and the selfish policy 
of rivals ; and the sultans had sense to adopt, and w' ealth to 
reward, the talents of a Christian engineer. The Genoese, 
Avho transported Amurath into Europe, must be accused as 
his preceptors ; and it was probably by their hands that liis 
cannon was cast and directed at the siege of Constantinople.^^ 
The first attempt was indeed unsuccessful ; but in the general 
warfare of the age, the advantage was on their side, who 
were most commonly the assailants : for a while the propor- 
tion of the attack and defence was suspended ; and this 
thundering artillery was pointed against the walls and tow^- 
ers which had been erected only to resist the less potent 
engines of antiquity. By the Venetians, the use of gun- 
powder was communicated without reproach to the sultans 
of Egypt and Persia, their allies against the Ottoman power ; 
the secret was soon propagated to the extremities of Asia ; 
and the advantage of the European was confined to his easy 
victories over the savages of the new world. If w^e contrast 
the rapid progress of tliis mischievous discovery with the 
slow and laborious advances of reason, science, and the arts 
of peace, a philosopher, according to his temper, will laugh 
or weep at the folly of mankind. 

passage from Petrarch (De Remediis utriusque Fortiinae Dialog.), who, before the 
year 1344, execrates this terrestrial thunder nnper rara, nunc, coniniuiiis.* 

" The Turkish cannou, which Ducas (c. 30) first introduces before Belgrade 
(A. D. 143G), is mentioned by Chalcondyles (1. V. p. 123) in 1422, at the siege of 

* Mr. Hallam makes the following observation on the objection thrown ont by 
Gibbon: " The positive testiiuony of Villani, who died within two years after- 
wards, and had manifestly obtained much information as to the great events 
passing in France, cannot be rejected. He ascribes a material effect to the cannon 
of Edward, Colpi delle bombarde, which 1 suspect, from his strong expressions, 
had not been employed before, except against stone walls. It seems, lie says, as 
if God thundred con grande uccisione di genti, esfondamento di cavalli." Middle 
Ages, vol. i. p. 610. — M. 










In tlie four last centuries of the Greek emperors, their 
friendly or hostile aspect towards th-e pope and the Latins 
may be observed as the thermometer of their prospei'ity or 
distress ; as tlie scale of the rise and fall of the Barbarian 
dynasties. When the Turks of the house of Seljuk per- 
vaded Asia, and threatened Constantinople, we liave seen, 
at the council of Placentia, the suppliant ambassadors of 
Alexius imploring the protection of the common father of 
the Christians. No sooner had the arms of the French 
piliyrims removed the sultan from Nice to Iconium, tlian the 
Greek princes resumed, or avowed, their genuine liatred 
and contem])t for the schismatics of the West, winch pre- 
cipitated the first downfall of their empire. The date of the 
Mogul invasion is marked in tlie soft and charitable lan- 
guage of John Vataccs. After the recovery ot Constantino- 
ple, the throne of the first Paloeologus was encompassed 
bv foreimi and domestic enemies : as lorn:: as the sword of 
Chaj-les was suspended over his head, he basely courted the 
favor of the Roman ])ontiff ; and sacrificed to tlie present 
danger his faith, his virtue, and the affection of Ins subjects. 
On the decease of Michat;l, the prince and people asserted 
the independence of their church, and the purity of their 
creed ; the elder Andronicus neither feared nor loved the 
Latins; in his last distress, pride was the safeguard of super- 
stition; nor could he decently retract m Ins age the firm 
and orthodox declarations of his youth. ITis grandson, tJie 
younger Andromcus, was less a slave in his ter^^.i^er and 
situation ; and the conquest of Bithynia by the Turks ad- 


monished liim to seek a temporal and spiritual alliance with 
the Western princes. After a separation and silence of fifty 
years, a secret agent, the monk Barlaani, was despatched 
to Pope Benedict the Twelfth; and his artful instruc- 
tioiis appear to have been drawn by the master-hand of the 
great domestic/ "Most holy father," was he commissioned 
to say, " the emperor is not less desirous tlian yourself of a 
union between the two churches ; but in this delicate trans- 
action, he is obliged to respect his own dignity and the i)rej- 
udices of his subjects. The ways of union are twofold ; 
force and persuasion. Of force, the inefKcacy has been al- 
ready tried ; since the Latins have subdued the empire, 
without subduing the minds, of the Greeks. The method of 
persuasion, though slow, is sure and permanent. A depu- 
tation of thirty or forty of our doctors would probably agree 
with those of the Vatican, in the love of truth and the unity 
of belief; but on their return, what would be the use, the 
recompense, of such an agreement? the scorn of their breth- 
ren, and the reproaches of a blind and obstinate nation. 
Yet that nation is accustomed to reverence the general 
councils, which have fixed the articles of our faith ; and if 
they reprobate the decrees of Lyons, it is because the East- 
ern churches were neither heard nor represented in that 
arbitrary meeting. For this salutary end, it will be expedi- 
ent, and even necessary, that a well-chosen legate should be 
sent into Greece, to convene the patriarchs of Constantino- 
ple, Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem; and, with their 
aid, to prepare a free and universal synod. But at this mo- 
ment," continued the subtle agent, " the empire is assaulted 
and endangered by the Turks, who have occupied four of 
the greatest cities of Anatolia. The Christian inhabitants 
liave expressed a wish of retui'ning to their allegiance and 
religion; but the forces and revenues of the emperor are in- 
sufUcient for their deliverance '. and the Koman leo'ate must 
be accompanied, or preceded, by an army of Franks, to ex- 
pel the infidels, and open a way to the holy sepulchre." If 
the susi)icious Latins should require some pledge, some pre- 
vious effect of the sincerity of the Greeks, the answers of 
Barlaam w^ere perspicuous and rational. " I. A general 
synod can alone consummate the union of the churches ; nor 

' This curious instruction was transcribed (T believe) from the Vatican archives, 
by OUoricus Kayualdus, in his Continuation of the Annals of Baronius (Kon)a.', 
1640-1077, lux, volumes m folio). 1 have contentetl myself with the Abbe Floiirj' 
(Mist. Ecclesiastique, torn. xx. pp. 1-b), whose abstracts 1 have always found lo 
l>e clear, accurate, and impartial. . 


can such a synod be held till the three Oriental patriarchs, and 
a great number of bishops, are enfranchised from the Ma- 
hometnn yoke. 2. The Greeks are alienated by a long 
series of oppression and injury: they must be reconciled by 
some act of brotherly love, some effectual succor, which 
may fortify the authoi-ity and arguments of the emperor, 
and the friends of the union. 3. If some difference of faith 
or ceremonies should be found incurable, the Greeks, how- 
ever, are the disciples of Christ; and the Turks are the 
common enemies of the Christian name. The Ai-menians, 
Cyprians, and Rhodians, are equally nttncked ; will 
become the piety of the French princes to draw their swords 
in the general defence of religion. 4. Should the subjects 
of Andronicus be treated as the worst of schismatics, of 
lieretics, of pagans, a judicious policy may yet instruct the 
powers of the West to embrace a useful ally, to uphold a 
sinking empire, to guard the confines of Europe; and rather 
to join the Greeks against the Turks, than to expect the 
union of the Turkish arms with the troops and treasures of 
captive Greece." The reasons, the offers, and the demands 
of Andronicus were eluded with co.d and stately indifference. 
The kings of France and Naples declined the dangers and 
glory of a crusade ; the pope refused to call a new synod to 
determine old articles of faith ; and his regard for the obso- 
lete claims of the Latin emperor and clei-gy engaged him to 
use an offensive isuperscription, — "To the moderator^ of 
the Greeks, and the persons who style themselves the patri- 
archs of the Eastern churches." For such an embassy, a 
time and character less propitious could not easily have 
been found. Benedict the Twelfth ^ was a dull peasant, 
perplexed with scruples, and immersed in sloth and wine; 
his pride might enrich with a third crown the papal tiara, 
but he was alike unlit for the regal and the pastoral office. 

After the decease of Andronicus, Avhile the Greeks were 
distracted by intestine war, they could not presume to agitate 

2 The ambiguity of this title is happy or inj^eriious ; and mnderafor, as svnonv- 
mous to r,;c''or, ijitbernator, \a a word of classical uiid even Ciceronian, Latinity, 
which may be found, not in the Glossary of Ducange, but iu the Thesaurus of 
Kobert ."Stephens. 

3 The first epistle (sine titnlo) of Petrarch exposes the danger of the harlc and 
the incapacity of lYmpdot. Hji-c inter, vino niadidus. ;evo gravis ac bopoviiVio 
rore perfusus, janijain nntitat, dorniitat, jam somno pr.x-cej.s, ntque (utinam 
solus) ruit . . . lieu quanto felicins patrio terrarn sulca<<set aratro quan' 
scalmum piscatonum asc^^ndisset ! This satire engages his biographer to vveijjh 
the virtUH.^ and vices of Benedict XII. which have ueen exaggerated by Guelnlis 
and Ghibelines, by Papists and Piotestants (see Menioircs snr la Vie de Pe- 
brarque, torn. i. p 259, ii. not. xv. pp. 13-lC). lie gave occasion to the saving, Bi- 
stamu papaihter. ' 


a general union of tlie Cliristians. But as soon as Cantacu- 
zene had subdued and pardoned his enemies, l»e was anxious 
to justify, or at least to extenuate, the intr«)d notion of tlie 
Turks into Europe, and the nuptials of his daugliter witji a 
Mussuhnan prince. Two officers of state, with a Latin in- 
terpreter, were sent in his name to the Roman court, which 
was transplanted to Avignon, on the banks of the Rhone, 
during a period of seventy years : they rejjresented the liard 
necessitv whicli had uro-ed him to embrace the alliance of 
the miscreants, and pronounced by his comnian-d the s])ecious 
and edifying sounds of union and crusade. Pope Ciemeirt 
the Sixth,^ the successor of Benedict, received tliem with 
hospitality and honor, acknowledged the innocence of their 
so\ ereign, excused his distress, applauded his magnanimity, 
and displayed a clear knowledge of the state and revohitions 
of the Greek empire, which he had imbibed from the honest 
accounts of a Savoyard lady, an attendant of the empress 
Anne.^ If Clement was ill endowed with the virtues of a 
priest, he possessed, however, the spirit and magnilicence of 
a })rince, whose liberal hand d'stributed benetices and king- 
doms with equal facility. Under his reign Avignon was the 
seat of ])omp and pleasure. In his youth he had surpassed 
the licentiousness of a baron, and the palace, nay, the bed- 
chamber of the pope, was adorned, or j)olluted, by the visits 
of his female favorites. The wars of France and England 
were adverse to the holy enterprise ; hut his vanity was 
amused by trie splendid idea; and the Greek ambassadors 
returned with two Latin bishops, the ministers of thejiontiff. 
On their arri^'al at Constantinople, tlie emperor and the 
nuncios admired each other's piety and eloquence ; and their 
frequent conferences were filled with mutual pi-aiscs and 
promises, by which both parties were amused, and neither 
could be deceived. "I am delighted," said the devout Canta- 
cuzene, " with the project of our holy war, which must re- 
dound to my personal g"<>ry, as well as to the public benefit 
of Christendom. My Oominions will give a free passage to 
the armies of France, my troops, my galleys, my treasures, 

* See the original Lives of Clenif'tit VT. in :Mnraton (Script. Eemm Italica~Tiii, 
torn. iji. P. ii. pp. r>5(t r,Si)) ; Matleo Villani (^CLiou. 1. iii. c. 4;5, in Mnraion, toin. 
xiv. p. 180). who styles him. nioltd cavallaresco, po( o leligioso ; Fleiiry (Hist. 
Eccl.'S. torn. XX. p. 126) : ;nid the Vie tie I'ei larqnti ,;oin. ii. pp. 4l'-4.")). The ;ibb^ 
de Sade treats him with the most indulgence ; but /ce is a gentleman as well as sv 

s Her name (most probably corrupted) was Zanipea. She hfd arooivpanied, 
and alone remained with her mistress at ("onsianrinople, wh M-e her prudeure, 
erudition, and politeness deserved the praises of the biecks them.-.elves (Cauta- 
cuzeu. 1. I. c. 42). 


shall be consecrnted to the common c.iusc ; and happy would 
be my fate, could I deserve and obtain the crown of martyr- 
dom. Words are insufficient to ex])ress tlie ardor with which 
I siffh for tlie reunion of the scattered members of Christ. 
If my death could avail, I would gladly present my sword 
and my neck ; if tlie spiritual phoenix could arise from my 
ashes, I would erect tlie pile, and kindle the flame with my 
own hands." Yet the Greek emperor presumed to observe, 
that tlie articles of faith which divided the two churches had 
been introduced by the pride and precipitation of the Latins : 
he disclaimed the servile and arbitrary steps of the first 
Palnsologus ; and firmly declared, that lie would never sub- 
rait his conscience unless to the decrees of a free and univer- 
sal synod. " The situation of the times," continued he, " will 
not allow the pope and myself to meet either at Rome or 
Constantinople ; but some maritime city may be chosen on 
the verge of the two empires, to unite the bishops, and to in- 
struct the faithful, of the East and West." The nuncios 
seemed content with the proposition ; and Cantacuzene af- 
fects to deplore the failure of his hopes, which Avere soon 
overthrown by the death of Clement, and the different tem- 
per of his successor. His own life was prolonged, but it was 
prolonged in a cloister ; and, except by his prayers, the 
humble monk was incapable of directing the counsels of his 
pupil or the state.® 

Yet of all the Byzantine princes, that pupil, John Pa- 
Iffiologus, was the best disposed to embrace, to believe, and 
to obey, the shepherd of the West. His mother, Anne of 
Savoy, was baptized in the bosom of the Latin church : her 
marriage with Andronicus imposed a change of name, of 
apparel, and of worship, but her heart was still faithful to 
her country and religion : she had formed the infancy of her 
son, and she governed the emperor, after his mind, or at 
least his stature, was enlarged to the size of man. In the 
first year of his deliverance and restoration, the Turks were 
still masters of the Hellespont ; the son of Cantacuzene was 
in arms at Adrianople ; and Pala?ologus could depend 
neither on himself nor on his peo])le. By his mother's ad- 
vice, and in the hope of foreign aid, he abjured the rights 
both of the church and state ; and tlie act of slavery,' siib- 

<' See this wliole necjotiation in Cantacuzene (1. iv. c. 9), who, amidst the 
pr.'iises and virtues wliich he bestows on himself, reveals the uiieat^iness of a 
guilty con«rieiice. 

• See this ignominious treaty in Fleury (Hist. Eccl^s. pp. 151-1.'>4), from Ray- 
naldns, who drew it Croiu the Vatican archives. It was not worth tlie trouble o£ 
a pioiis forgery. 


scribed in purple ink, and sealed -with the golden Lull, was 
privately intrusted to an Italian agent. The first aiticle of 
tlie treaty is an oatli of fidelity and obedience to Innocent 
the Sixth and his successors, tlie supreme pontiffs of the 
Roman and Catholic cliurch. The emperor promises to en- 
tertain with due reverence their lecfates and nuncios ; to 
assign a palace for their residence, and a temple for their 
worship ; and to deliver his second son Manuel as the hos- 
tage of